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Introduction: Subversion, Dissent and Opposition in Communist Europe and Beyond 引言:共产主义欧洲内外的颠覆、异议和反对
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-50010001
C. Alston, D. Laqua
This essay introduces “Between Subversion and Opposition: Multiple Challenges to Communist Rule,” a special issue of East Central Europe. It focuses on four broader questions raised by the contributions: the different periodizations associated with communist rule; the meanings attached to different forms of subversion and dissent; the broader transnational contexts in which activists operated – including the role of contacts with activists in the West; and, finally, the different ways oppositional activity has been remembered and represented.
本文介绍《东欧》特刊《在颠覆与反对之间:对共产主义统治的多重挑战》。它侧重于这些贡献提出的四个更广泛的问题:与共产主义统治相关的不同时期;不同形式的颠覆和异议的含义;活动人士活动的更广泛的跨国背景——包括与西方活动人士接触的角色;最后,对立活动被记忆和表现的不同方式。
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引用次数: 0
Opposing Memories: Contest and Conspiracy over 1970s Romania 对立的记忆:1970年代罗马尼亚的竞争与阴谋
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-50010003
James Koranyi
The history of Romanian dissidence during the Cold War often seems rather barren. Yet, as this article demonstrates, the legacy of Romanian opposition to Cold War communism is vexed with conflicts over ownership in a fragmented circle of late Cold War era oppositional voices and actors. A daring attempt to cross the Danube by a young Romanian German student in 1970 and an earthquake in the year 1977 provide the historical backdrop to these post-communist internecine battles over opposition and conformity. The prominence of the German-speaking community in these conflicts is not accidental but is itself a commentary on the structural problems related to dissidence in Romania. This article’s focus on specific individuals – Anton Sterbling, Paul Goma, Carl Gibson, Herta Müller – reveals differing interpretations of dissidence and opposition, a diverse social fabric of Romanian dissidence, and a long tail of psychological battles over the memory and the ownership of opposition to Romanian communism after 1989.
罗马尼亚在冷战期间持不同政见的历史往往显得相当贫瘠。然而,正如这篇文章所表明的那样,罗马尼亚反对冷战共产主义的遗留问题是,在冷战后期一个由反对派声音和行动者组成的支离破碎的圈子里,所有权冲突。1970年,一名年轻的罗马尼亚裔德国学生大胆尝试穿越多瑙河,1977年发生地震,为这些后共产主义时期反对和顺从的自相残杀提供了历史背景。德语社区在这些冲突中的突出地位并非偶然,而是对罗马尼亚与持不同政见者有关的结构性问题的评论。这篇文章聚焦于特定的个人——Anton Sterbling、Paul Goma、Carl Gibson、Herta Müller——揭示了对异见和反对的不同解释,罗马尼亚异见的不同社会结构,以及1989年后关于反对罗马尼亚共产主义的记忆和所有权的心理斗争的长尾。
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引用次数: 0
A Tiny War in a Human: aids, Art, and Protest in Poland 人类的微小战争:艾滋病、艺术与波兰的抗议
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-50010004
Aleksandra Gajowy
Unearthing sociocultural histories of hiv/aids in Poland, this article focuses on heretofore silenced and dismissed narratives of the crisis and the ways in which hiv/aids in Poland posed a challenge to socialist rule, but also to Polish society and the state in the early days of neoliberal democracy. I focus on the first decade of the aids epidemic in Poland (1985–1996) to investigate how narratives of the crisis made palpable people’s anxieties about the changing political, economic, and social conditions, gentrification, as well as the linear logic of progress encapsulated in the desire to catch up with the West. I analyze sociocultural responses to the crisis, specifically artistic interventions, underground gay, lesbian and aids activism, public demonstrations against the state’s inept management of the epidemic, the lack of media coverage, and urban legends circulating in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In doing so, I examine how the intersection of public discourse of the aids crisis and the changing political landscape played out on the level of a body with aids through the biopolitical logic of “biological citizenship.”
