Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1299112
H. Özen
In this study, we aim to explore the ideational and contextual sources of perceptions about refugees. Contrary to many studies focusing on the interaction with and integration of refugees in developed countries, we examine the effect of social identity and refugee exposure on the perception of refugees in Turkey, which pose a substantive case with a background of ethnic conflict and scarce resources. We contend that social identities provide individuals with cues; however, we argue that identity type and its salience are key to understanding in-group vs. out-group formation processes, hence the perceptions about refugees. Moreover, we argue that socioeconomic status affects an individual’s support for refugee integration, as it challenges the existing status quo of access to scarce resources. Our findings challenge the conventional wisdom in migration studies by employing an original face-to-face survey among over 1,100 respondents in three cities (Istanbul, Diyarbakir, and Gaziantep) in Turkey. We find that those prioritizing national vs. religious identities reveal different levels of perceived threat. Additionally, we show that those belonging to lower-income socioeconomic groups are less supportive of refugee integration when the presence of refugees sets the ground for competition for economic and social resources where they reside.
{"title":"‘Welcoming’ Guests: The Role of Ideational and Contextual Factors in Public Perceptions About Refugees and Attitudes about Their Integration","authors":"H. Özen","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1299112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1299112","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, we aim to explore the ideational and contextual sources of perceptions about refugees. Contrary to many studies focusing on the interaction with and integration of refugees in developed countries, we examine the effect of social identity and refugee exposure on the perception of refugees in Turkey, which pose a substantive case with a background of ethnic conflict and scarce resources. We contend that social identities provide individuals with cues; however, we argue that identity type and its salience are key to understanding in-group vs. out-group formation processes, hence the perceptions about refugees. Moreover, we argue that socioeconomic status affects an individual’s support for refugee integration, as it challenges the existing status quo of access to scarce resources. Our findings challenge the conventional wisdom in migration studies by employing an original face-to-face survey among over 1,100 respondents in three cities (Istanbul, Diyarbakir, and Gaziantep) in Turkey. We find that those prioritizing national vs. religious identities reveal different levels of perceived threat. Additionally, we show that those belonging to lower-income socioeconomic groups are less supportive of refugee integration when the presence of refugees sets the ground for competition for economic and social resources where they reside.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121308362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1300777
Özgür Özdamar, B. T. Hali̇stoprak, M. Young
This article investigates whether campaign speeches during the US presidential elections can help predict foreign policy behavior. We use speeches made by Donald J. Trump during his bid for president in 2016. We compare the analysis from 2016 with his actual foreign policy decisions during his tenure, 2017-2020. Operational code analysis and leadership traits analysis approaches are used to analyze candidate Trump’s foreign policy beliefs and strategies associated with them. We use Profiler Plus software to conduct content analysis which produces OCA and LTA results. We use three separate datasets to analyze Trump’s beliefs and traits focusing on his general foreign policy speeches, the MENA region, and a third one only about Islamic State and Syria. Our results show that Trump’s profile indicates a foreign policy orientation that avoids involvement in affairs that are perceived as beyond immediate interests. The consistency between his beliefs and traits during the 2016 campaign and his actual foreign policy behavior leads us to conclude that individual level analysis, and specifically OCA and LTA approaches, are useful tools to analyze, explain and predict foreign policy.
本文调查了美国总统大选期间的竞选演讲是否有助于预测外交政策行为。我们使用了唐纳德·j·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)在2016年竞选总统期间的演讲。我们将2016年的分析与他在2017-2020年任期内的实际外交政策决定进行了比较。使用操作代码分析和领导特质分析方法来分析候选人特朗普的外交政策信念和与之相关的战略。我们使用Profiler Plus软件进行内容分析，生成OCA和LTA结果。我们使用三个独立的数据集来分析特朗普的信仰和特征，重点关注他的一般外交政策演讲、中东和北非地区，以及第三个仅关于伊斯兰国和叙利亚的数据集。我们的研究结果表明，特朗普的形象表明了一种外交政策取向，即避免参与被认为超出直接利益的事务。他在2016年竞选期间的信念和特征与他实际的外交政策行为之间的一致性使我们得出结论，个人层面的分析，特别是OCA和LTA方法，是分析、解释和预测外交政策的有用工具。
{"title":"Do Campaign Speeches Predict Foreign Policy? An Operational Code and Leadership Trait Analysis of Donald Trump’s MENA Policies","authors":"Özgür Özdamar, B. T. Hali̇stoprak, M. Young","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1300777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1300777","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates whether campaign speeches during the US presidential elections can help predict foreign policy behavior. We use speeches made by Donald J. Trump during his bid for president in 2016. We compare the analysis from 2016 with his actual foreign policy decisions during his tenure, 2017-2020. Operational code analysis and leadership traits analysis approaches are used to analyze candidate Trump’s foreign policy beliefs and strategies associated with them. We use Profiler Plus software to conduct content analysis which produces OCA and LTA results. We use three separate datasets to analyze Trump’s beliefs and traits focusing on his general foreign policy speeches, the MENA region, and a third one only about Islamic State and Syria. Our results show that Trump’s profile indicates a foreign policy orientation that avoids involvement in affairs that are perceived as beyond immediate interests. The consistency between his beliefs and traits during the 2016 campaign and his actual foreign policy behavior leads us to conclude that individual level analysis, and specifically OCA and LTA approaches, are useful tools to analyze, explain and predict foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130118131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1298205
Gürol Baba, Emre Erşen
The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration project that aims to encompass the Eurasian Economic Union, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. With this broad spectrum, it embodies various forms of regionalism, arranges a flexible institutional structure for non-/governmental actors without denting their other regional affiliations and provides commercial, developmental, and security opportunities. Such features could also facilitate the GEP’s ability to enhance Turkey’s recent efforts to deepen its relations with Asia. In return, Turkey could play several key roles for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.
