Pub Date : 2023-01-13DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2022.2161862
C. Godard
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200370
N. Kenny
Rabelais’s fictional chronicles communicate thought about action, including about the relationship of action to social status. They explore and test the view, which was widespread in the period, that the actions you undertake in life should be determined by your social status. The notion that certain actions properly characterise different social groups because those groups have distinct functions in society is widely communicated by the term ergon in key ancient Greek texts which Rabelais knew in the original. So ergon provides a way into the wider question of Rabelais’s representation of, and relationship to, social hierarchy. That question, explored here in relation to a key sixteenth-century work, was opened up in relation to key seventeenth-century works by Michael Moriarty’s pioneering Taste and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century France (1988).
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200444
Timothy Chesters
This essay examines some instances of mimicry in Jean Calvin’s Contre la secte phantastique et furieuse des libertins, qui se nomment spirituelz (1545). Calvin’s denunciation of the spiritual libertines, an obscure antinomian sect which had recently spread from the Low Countries to northern France, is made all the more vehement by a fear that others might confuse some aspects of their theology with his. Mimicry of his opponents’ Picard dialect is one way among several of marking off their voices from his own. Although Calvin shows himself elsewhere capable of trenchant humour (for example, in the Traité des reliques) examples of speech-parody are rare in his work, possessing a farcical quality more readily associated with Rabelais (the episode of the ‘écolier Limousin’) or Molière (Nérine in Monsieur de Pourceaugnac). The blending of heretical voices with regional ones raises broader questions of language and nation, just four years before the publication of Joachim Du Bellay’s Deffence et illustration de la langue françoyse (1549).
本文考察了加尔文在1545年所著的《幻想与自由》中的一些模仿实例。加尔文谴责精神上的自由主义者，这是一个最近从低地国家传播到法国北部的不知名的反律法教派，由于担心其他人可能会将他们的神学的某些方面与他的混淆，他的谴责变得更加激烈。模仿对手的皮卡德方言是将他们的声音与自己的声音区分开来的几种方法之一。尽管加尔文在其他地方展示了自己犀利幽默的能力(例如，在《遗像》中)，但在他的作品中，言语模仿的例子很少，具有一种滑稽的品质，更容易与拉伯雷(在《利穆赞先生》中出现的那一节)或莫里埃尔(在《波西奥涅克先生》中出现的那一节)联系起来。在约阿希姆·杜·贝雷(Joachim Du Bellay)的《法兰西语言的辩护与阐释》(defense et illustration de la language francoise, 1549)出版的四年前，异教的声音与地区的声音的混合提出了关于语言和民族的更广泛的问题。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200467
Elizaveta Al-Faradzh
Antoine Arnauld was a polymath: a major theologian and leader of the seventeenth-century French Jansenists, he also contributed to linguistic theory as a co-author of the ‘Grammaire générale et raisonnée' (1660). Less is known about his role as a lexicographer and observer of linguistic usage. In the ‘Réflexions sur cette maxime Que l'usage est la Règle et le tyran des langues vivantes' (1707), Arnauld contributed to a discussion over good usage launched by Vaugelas with the ‘Remarques sur la langue françoise' (1647). This essay compares the positions of Arnauld and Vaugelas concerning sources of usage, the role of reason and the ways in which language changes and argues that Arnauld postulated the autonomy of the language from the political sphere. It shows that Arnauld challenged Vaugelas's definition of good usage while suggesting ways to preserve French in its perceived state of perfection.
