Pub Date : 2019-05-04DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616420
C. Stenschke
{"title":"The Pauline Effect: The Use of the Pauline Epistles by Early Christian Writers, by Jennifer R. Strawbridge","authors":"C. Stenschke","doi":"10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616420","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616420","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46263171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2018.1531244
Tunç Türel
ABSTRACT This article deals with two specific letters written by Ambrose after the civil war between the usurper Eugenius and the emperor Theodosius I in 394. In both letters, which are directed to Theodosius I to urge him to grant pardon to the defeated party of Eugenius, we read Ambrose praising venia (mercy) as a virtue that needs to be practised in imitation of the Christian God. When taken at face value, the letters and the bishop appear to have played a major role in influencing Theodosius I’s decision of pardon which followed shortly after the battle. When the history of granting pardon is examined, however, it becomes apparent that Ambrose’s venia is in fact not very different from the mercy which had been practised by the Roman emperors, Theodosius I included, towards their enemies since the days of Julius Caesar. With the assertion of this practice, the self-declared intercessor Ambrose’s letters, which were written in the vein of other letters of antiquity that almost always pursued the goal of showing off one’s literary skills and therefore should be read with caution, should be considered no more than two letters gilded with Christian rhetoric to convey the bishop’s version of events to posterity.
{"title":"“Pardon Those Who Have Wronged You for the First Time”: Ambrose’s Conception of venia and Its Use in His Letters to Theodosius I (Ep. 61–62)","authors":"Tunç Türel","doi":"10.1080/2222582x.2018.1531244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582x.2018.1531244","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article deals with two specific letters written by Ambrose after the civil war between the usurper Eugenius and the emperor Theodosius I in 394. In both letters, which are directed to Theodosius I to urge him to grant pardon to the defeated party of Eugenius, we read Ambrose praising venia (mercy) as a virtue that needs to be practised in imitation of the Christian God. When taken at face value, the letters and the bishop appear to have played a major role in influencing Theodosius I’s decision of pardon which followed shortly after the battle. When the history of granting pardon is examined, however, it becomes apparent that Ambrose’s venia is in fact not very different from the mercy which had been practised by the Roman emperors, Theodosius I included, towards their enemies since the days of Julius Caesar. With the assertion of this practice, the self-declared intercessor Ambrose’s letters, which were written in the vein of other letters of antiquity that almost always pursued the goal of showing off one’s literary skills and therefore should be read with caution, should be considered no more than two letters gilded with Christian rhetoric to convey the bishop’s version of events to posterity.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582x.2018.1531244","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45478237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2018.1564348
Michael J. Kok
ABSTRACT In the academic study of Christian origins, scholars have classified various christological systems of thought as “gnostic,” “docetic,” “adoptionist,” or “separationist.” This article will explore to what extent each of these taxonomic categories or ideal types corresponds to Cerinthus's postulation of the temporary union of the human Jesus with the divine Christ. It will further defend the accuracy of Irenaeus's description of Cerinthus's theological and christological positions and how they differed from those of the Jewish-Christian Ebionites on the one hand and a demiurgical theologian such as Carpocrates on the other.
{"title":"Classifying Cerinthus’s Christology","authors":"Michael J. Kok","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2018.1564348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1564348","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the academic study of Christian origins, scholars have classified various christological systems of thought as “gnostic,” “docetic,” “adoptionist,” or “separationist.” This article will explore to what extent each of these taxonomic categories or ideal types corresponds to Cerinthus's postulation of the temporary union of the human Jesus with the divine Christ. It will further defend the accuracy of Irenaeus's description of Cerinthus's theological and christological positions and how they differed from those of the Jewish-Christian Ebionites on the one hand and a demiurgical theologian such as Carpocrates on the other.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1564348","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45746340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2018.1554978
Liana Lamprecht
ABSTRACT This study considers the place of financial renunciation, voluntary poverty and almsgiving in Jerome's ascetic vision, and reveals a delicate balancing act in his advice to wealthy Christians contained in a selection of his letters and treatises. I will investigate the practical realisation of his vision by Jerome and his followers within the social, political and legal context of the late fourth and early fifth centuries CE. Scriptural injunctions mainly informed early Christians’ understanding of wealth and poverty. I interrogate Jerome's response to the teachings of Jesus in connection with care for the poor: Who was to benefit from almsgiving—the donor or the recipient? Was there a self-interested dimension in financial renunciation and almsgiving? Was Jerome consistent in his advice to those who embraced financial asceticism? The dominical command to perfection was the cornerstone of Jerome's ascetic exhortations. Special attention will be given to Jesus Christ's advice to the rich young man (Matt. 19:16–30, with parallels in Mark 10:17–31 and Luke 18:18–30). Finn and Dunn, respectively, have investigated Jerome's references to this passage. However, Jerome's interpretation of this dominical command and the “call to perfection” deserves attention. What did Jerome consider to be “the attainment of perfection,” was he consistent in his advice, and were there any underlying motivations in his encouragement of dispossession by wealthy Christian ascetics? This article seeks to answer these questions through a study of a selection of Jerome's works, addressed to different persons according to varying rhetorical strategies and with different purposes in mind.