{"title":"Turkey and the Greater Eurasian Partnership: Opportunities and Challenges in “Amalgamated” Regionalism","authors":"Gürol Baba, Emre Erşen","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1298205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1298205","url":null,"abstract":"The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration project that aims to encompass the Eurasian Economic Union, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. With this broad spectrum, it embodies various forms of regionalism, arranges a flexible institutional structure for non-/governmental actors without denting their other regional affiliations and provides commercial, developmental, and security opportunities. Such features could also facilitate the GEP’s ability to enhance Turkey’s recent efforts to deepen its relations with Asia. In return, Turkey could play several key roles for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130040735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-18DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1285200
Meliha Benli Altunışık, Lenore G. Martin
This article analyzes the significant foreign policy changes with respect to Turkey’s relations with the Middle East and North Africa region within four relatively distinct periods of the two-decade rule of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - 2002-2010; 2011-2015; 2016-2020; 2020-2022. It analyzes Turkey’s foreign policy changes based on the application of three intersecting levels of analysis: transformations in the regional and global international system, shifts in domestic politics and changes in individual leadership. The article contributes to the foreign policy literature by demonstrating that the continuity in power of a more centralized government does not guarantee continuity in foreign policy as conceptualized in the literature on foreign policy change.
本文分析了土耳其与中东和北非地区关系的重大外交政策变化，在Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi(2002-2010)二十年统治的四个相对不同的时期;2011 - 2015;2016 - 2020;2020 - 2022。它分析了土耳其的外交政策的变化基于三个交叉层次的分析应用:在区域和全球国际体系的转变，国内政治的转变和个人领导的变化。这篇文章对外交政策文献做出了贡献，它证明了一个更集中的政府的权力连续性并不能保证外交政策的连续性，正如外交政策变化文献中所构想的那样。
{"title":"Turkey and the Middle East and North Africa under the AKP: A Three Level Analysis of Foreign Policy Change","authors":"Meliha Benli Altunışık, Lenore G. Martin","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1285200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1285200","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the significant foreign policy changes with respect to Turkey’s relations with the Middle East and North Africa region within four relatively distinct periods of the two-decade rule of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - 2002-2010; 2011-2015; 2016-2020; 2020-2022. It analyzes Turkey’s foreign policy changes based on the application of three intersecting levels of analysis: transformations in the regional and global international system, shifts in domestic politics and changes in individual leadership. The article contributes to the foreign policy literature by demonstrating that the continuity in power of a more centralized government does not guarantee continuity in foreign policy as conceptualized in the literature on foreign policy change.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134040919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284191
W. Hale
This paper aims to offer a general analysis of relations between Turkey and Russia since the late eighteenth century. rather than new or original information. It proposes a model of the relationship based on three broad patterns: (i) a multipolar system with shifting alliances (1798-1841): (ii) alliance within a bipolar system (1841-78 and 1952-91): (iii) phases of uncertain détente (1878-1914, 1921-39 and 1991 to the present). In discussing the most recent period, it concludes that the Russian invasion of the Ukraine and the continuing war raises serious doubts about the viability of current Turkish strategy.