Antoine Arnauld是一位博学的学者：一位主要的神学家和17世纪法国詹森主义者的领袖，他还作为“Grammaire générale et raisonnée”（1660）的合著者对语言学理论做出了贡献。关于他作为词典编纂者和语言用法观察者的角色，人们知之甚少。在“Réflexions sur cette maxime Que’usage est la Règle et le tyran des languages vivantes”（1707年）中，Arnauld参与了Vaugelas发起的“Remarques sur la languagee françoise”（1647年）关于良好使用的讨论。本文比较了阿诺尔德和沃吉拉斯在用法来源、理性作用和语言变化方式方面的立场，认为阿诺尔德从政治领域假设了语言的自主性。这表明Arnauld挑战了Vaugelas对良好用法的定义，同时提出了保持法语完美状态的方法。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200447
J. Lyons
François de Sales is, next to Pascal, the early modern French religious author whose work has for centuries reached the widest audience. Whereas Pascal conceived many of his reflections and arguments in the Pensées for persons uncommitted to the doctrines of the Roman Catholic church, de Sales aimed at a wide audience of faithful Roman Catholics. This difference of intended public (or interlocutor) explains much about the advice the two writers offer about how to think and what to think about. In his Introduction à la vie dévote, de Sales’s figurative language makes it seem that he is teaching a form of easy-going religiosity, similar to the dévotion aisée that Pascal mocks in the Provinciales. For today’s reader, the Introduction can seem a cloying confection, full of suavité. And yet, Salesian devotion promotes the radical vision of a deeply degraded humanity.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200535
M. Hobson
This paper discusses the prominence given by Hegel in the Phenomenology of Spirit, to Diderot’s Neveu de Rameau. It locates its cause in the dialogue’s account of the quarrel in contemporary French music, between Italian opéra comique and French opera seria, in particular, Rameau. Hegel makes his account of this section of Diderot’s dialogue his first clearly explicit account of a dialectic operating in culture. The French audiences cannot hear the French style of opera with innocent ears, having once taken pleasure in the Italian operas. And movement forward in music, it is implied, will have to go beyond both styles, to please the current audiences.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2202697
J. O’Brien
First published in 1652–1654 and then in a new edition in 1666, the Discours politiques of the académicien Daniel de Priézac (1590–1662) have been characterized as a statement of Aristotelian politics in the service of absolutism. The aspect of interest in this article is Priézac’s hitherto unnoticed practice of quoting from La Boétie’s La Servitude volontaire. It may seem strange that a treatise so often associated with anti-tyrannical literature should be used in a work of political thought defending the monarchy and the state. Priézac’s attempt to exploit it takes place against the background of the Fronde. Priézac was also a protégé of Séguier, to whom the Discours were dedicated; and Séguier owned an (extant) manuscript of La Boétie’s treatise. Through a combination of close reading and historical contextualization, this article will elucidate this absolutist turn in the reception of La Boétie.
最早出版于1652-1654年，然后在1666年的新版中，学院院长Daniel de Priézac（1590-1662）的《政治论》被描述为亚里士多德政治为专制主义服务的一种说法。这篇文章感兴趣的方面是普里扎克迄今为止未被注意到的引用《博neneneea的服务》的做法。一篇经常与反专制文学联系在一起的论文竟然被用在捍卫君主制和国家的政治思想著作中，这似乎很奇怪。Priézac试图利用它发生在佛朗德的背景下。Priézac也是Séguier的门生，Discours就是献给他的；Séguier拥有一份（现存的）La Boétie论文的手稿。本文将通过近距离阅读和历史语境相结合的方式，阐明博neneneea接受过程中的这种绝对主义转向。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200446
Emma Gilby
This chapter deals with a university viva that took place in Paris on 25 July 1641. The thesis that was being examined hinged on a particular theological point: the question of whether the verb ‘to be’ may apply univocally to God and to humans. Antoine Arnauld had argued that it could indeed, and his student Charles Wallon de Beaupuis was now following his example. However, events soon took an unexpected turn when Arnauld changed his mind in situ. Here, I set the viva episode in the intellectual context of the summer of 1641 more broadly: a time when the protagonists in the viva episode were also responding to Descartes’s Meditations. Subsequent narrations of the viva episode by historians of Port-Royal prompt us to return to seventeenth-century ethical thinking on ‘générosité’ and ‘grandeur’.