本文发掘了波兰hiv/aids的社会文化历史,重点关注迄今为止被沉默和忽视的危机叙述,以及hiv/aids在波兰对社会主义统治的挑战,以及对新自由主义民主早期波兰社会和国家的挑战。我把重点放在波兰艾滋病流行的头十年(1985-1996),以调查危机的叙述如何使人们对不断变化的政治、经济和社会条件、士绅化以及在追赶西方的愿望中蕴含的进步的线性逻辑的焦虑变得明显。我分析了社会文化对危机的反应,特别是艺术干预、地下同性恋和艾滋病行动主义、反对国家对流行病管理不力的公众示威、媒体报道的缺乏以及20世纪80年代末和90年代初流传的城市传说。在此过程中,我考察了艾滋病危机的公共话语和不断变化的政治景观是如何通过“生物公民”的生物政治逻辑,在艾滋病身体的层面上发挥作用的。
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引用次数: 0
The Estonian “Little Singing Revolution” of 1960: From Spontaneous Practices to Ideological Manipulations 爱沙尼亚1960年的“小歌唱革命”:从自发的实践到意识形态的操纵
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020002
Aigi Rahi-Tamm
The article covers the 15th General Song Festival “20 Years of Soviet Estonia,” held in Tallinn in July 1960, with about 30,000 participants. During the festival, the choirs started to sing popular songs and banned songs on their own initiative, leading to the festival being called “a small singing revolution”. It was a time of changes when both the authorities and the people were testing the limits of what was allowed and forbidden. As the message of songs plays an important role in influencing the people, the authorities hoped to exploit the song festival tradition in their own interest. The goal of Khrushchev’s new cultural policy was to promote the Soviet model for success to the West and to activate foreign relations. The intermediation of cultural contacts required breaking the anti-Soviet attitudes prevailing among the Baltic exiles, and for this purpose diverse tactics were applied. The article analyses the different manifestations of the people’s will both in Estonia and among the exile community as well as the measures and manipulations of the authorities. Thus, diverse practices of social control unfolded in the context of 1960 from initiatives to support each other to against state surveillance and exclusion.
文章介绍了1960年7月在塔林举行的第15届“苏维埃爱沙尼亚20年”庆典,约有3万人参加。在节日期间,唱诗班开始主动唱流行歌曲和禁歌,导致节日被称为“小歌唱革命”。这是一个变革的时代,当局和人民都在试探什么是允许的,什么是禁止的。由于歌曲的信息在影响人们方面发挥着重要作用,当局希望利用歌曲节日的传统来实现自己的利益。赫鲁晓夫的新文化政策的目标是向西方推广苏联的成功模式,并激活对外关系。文化交流的中介需要打破波罗的海流亡者中普遍存在的反苏态度,为此目的采用了多种策略。本文分析了爱沙尼亚和流亡社区中人民意志的不同表现,以及当局的措施和操纵。因此,在1960年的背景下,各种各样的社会控制实践展开了,从相互支持的倡议到反对国家监视和排斥。
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引用次数: 0
How to Compare Dictatorships? Cultures of Surveillance in Franco’s Spain and Communist Eastern Europe in Context 如何比较独裁统治?语境中的佛朗哥西班牙与共产主义东欧的监视文化
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020004
Jose M. Faraldo
The article explores if Francoism was different to other totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century, focusing on the example of surveillance and its central meaning for modern dictatorships. As a case study, the article analyzes this through a comparative examination of the political police in Spain and in Eastern and Central Europe. The paper shows the general lines of the conceptualization of modern secret police, inserting them in a wider European context.
这篇文章探讨了法国主义是否与20世纪的其他极权主义政权不同,重点是监视的例子及其对现代独裁政权的中心意义。作为案例研究,本文通过对西班牙、东欧和中欧政治警察的比较研究来分析这一点。本文展示了现代秘密警察概念化的大致思路,并将其插入更广泛的欧洲背景中。
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引用次数: 0
Tismaneanu, Vladimir, and Marius Stan. Romania Confronts its Communist Past: Democracy, Memory, and Moral Justice Tismaneanu, Vladimir和Marius Stan。罗马尼亚面对共产主义的过去:民主、记忆和道德正义
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020012
C. Vasile
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引用次数: 0
Applebaum, Rachel. Empire of Friends: Soviet Power and Socialist Internationalism in Cold War Czechoslovakia Applebaum,瑞秋。朋友的帝国:冷战时期捷克斯洛伐克的苏维埃政权和社会主义国际主义
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020009
Rosamund Johnston
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引用次数: 0
Dragostinova, Theodora K. The Cold War from the Margins: A Small Socialist State on the Global Cultural Scene 《边缘的冷战:全球文化舞台上的一个社会主义小国》
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020008
V. Petrov
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引用次数: 0
Surveillance Society: From Communist Czechoslovakia to Contemporary Western Democracies 监视社会:从共产主义捷克斯洛伐克到当代西方民主国家
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020006
Muriel Blaive
Surveillance was long considered one of the main characteristics of communist rule. The ubiquitous presence of the secret police and its informants, citizens who would spy on their own family, friends, and colleagues, was one trait that was considered almost consubstantial to the exercise of communist repression. The regimes paralyzed the people by mobilizing fear: fear of repression, but also fear of the West, and fear of capitalism. But the participation of large chunks of society to this control culture, as well as its high level of conformism, progressively led to the postulate that the communist domination is no more than one particular avatar of modern society. Such an approach revives the notion of individual choice and that of social actors. As dissident thinkers underlined it, it would have been enough for people to question the official dogma, by refusing to live in a lie, for the regimes to collapse. However, surveillance practices have been studied also in Western countries in the past decades. And the recent coronavirus crisis shows yet again that the use of fear in politics is not a prerogative of communist regimes only. We can observe how potent fear is, also in our democracies, as a motivator of individual behavior and extractor of conformism. The ongoing coronavirus pandemic has increased the visibility of state and corporate surveillance, yet this new reality has garnered the massive support of the wider public. In fact, it has largely been a demand on the part of a fearful citizenry, who has voluntarily complied to this new surveillance and self-surveillance model. The communist experience should warn us that surveillance leads to censorship and, even more importantly, to a change of behavior. But the current Covid situation should also lead us to reinterpret the degree of sincerity of social actors under communism: we now see that fear can lead to curtailing freedoms with the willing participation of a large part of society.