{"title":"The Shifting Roles of Wealth and Poverty in Jerome's Vision of Asceticism and the Call to Perfection, as Reflected in a Selection of His Works","authors":"Liana Lamprecht","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2018.1554978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1554978","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study considers the place of financial renunciation, voluntary poverty and almsgiving in Jerome's ascetic vision, and reveals a delicate balancing act in his advice to wealthy Christians contained in a selection of his letters and treatises. I will investigate the practical realisation of his vision by Jerome and his followers within the social, political and legal context of the late fourth and early fifth centuries CE. Scriptural injunctions mainly informed early Christians’ understanding of wealth and poverty. I interrogate Jerome's response to the teachings of Jesus in connection with care for the poor: Who was to benefit from almsgiving—the donor or the recipient? Was there a self-interested dimension in financial renunciation and almsgiving? Was Jerome consistent in his advice to those who embraced financial asceticism? The dominical command to perfection was the cornerstone of Jerome's ascetic exhortations. Special attention will be given to Jesus Christ's advice to the rich young man (Matt. 19:16–30, with parallels in Mark 10:17–31 and Luke 18:18–30). Finn and Dunn, respectively, have investigated Jerome's references to this passage. However, Jerome's interpretation of this dominical command and the “call to perfection” deserves attention. What did Jerome consider to be “the attainment of perfection,” was he consistent in his advice, and were there any underlying motivations in his encouragement of dispossession by wealthy Christian ascetics? This article seeks to answer these questions through a study of a selection of Jerome's works, addressed to different persons according to varying rhetorical strategies and with different purposes in mind.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1554978","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43595914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2019.1585194
C. Stenschke
{"title":"Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception. Vol. 14, Jesus–Kairos, edited by Christine Helmer, Steven L. McKenzie, Thomas Römer, Jens Schröter, Barry Dov Walfish and Eric Ziolkowski","authors":"C. Stenschke","doi":"10.1080/2222582x.2019.1585194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1585194","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1585194","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49018871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616419
C. Stenschke
For various reasons and with different agendas driving the quest, the past two decades have seen an increasing interest in early Christian apocrypha. Excellent critical editions and fresh translations in the major languages are available, as is a steady stream of monographs and articles. The present collection of 25 essays offers an excellent survey of the material and current discussions. The volume combines surveys of the major issues and genres (gospels, acts, epistles and apocalypses) with studies which are representative of the current state of research, asking questions such as which ancient readers read early Christian apocrypha, and of their significance for Christian spirituality in contemporary theological discourse and popular culture. Part one, “Introduction and Overview,” starts with Christopher Tuckett’s essay “Introduction: What Is Early Christian Apocrypha?” (3–12, including discussions of definitions and terminology; following a recent trend, the editors refer to early Christian apocrypha rather than New Testament apocrypha). Tuckett emphasises that the category of “early Christian apocrypha” is fluid, and that attempts to pin down the category with precise definitions are doomed to failure. He notes that
{"title":"The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Apocrypha, edited by Andrew Gregory and Christopher Tuckett","authors":"C. Stenschke","doi":"10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616419","url":null,"abstract":"For various reasons and with different agendas driving the quest, the past two decades have seen an increasing interest in early Christian apocrypha. Excellent critical editions and fresh translations in the major languages are available, as is a steady stream of monographs and articles. The present collection of 25 essays offers an excellent survey of the material and current discussions. The volume combines surveys of the major issues and genres (gospels, acts, epistles and apocalypses) with studies which are representative of the current state of research, asking questions such as which ancient readers read early Christian apocrypha, and of their significance for Christian spirituality in contemporary theological discourse and popular culture. Part one, “Introduction and Overview,” starts with Christopher Tuckett’s essay “Introduction: What Is Early Christian Apocrypha?” (3–12, including discussions of definitions and terminology; following a recent trend, the editors refer to early Christian apocrypha rather than New Testament apocrypha). Tuckett emphasises that the category of “early Christian apocrypha” is fluid, and that attempts to pin down the category with precise definitions are doomed to failure. He notes that","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582x.2019.1616419","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43249992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2018.1532768
E. Ene D-Vasilescu
