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“Do onto Yourself”: Leading the Church in the 1970s Romania through Self-Policing and Self-Censorship “做自己”:通过自我监管和自我审查领导20世纪70年代的罗马尼亚教会
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020003
Anca Șincan
The paper discusses several responses to the secret police’s (non-)involvement in religious matters that posed direct or indirect problems for the regime. The secret police’s attitude of allowing communities leeway in dealing with problematic situations had several motivations: to create a culture of self-policing and self-censorship that would defer the punishment to the hierarchical chain of the religious community; so that the community internalized the state requirements; and to infiltrate the community with collaborators in positions of power. Self-punishing and self-censorship were the ways in which communities respected the regulations imposed by the state. The literature on the subject in Romania is scarce and comes mostly from primary texts (memoir, journals, and various histories of religious communities). The article presents a case study of the Sibiu Orthodox Metropolitan See in its interactions with the secret police.
本文讨论了对秘密警察(非)参与宗教事务的几种回应,这些问题给政权带来了直接或间接的问题。秘密警察允许社区在处理有问题的情况时有回旋余地的态度有几个动机:创造一种自我监管和自我审查的文化,将惩罚推迟到宗教社区的等级链上;使社会内化国家要求;以及与处于权力地位的合作者一起渗透到社区中。自我惩罚和自我审查是社区尊重国家规定的方式。罗马尼亚关于这一主题的文献很少,主要来自原始文本(回忆录、期刊和各种宗教团体的历史)。本文介绍了锡比乌东正教会与秘密警察互动的案例研究。
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引用次数: 0
A Typology of Postcommunist Successor Parties in Central and Eastern Europe and an Explanatory Framework for Their (Non-)Success 中东欧后共产主义继承者政党的类型学及其(不)成功的解释框架
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020007
Seong-Kwan Kim, Endre Borbáth
This article revisits the phenomenon of postcommunist successor parties – defined as the formal successor organizations of state-socialist ruling parties – in Central and Eastern Europe three decades after the transformative events of 1989–91 and two decades after the most recent period of sustained academic interest in the topic. The article begins with a critical reexamination of the late 1990s and early 2000s comparative politics literature on postcommunist successor parties, noting in particular its reliance on path dependency as well as subsequent empirical developments that cannot be explained by established approaches. From here, this article argues that major changes in the electoral fortunes of numerous successor parties since the mid-2000s require instead a relational perspective on party competition and interactions with competitor parties in the respective party systems, allowing for the identification of realigning elections in which successor parties are programmatically outflanked or crowded out on one or more issue dimensions by competitors or vice versa. The article applies this perspective to reexamine successor parties in six countries that exhibit a pronounced explanatory deficit vis-à-vis the previous literature: Czech Republic, (the former East) Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. In doing so, it draws on expert survey (ches) data and postelection studies on voter flows in addition to qualitative case analyses in order to demonstrate these interactions at work in critical phases of successor-party decline or growth.
本文回顾了1989年至91年变革事件发生三十年后,以及最近一段学术界对该主题持续关注的二十年后,中欧和东欧的后共产主义继承党现象,即国家社会主义执政党的正式继承组织。文章首先对20世纪90年代末和21世纪初关于后共产主义继承政党的比较政治文献进行了批判性的重新审视,特别指出了其对路径依赖的依赖,以及随后无法用既定方法解释的经验发展。从这里出发,本文认为,自2000年代中期以来,许多继任政党的选举命运发生了重大变化,因此需要从关系的角度来看待政党竞争以及在各自政党体系中与竞争对手政党的互动,允许识别重新调整的选举,在这些选举中,继任政党在一个或多个问题上被竞争对手以程序方式包抄或排挤,反之亦然。本文运用这一观点重新审视了六个国家的继承方,这些国家与以前的文献相比表现出明显的解释缺陷:捷克共和国、(前东德)德国、匈牙利、波兰、罗马尼亚和斯洛伐克。在这样做的过程中,除了定性的案例分析外,它还利用了专家调查数据和选举后对选民流动的研究,以证明这些互动在继任者政党衰落或增长的关键阶段发挥作用。
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引用次数: 0
Pető, Andrea. The Forgotten Massacre: Budapest in 1944 佩托,安德里亚。被遗忘的大屠杀:1944年的布达佩斯
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020011
István Pál Ádám
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引用次数: 0
Underground Religious Culture under Surveillance in Communist Albania, 1967–1990 共产主义阿尔巴尼亚监视下的地下宗教文化,1967-1990
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020005
Konstantinos Giakoumis
This article explores the significance of religious material culture for identity processes during times of surveillance and persecution under Albania’s communist regime, especially after 1967. At that time, the anti-religious actions of the state intensified, leading to Albania’s proclamation as the first world-wide atheist state in its 1976 Constitution. This article comparatively explores two religious artifacts and the stories of the faithful who preserved and used them in religious life. These two artifacts are the relic and reliquary of the skull of St. Nikodemos of Vithkuq, preserved in the house of Ilia Koçi in Berat, and the aer of Fr. Kozma Qirjo, kept and used by him in the course of his underground activity as a priest at his village, Bestrovë, and elsewhere. With the help of these two case studies contextualized in the theoretical frame of this work, the article demonstrates how surveillance and prosecution mobilizes identity processes that often act in dissidence to the political establishment.