本章讲述1641年7月25日在巴黎举行的一次大学活动。正在审查的论文取决于一个特定的神学观点：动词“to be”是否可以单独适用于上帝和人类。安托万·阿诺德（Antoine Arnauld）认为确实可以，他的学生查尔斯·瓦隆·德·博普伊斯（Charles Wallon de Beaupuis）现在也在效仿他。然而，当阿诺尔德在原地改变主意时，事情很快发生了意想不到的转折。在这里，我把《间日》一集放在1641年夏天的知识背景下，更广泛地说：当时间日一集的主人公也在回应笛卡尔的《沉思录》。皇家港历史学家随后对这一事件的叙述促使我们回到17世纪关于“générosité”和“宏伟”的伦理思想。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2208651
Nicholas Hammond, J. Leigh
It might seem counter-intuitive to honour Michael Moriarty, a scholar whose six major monographs add up to over 2000 pages of writing, by dedicating a series of all-too-brief essays to him. Yet, perhaps we can take inspiration from the skilful use of praeteritio used by Jean Racine, who, when faced with the task of praising Louis XIV during his first speech to the Académie française on 30 October 1678, declared: ‘Qui pouvait mieux nous aider à célébrer ce prodigieux nombre d’exploits dont la grandeur nous accable pour ainsi dire, et nous met dans l’impuissance de les exprimer ?’ So perhaps these short articles might indeed be the truest way of recognizing and paying respect to Moriarty’s prodigious and ground-breaking published output. Anybody who knows Michael Moriarty would of course recognize immediately the absurdity of comparing him to a vainglorious monarch, for he is a man of modesty, kindness and decency, someone who is far more likely to look forward to reading and learning from this collection of articles than to glory in the academic equivalent of a spotlight trained upon him. The frequency with which Moriarty’s scholarship plays a key role both in the articles that follow in this special number and in the work of so many researchers, graduates and undergraduates across the world testifies to the mark that he has left and continues to leave. From his seminal first book, Taste and Ideology in Seventeenth-Century France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), to his latest work, the monumental study Pascal: Reasoning and Belief (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), Moriarty manages on the one hand to present his argument cogently and persuasively for readers who have yet to encounter early modern French thought and on the other to invite readers who think they have seen it all before to re-evaluate the writings of the period from exciting new angles. To take his study of Pascal as one example, he is not content simply to place Pascal’s thought within the context of the seventeenth century, but he wishes also to question and examine its validity for modern readers. As he writes in the opening pages,
迈克尔•莫里亚蒂(Michael Moriarty)是一位学者，他的六部主要专著加起来超过2000页，通过将一系列过于简短的文章献给他，似乎有违直觉。然而，也许我们可以从让·拉辛(Jean Racine)对赞美路易十四(praeteritio)的巧妙运用中得到启发。1678年10月30日，拉辛在法国学院(academie francaise)的第一次演讲中，面对赞美路易十四的任务，他宣称:“Qui pouvait miieux nous aider ccsamlsamer br ce prodigieux nombre d ' ?”所以，也许这些短文确实是对莫里亚蒂惊人的、开创性的出版成果最真实的认可和敬意的方式。任何认识迈克尔·莫里亚蒂的人当然会立刻意识到，把他比作一个虚荣的君主是多么荒谬，因为他是一个谦虚、善良、正派的人，一个更有可能期待从这本文集中阅读和学习的人，而不是在学术上获得荣耀的人。莫里亚蒂的学术研究频繁地在接下来的文章中发挥着关键作用，也在世界各地众多研究人员、毕业生和本科生的工作中发挥着关键作用，这证明了他已经离开并将继续离开的标志。从他影响深远的第一本书《17世纪法国的品味与意识形态》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，1988年)到他的最新著作《帕斯卡:推理与信仰》(牛津:牛津大学出版社，2020年)，莫里亚蒂一方面设法为那些尚未遇到早期现代法国思想的读者提供了令人信服和有说服力的论点，另一方面邀请那些认为他们已经看到了这一切的读者从令人兴奋的新角度重新评估这一时期的作品。以他对帕斯卡的研究为例，他不满足于简单地将帕斯卡的思想置于17世纪的背景下，他还希望质疑和检验其对现代读者的有效性。正如他在开篇所写的，
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/20563035.2023.2200539
R. Maber
The exceptionally diverse and extensive literary output of the Jesuit poet Pierre Le Moyne is full of apparent paradoxes and ambiguities which have always proved a challenge to commentators, from his own contemporaries to the present day. This article takes as its starting point the recent recovery of a detailed account of Le Moyne’s first known creation, a spectacular dramatic production put on by the Jesuit college in Reims, to consider a pervasive, but relatively unstudied, feature of his works: the poet’s frequent allusions to the theatre, and, beyond this, the relationship between his strikingly original imagination and the creative techniques of dramatists and actors. It is argued that these are crucial to the ways in which he sets out to engage his worldly readers, and to encourage a receptive response to the moral and spiritual ideals which he seeks to transmit.
耶稣会诗人皮埃尔·勒莫因（Pierre Le Moyne）异常多样化和广泛的文学作品充满了明显的悖论和歧义，从他同时代的人到今天，这些悖论和歧义一直是评论家们的挑战。这篇文章以最近对勒莫因第一部已知作品的详细描述为出发点，这是一部由兰斯耶稣会学院上演的壮观的戏剧作品，以考虑他的作品中一个普遍但相对未经研究的特点：诗人经常提及戏剧，除此之外，他惊人的独创性想象力与剧作家和演员的创作技巧之间的关系。有人认为，这些对他着手吸引世俗读者的方式至关重要，并鼓励人们接受他试图传递的道德和精神理想。
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