ABSTRACT This article has two distinct sections: the first discusses churches and the second schools in Byzantine Cappadocia. Between the fifth and the eleventh centuries the churches in this province of the empire were not only the places where the liturgy was performed, but also the social and spiritual centres of villages, towns, army garrisons, monastic complexes, etc. They fulfilled the same specific functions regardless of the purpose and scale concerning the settlements in which they were located. The article provides evidence to illustrate what these functions were and, to some extent, by which means they were accomplished. It also makes some suggestions with respect to the physical appearance of schools in the area. In so doing it allows plausible generalisations regarding the layout of other educational establishments throughout the empire. As known, there has not been substantial material published on this subject in the field of Byzantine Studies and any contribution made on this topic should be welcome.
{"title":"Shrines and Schools in Byzantine Cappadocia","authors":"E. Ene D-Vasilescu","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2018.1532768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1532768","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article has two distinct sections: the first discusses churches and the second schools in Byzantine Cappadocia. Between the fifth and the eleventh centuries the churches in this province of the empire were not only the places where the liturgy was performed, but also the social and spiritual centres of villages, towns, army garrisons, monastic complexes, etc. They fulfilled the same specific functions regardless of the purpose and scale concerning the settlements in which they were located. The article provides evidence to illustrate what these functions were and, to some extent, by which means they were accomplished. It also makes some suggestions with respect to the physical appearance of schools in the area. In so doing it allows plausible generalisations regarding the layout of other educational establishments throughout the empire. As known, there has not been substantial material published on this subject in the field of Byzantine Studies and any contribution made on this topic should be welcome.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2019-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2018.1532768","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59975417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585894
C. A. Clark
ABSTRACT Exploring the true identities of women who made significant contributions to early Christianity is a fascinating study. When comparing names, events, and similarities, we can attempt to unveil the actual identities of women who contributed to the establishment of the early church. This article will present recent well-documented studies that shed new light on the true identity of Junia, hailed by Paul in Rom 16:7 as “outstanding among the apostles.” Additionally, it will highlight new possibilities regarding Junia’s contribution to the propagation of the gospel, both before and after Christ’s resurrection, emphasising the valuable role of women in the early church as well as the value of scholarly investigative studies in reducing the anonymity that surrounds women in biblical history.
{"title":"Exploring the True Identity of Junia: Prominent among the Apostles","authors":"C. A. Clark","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585894","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Exploring the true identities of women who made significant contributions to early Christianity is a fascinating study. When comparing names, events, and similarities, we can attempt to unveil the actual identities of women who contributed to the establishment of the early church. This article will present recent well-documented studies that shed new light on the true identity of Junia, hailed by Paul in Rom 16:7 as “outstanding among the apostles.” Additionally, it will highlight new possibilities regarding Junia’s contribution to the propagation of the gospel, both before and after Christ’s resurrection, emphasising the valuable role of women in the early church as well as the value of scholarly investigative studies in reducing the anonymity that surrounds women in biblical history.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585894","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49073300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585195
Satoko Yamaguchi
ABSTRACT At church, we are told that Mary conceived and gave birth to Jesus the Son of God as a virgin, without having had sexual intercourse with a man. Based upon this, the teaching of the “virgin birth,” Mary has been venerated as the “holy mother.” It is said, especially when discussing the beliefs of the Catholic Church, that the more the image of the Divine was restricted to the one-sidedly masculine “God the Father and Christ the Son,” the more the veneration of Mary increased, complementing those images with a feminine representation of the Divine. And in the Protestant churches, while there is no veneration of Mary, the teaching of the “virgin birth” is still an important one. However, how many people really believe in the possibility of conception without sexual intercourse? And do they believe that God the Almighty can instantly create an “iPS cell” and therefore generate a state of pregnancy? Or do they think that for Jesus, the divine Son of God, it is required that he be born as the result of a pregnancy which has not involved sexual intercourse? What kind of concept of the Divine and what kind of understanding of human nature leads to this kind of thinking? I cannot help feeling that there is a great danger in thinking in this way and that there is a great danger in this type of faith. This article meditates upon Mary, with these thoughts in mind.