本文探讨了在阿尔巴尼亚共产主义政权的监视和迫害时期,特别是1967年之后,宗教物质文化对身份认同过程的意义。当时,国家的反宗教行动愈演愈烈,导致阿尔巴尼亚在1976年宪法中宣布成为世界上第一个无神论国家。本文比较探讨了两件宗教文物,以及在宗教生活中保存和使用它们的信徒的故事。这两件文物是维特库克圣尼科德莫斯的头骨的遗物和圣物箱,保存在贝拉特的伊莱娅·科帕拉蒂的房子里,以及科兹马·奇尔乔神父的罐子,他在他的村庄Bestrovë和其他地方作为牧师进行地下活动的过程中保存和使用。在这两个案例研究的帮助下,在本工作的理论框架中,本文展示了监视和起诉如何动员身份过程,这些过程通常与政治机构持不同意见。
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引用次数: 0
Transfiguring Depression: Personal and Collective Identity in Cioran’s Interwar Writings 蜕变的抑郁:Cioran战争间作品中的个人与集体身份
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020015
Ștefan Firică
Comparative research conducted recently proves that the antimodernist national characterologies produced by interwar authors from the mesoregion make up a transnational genre. This article looks into the texts of the young Romanian Emil Cioran, a prominent writer of the group, in order to support two lines of argument. First, that it is topical for researchers to consider the ways in which these authors construe the relationship between personal and collective identity, since their historical discourses often draw on narratives of authenticity or self-actualization. Psychological and political patterns can merge, and we will examine how the semantic field of mental depression imbues Cioran’s ideological vision. Second, we will illustrate the pivotal role played by the metaphor of the “leap” in his discourse. Finally, the inclusion of literary studies in the analysis of national characterologies is advocated in the spirit of identity research after the narrativist turn.
最近进行的比较研究证明,由两次世界大战中期的作者创作的反现代主义民族特征构成了一种跨国类型。这篇文章探讨了年轻的罗马尼亚作家埃米尔·西奥兰的文本,他是该团体的著名作家,以支持两条论点。首先,研究人员应该考虑这些作者解释个人身份和集体身份之间关系的方式,因为他们的历史话语往往借鉴真实性或自我实现的叙事。心理和政治模式可以融合,我们将考察心理抑郁的语义场是如何影响Cioran的思想视野的。其次,我们将说明“跳跃”隐喻在他的话语中所起的关键作用。最后,在叙事主义转向之后,本着身份研究的精神,主张将文学研究纳入民族性格分析。
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引用次数: 0
Tasić, Dmitar. Paramilitarism in the Balkans: Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Albania, 1917–1924 Tasi指数ć,Dmitar。巴尔干半岛的准军事主义:南斯拉夫、保加利亚和阿尔巴尼亚,1917-1924
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49020010
Stevan Bozanich
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引用次数: 0
From the Normalization of Relations to Dwindling Interest and Indifference 从关系正常化到兴趣淡化与冷漠
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49010004
Mónika Szente-Varga, Agustín Sánchez Andrés
This article offers an overview of the political, economic, and cultural aspects of Hungarian–Mexican relations during the last 15 years of the Cold War. After a more than 30-year interruption, the normalization of diplomatic relations (1974) was made possible by a change in the foreign policy orientation of Mexico, in the context of improving East–West relations, in particular an improvement of US–Hungarian relations. Both sides planned to intensify ties, and signed various documents to this end, but the early impetus soon deflated. This investigation explores the development of the bilateral nexus and the complex reasons behind its low intensity, related to the asymmetries between the two countries as well as to the differences between their foreign policy objectives and possibilities of maneuver.