{"title":"The Turkey-Russia Relationship in Historical Perspective: Patterns, Change and Contrast","authors":"W. Hale","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284191","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to offer a general analysis of relations between Turkey and Russia since the late eighteenth century. rather than new or original information. It proposes a model of the relationship based on three broad patterns: (i) a multipolar system with shifting alliances (1798-1841): (ii) alliance within a bipolar system (1841-78 and 1952-91): (iii) phases of uncertain détente (1878-1914, 1921-39 and 1991 to the present). In discussing the most recent period, it concludes that the Russian invasion of the Ukraine and the continuing war raises serious doubts about the viability of current Turkish strategy.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124278656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284168
Arda Özkan, L. Kırval
International Relations (IR) scholars generally focus on disputes on land when they study international affairs. However, disputes on the sea are also very common in IR, and the states try to establish global and regional hegemonies over the seas in their regions. In retrospect, in case of Turkey, maritime disputes have been important factors in Turkish foreign policy. The Turks will celebrate the centennial of the Republic in 2023, and maritime disputes have been an unchanging factor in Turkish foreign policy in this last 100 years, in relation to neighbors and great world powers. Therefore, one may stipulate that Turkey has been both an important sea power, and that maritime disputes have also shown a continuous recurrence in its foreign relations. Due to Turkey’s strategic location in between significant seaways like the Aegean Sea, Mediterranean, Black Sea and Turkish Straits, and between the continents of Europe, Asia and Africa, maritime disputes have always been on the agenda, as items of Turkish foreign policy. In this context, this paper analyses maritime disputes in Turkish foreign policy as a continuous element of Turkey’s relations with its neighbors and the rest of the world.
{"title":"Continuity of Maritime Disputes in Turkish Foreign Policy in Retrospect","authors":"Arda Özkan, L. Kırval","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284168","url":null,"abstract":"International Relations (IR) scholars generally focus on disputes on land when they study international affairs. However, disputes on the sea are also very common in IR, and the states try to establish global and regional hegemonies over the seas in their regions. In retrospect, in case of Turkey, maritime disputes have been important factors in Turkish foreign policy. The Turks will celebrate the centennial of the Republic in 2023, and maritime disputes have been an unchanging factor in Turkish foreign policy in this last 100 years, in relation to neighbors and great world powers. Therefore, one may stipulate that Turkey has been both an important sea power, and that maritime disputes have also shown a continuous recurrence in its foreign relations. Due to Turkey’s strategic location in between significant seaways like the Aegean Sea, Mediterranean, Black Sea and Turkish Straits, and between the continents of Europe, Asia and Africa, maritime disputes have always been on the agenda, as items of Turkish foreign policy. In this context, this paper analyses maritime disputes in Turkish foreign policy as a continuous element of Turkey’s relations with its neighbors and the rest of the world.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122533229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284170
Büşra SÖYLEMEZ-KARAKOÇ, Merih Angin
How do centralized governments mitigate the political cost of severe financial crises? The economic voting scholarship has established that the clarity of responsibility, i.e., government accountability for economic conditions to the mass public, is a necessity for electoral reward or punishment for economic performance. On the one hand, political centralization, which reduces the number of veto players, may increase the visibility of the role of the executive in policy success or failure. On the other hand, it allows an uncontested blame avoidance discourse, especially when accompanied with democratic backsliding. Furthermore, the recent backlash against globalization has enabled blame shifting to international actors in many countries. Against this theoretical framework, we comparatively analyze the responsibility attribution discourses for the 1994, 2001, and 2018-2022 financial crises in the statements of incumbent presidents, ministers, and parliament members of Turkey. We find that while blame avoidance discursive strategies have been attempted in all three cases, the responsibility attribution for the 1994 and 2001 crises mostly targeted the executive. In contrast, for the ongoing crisis, the responsibility discourse is dominated with blaming international political economy factors, creating ambiguity, and targeting domestic non-governmental actors.
{"title":"Mitigating the Political Cost of Financial Crisis with Blame Avoidance Discourse: The Case of Turkey","authors":"Büşra SÖYLEMEZ-KARAKOÇ, Merih Angin","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284170","url":null,"abstract":"How do centralized governments mitigate the political cost of severe financial crises? The economic voting scholarship has established that the clarity of responsibility, i.e., government accountability for economic conditions to the mass public, is a necessity for electoral reward or punishment for economic performance. On the one hand, political centralization, which reduces the number of veto players, may increase the visibility of the role of the executive in policy success or failure. On the other hand, it allows an uncontested blame avoidance discourse, especially when accompanied with democratic backsliding. Furthermore, the recent backlash against globalization has enabled blame shifting to international actors in many countries. Against this theoretical framework, we comparatively analyze the responsibility attribution discourses for the 1994, 2001, and 2018-2022 financial crises in the statements of incumbent presidents, ministers, and parliament members of Turkey. We find that while blame avoidance discursive strategies have been attempted in all three cases, the responsibility attribution for the 1994 and 2001 crises mostly targeted the executive. In contrast, for the ongoing crisis, the responsibility discourse is dominated with blaming international political economy factors, creating ambiguity, and targeting domestic non-governmental actors.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131800989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284139
Malik Mufti
One hundred years after its establishment, the Turkish Republic remains an international actor of considerable geopolitical and also analytical consequence. As with all such actors, the exercise of its growing power is shaped by tension between rest and motion, structural parameters and human agency, and domestic and interstate dynamics. Utilizing some key insights of Thucydides and Ibn Khaldun, this essay will consider the interplay of these factors through a case study of the AK Party’s foreign policy. Special attention will be devoted to the increasingly fraught relationship with the United States, a dynamic illuminated, it is suggested, by considering the evolution of American attitudes toward Egypt in the 1950s and 1960s.