长期以来,监视被认为是共产党统治的主要特征之一。秘密警察及其线人无处不在,他们是监视自己家人、朋友和同事的公民,这是一个被认为几乎与共产主义镇压行为相同的特征。政权通过动员恐惧使人民陷入瘫痪:对镇压的恐惧,也对西方的恐惧,以及对资本主义的恐惧。但是,社会上大部分人对这种控制文化的参与,以及其高度的墨守成规,逐渐导致了一种假设,即共产主义统治只不过是现代社会的一个特定化身。这种方法重新唤起了个人选择和社会行动者的概念。正如持不同政见的思想家所强调的那样,人们拒绝生活在谎言中,质疑官方教条就足够了,政权就会崩溃。然而,在过去几十年中,西方国家也对监控做法进行了研究。最近的冠状病毒危机再次表明,在政治中使用恐惧不仅仅是共产主义政权的特权。我们可以观察到,在我们的民主国家,恐惧作为个人行为的激励因素和墨守成规的提取器是多么强大。持续的冠状病毒大流行提高了国家和企业监控的知名度,但这一新现实得到了广大公众的大力支持。事实上,这在很大程度上是恐惧的公民的要求,他们自愿遵守这种新的监控和自我监控模式。共产主义的经验应该提醒我们,监视会导致审查,更重要的是,会导致行为的改变。但当前的新冠肺炎形势也应该促使我们重新解释共产主义下社会行为者的真诚程度:我们现在看到,恐惧可能会导致在社会大部分人的自愿参与下限制自由。
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引用次数: 0
Surveillance of Culture, Culture of Surveillance 文化监督,监督文化
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020001
Muriel Blaive, Jose M. Faraldo
The chiasmus in our title (“surveillance of culture, culture of surveillance”) was not meant as a frivolous, would-be elegant catchphrase: it is rife with meaning.1 The rhetorical figure of chiasmus involves the notion of reciprocity (Forsyth 2013), implying that the second arm of the formula is an unavoidable consequence of the first. It is precisely this reciprocity that is at the heart of our special issue of East Central Europe. Indeed, we mean to indicate that the surveillance of culture in a police regime does result in a culture of surveillance. Hence we chose here to study surveillance as a self-standing culture of its own. In fact we extended our reflection on surveillance all the way to our present democracies, as we took into account the current development of mass surveillance via the internet. Work Group 1, “Culture Under Surveillance,” chaired by Muriel Blaive and James Kapaló, was one of six groups within the cost project New Exploratory Phase in Research on East European Cultures of Dissent, led in 2017–2022 by Maciej Maryl and Piotr Wciślik. The aim of the project was to study the cultures of dissent under socialism in a transnational and multidisciplinary perspective. The narrower aim of Work Group 1 was to “explore the effects of the
我们标题中的chiasmus(“文化的监视,监视的文化”)并不是一个轻浮的、看似优雅的流行语:它充满了意义。1 chiasmuss的修辞形象涉及互惠的概念(Forsyth 2013),这意味着公式的第二个分支是第一个分支不可避免的结果。正是这种互惠才是我们中东欧特刊的核心。事实上,我们的意思是表明,在警察制度中对文化的监督确实会产生监督文化。因此,我们选择在这里研究监视作为一种独立的文化。事实上,我们将对监控的反思一直延伸到我们目前的民主国家,因为我们考虑到了当前通过互联网进行大规模监控的发展。由Muriel Blaive和James Kapaló担任主席的“监督下的文化”工作组1是成本项目“东欧异议文化研究新探索阶段”中的六个小组之一,该项目由Maciej Maryl和Piotr Wciślik于2017-2022年领导。该项目的目的是从跨国和多学科的角度研究社会主义下的异见文化。第1工作组的狭义目标是“探索
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East Central Europe
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