本文概述了冷战最后15年匈牙利与墨西哥关系的政治、经济和文化方面。在中断了30多年之后,墨西哥外交政策取向的改变,特别是美匈关系的改善,使外交关系正常化(1974年)成为可能。双方计划加强关系,并为此签署了各种文件,但早期的动力很快就减弱了。这项调查探讨了双边关系的发展及其低强度背后的复杂原因,与两国之间的不对称性以及两国外交政策目标和策略可能性之间的差异有关。
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引用次数: 2
Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s 匈牙利和阿拉伯半岛
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49010003
Zoltán Prantner
In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in chronological order until the 1970s. The main objective of the article is to detail the role of that foreign policy, which had already tried to give preference to pragmatic, economic aspects, regardless of the political-ideological system of the given state.
在这篇文章中,作者讨论了匈牙利外交政策史上的一个特殊事件,当时匈牙利共产党领导层试图在20世纪60年代扩大其在阿拉伯世界的外交政策关系体系。关于后者,分析的重点是阿拉伯半岛。本研究分为四个主要部分。因此,它呈现了斯大林去世后对社会主义全球化态度的根本转变。以下章节按时间顺序描述了匈牙利与两个也门以及科威特之间的关系,直到20世纪70年代。这篇文章的主要目的是详细说明该外交政策的作用,该政策已经试图优先考虑务实的经济方面,而不考虑特定国家的政治意识形态体系。
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引用次数: 1
Foreign Relations between Hungary and Latin America in the Early Years of the Cold War (1947–1959) 冷战初期匈牙利与拉丁美洲的外交关系(1947–1959)
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49010006
E. Horváth
This article examines Hungarian foreign relations toward Latin America in the period between the end of World War ii and the victory of the Cuban Revolution and characterizes the problems raised by the general guidelines of Hungarian foreign policy toward the region. It seeks to answer the following questions: What political influences triggered Hungary’s turn toward Latin America? Is it possible to distinguish subperiods with independent characteristics within the analyzed period, and if so, what were the incentives of the subperiods? The article also analyzes the extent to which the fluctuations in Soviet–Latin American relations influenced the development of Hungarian trade and diplomatic relations, and how it reshaped Hungarian interest in the region.
本文考察了第二次世界大战结束至古巴革命胜利期间匈牙利对拉丁美洲的外交关系,并阐述了匈牙利对该地区外交政策的总体指导方针所提出的问题。它试图回答以下问题:是什么政治影响引发了匈牙利转向拉丁美洲?在分析的时期内,是否可以区分具有独立特征的子时期?如果可以,子时期的动机是什么?文章还分析了苏拉关系的波动在多大程度上影响了匈牙利贸易和外交关系的发展,以及它如何重塑了匈牙利在该地区的利益。
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引用次数: 1
Resisting Nazi Racism in Post-Habsburg Spaces: Connecting the Debates in Czechoslovakia, Austria, and Yugoslavia in the Early 1930s 后哈布斯堡空间中抵抗纳粹种族主义:连接1930年代早期捷克斯洛伐克、奥地利和南斯拉夫的争论
IF 0.1 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.30965/18763308-49010001
Vojtěch Pojar
After the Nazis rose to power in Germany, post-Habsburg Central Europe became a major site of resistance against Nazi racial theories. So far, historians have treated these voices as isolated cases. My paper focuses on several texts discussing race, racism, and eugenics that were written in Czechoslovakia in the early 1930s. I contextualize these texts and trace their circulation in post-Habsburg spaces, particularly in Yugoslavia and Austria. Mapping the publications of individuals such as Hugo Iltis, Vladislav Růžička, Mirko Kus-Nikolajev, Božo Škerlj, Irene Harand, and Viktor Lebzelter, I demonstrate that these initiatives were entangled and enabled by shared knowledge and networks. Crucially, I argue that Habsburg imperial legacies played a vital role in making these exchanges possible.
纳粹在德国掌权后,后哈布斯堡时代的中欧成为抵抗纳粹种族理论的主要场所。到目前为止,历史学家将这些声音视为孤立的案例。我的论文集中在20世纪30年代初捷克斯洛伐克写的几篇讨论种族、种族主义和优生学的文章上。我将这些文本置于背景中,并追溯它们在后哈布斯堡时代的流通,特别是在南斯拉夫和奥地利。根据Hugo Iltis、Vladislav Růžička、Mirko Kus-Nikolajev、BožoŠkerlj、Irene Harand和Viktor Lebzelter等个人的出版物,我证明这些举措是相互交织的,是由共享的知识和网络促成的。至关重要的是,我认为哈布斯堡王朝的帝国遗产在促成这些交流方面发挥了至关重要的作用。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
East Central Europe
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