{"title":"Turkey at 100: Between Constancy and Change","authors":"Malik Mufti","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284139","url":null,"abstract":"One hundred years after its establishment, the Turkish Republic remains an international actor of considerable geopolitical and also analytical consequence. As with all such actors, the exercise of its growing power is shaped by tension between rest and motion, structural parameters and human agency, and domestic and interstate dynamics. Utilizing some key insights of Thucydides and Ibn Khaldun, this essay will consider the interplay of these factors through a case study of the AK Party’s foreign policy. Special attention will be devoted to the increasingly fraught relationship with the United States, a dynamic illuminated, it is suggested, by considering the evolution of American attitudes toward Egypt in the 1950s and 1960s.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128316709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284135
Eduard Soler i Lecha
Joining the European Union has been a long-lasting priority in Turkish foreign policy and one which has fluctuated from relatively short episodes of hope to longer periods of frustration or even despair. The article reviews the intensity, drivers and justification of change during five critical periods: the 1959 application for association that led to the signature in 1963 of the Treaty of Ankara; the request for full membership in 1987 that led to the signature of the Customs Union in 1995; the Helsinki decision in 1999 to grant Turkey candidate status; the unenthusiastic opening of the accession negotiations in 2005; and the gradual evolution toward a transactional cooperation ever since, which coexists with signs of an increasingly adversarial relationship. Foreign policy changes in Turkey are one of the factors explaining the evolution of this relationship. This article emphasizes the need to take into consideration foreign policy changes in the EU and within some of its member states, as well as global and regional transformations. It also points out the extraordinary resilience of EU-Turkey relations, and how pragmatic, ideational and normative arguments have so far contributed to avoidance of an abrupt divorce.
{"title":"Hope and Despair: Understanding Change in Turkey-EU Relations","authors":"Eduard Soler i Lecha","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284135","url":null,"abstract":"Joining the European Union has been a long-lasting priority in Turkish foreign policy and one which has fluctuated from relatively short episodes of hope to longer periods of frustration or even despair. The article reviews the intensity, drivers and justification of change during five critical periods: the 1959 application for association that led to the signature in 1963 of the Treaty of Ankara; the request for full membership in 1987 that led to the signature of the Customs Union in 1995; the Helsinki decision in 1999 to grant Turkey candidate status; the unenthusiastic opening of the accession negotiations in 2005; and the gradual evolution toward a transactional cooperation ever since, which coexists with signs of an increasingly adversarial relationship. Foreign policy changes in Turkey are one of the factors explaining the evolution of this relationship. This article emphasizes the need to take into consideration foreign policy changes in the EU and within some of its member states, as well as global and regional transformations. It also points out the extraordinary resilience of EU-Turkey relations, and how pragmatic, ideational and normative arguments have so far contributed to avoidance of an abrupt divorce.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122843238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-14DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1284183
Duygu DERSAN ORHAN
The blockade imposed on Qatar changed the power dynamics in the Persian Gulf, increasing tension and insecurity in the area. Qatar’s ability to overcome the blockade was largely due to its cooperation with Iran, and the two countries’ ties grew as a result. This study investigates whether Qatar’s long-standing hedging toward Iran has changed into an alignment in the wake of the 2017 blockade. The key conclusion of the article is that, despite Qatar’s faint signals of alignment with Iran during the blockade, it did not entirely stray from its hedging strategy. Qatar-Iran relations has been selected as a case study to illustrate the effects of regional developments and security crises on the hedging strategy within the context of the Blockade Crisis.
{"title":"Strategic Hedging or Alignment? Qatar’s Foreign Policy Toward Iran in the Wake of the Blockade Crisis","authors":"Duygu DERSAN ORHAN","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1284183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1284183","url":null,"abstract":"The blockade imposed on Qatar changed the power dynamics in the Persian Gulf, increasing tension and insecurity in the area. Qatar’s ability to overcome the blockade was largely due to its cooperation with Iran, and the two countries’ ties grew as a result. This study investigates whether Qatar’s long-standing hedging toward Iran has changed into an alignment in the wake of the 2017 blockade. The key conclusion of the article is that, despite Qatar’s faint signals of alignment with Iran during the blockade, it did not entirely stray from its hedging strategy. Qatar-Iran relations has been selected as a case study to illustrate the effects of regional developments and security crises on the hedging strategy within the context of the Blockade Crisis.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130364864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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