{"title":"Rethinking the Life of Mary, the Mother of Jesus","authors":"Satoko Yamaguchi","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585195","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At church, we are told that Mary conceived and gave birth to Jesus the Son of God as a virgin, without having had sexual intercourse with a man. Based upon this, the teaching of the “virgin birth,” Mary has been venerated as the “holy mother.” It is said, especially when discussing the beliefs of the Catholic Church, that the more the image of the Divine was restricted to the one-sidedly masculine “God the Father and Christ the Son,” the more the veneration of Mary increased, complementing those images with a feminine representation of the Divine. And in the Protestant churches, while there is no veneration of Mary, the teaching of the “virgin birth” is still an important one. However, how many people really believe in the possibility of conception without sexual intercourse? And do they believe that God the Almighty can instantly create an “iPS cell” and therefore generate a state of pregnancy? Or do they think that for Jesus, the divine Son of God, it is required that he be born as the result of a pregnancy which has not involved sexual intercourse? What kind of concept of the Divine and what kind of understanding of human nature leads to this kind of thinking? I cannot help feeling that there is a great danger in thinking in this way and that there is a great danger in this type of faith. This article meditates upon Mary, with these thoughts in mind.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2019.1585195","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43656932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-02DOI: 10.1080/2222582X.2017.1421863
Lilly Nortjé-Meyer
ABSTRACT The concepts of woman and sage seem to constitute an oxymoron. In classical antiquity women acted as prophetesses, oracles, seers, mediums, rulers etc., but wisdom or being wise was not readily associated with the mortal female. This mainly has to do with the way wisdom is perceived and the location of women in ancient society. There are very few examples of wise women in biblical literature. What is meant by “the wise,” or, to put it another way, who might qualify as a wise woman? There are passing references to the wise in the Old Testament, but little description is given of the wise and their actions or lives. Wisdom is not an exclusively religious function, of course, but religious figures are often referred to as wise. The wise in some form or another appear among all people at all times. Their function might differ from society to society and from culture to culture. But the question is: How are the wise defined? How do they differ from “ordinary” people? Is it intelligence, experience, intuition; training, education; their social role; or meanings and values associated with them; or something else; or a combination of many things? Do the wise belong to a certain group of people or are they individuals? The aim of this study is to identify the characteristics of the wise in biblical literature and to formulate some criteria to identify and describe women as sages in the New Testament and early Christianity.
{"title":"Women, Who Are Wise among You? Criteria to Identify and Describe Women as Sages in the New Testament and Early Christianity","authors":"Lilly Nortjé-Meyer","doi":"10.1080/2222582X.2017.1421863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/2222582X.2017.1421863","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The concepts of woman and sage seem to constitute an oxymoron. In classical antiquity women acted as prophetesses, oracles, seers, mediums, rulers etc., but wisdom or being wise was not readily associated with the mortal female. This mainly has to do with the way wisdom is perceived and the location of women in ancient society. There are very few examples of wise women in biblical literature. What is meant by “the wise,” or, to put it another way, who might qualify as a wise woman? There are passing references to the wise in the Old Testament, but little description is given of the wise and their actions or lives. Wisdom is not an exclusively religious function, of course, but religious figures are often referred to as wise. The wise in some form or another appear among all people at all times. Their function might differ from society to society and from culture to culture. But the question is: How are the wise defined? How do they differ from “ordinary” people? Is it intelligence, experience, intuition; training, education; their social role; or meanings and values associated with them; or something else; or a combination of many things? Do the wise belong to a certain group of people or are they individuals? The aim of this study is to identify the characteristics of the wise in biblical literature and to formulate some criteria to identify and describe women as sages in the New Testament and early Christianity.","PeriodicalId":40708,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Christian History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2018-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/2222582X.2017.1421863","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47061776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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