Pub Date : 2022-12-29DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1226450
H. Mehmetcik, Melih Koluk, Galip Yüksel
The way we interact with individuals, companies, and communities has been altered by our usage of online social media sites and services. Simultaneously, the use of social media as a data source for social scientific inquiries has increased substantially in recent years. This study uses Twitter data analysis to investigate the views of United States (US) Members of Congress on Turkey, and to see if these perceptions reflect some of the trends in US-Turkey relations. Our initial view is that the Twitter conversations among Members of Congress appropriately reveal changes in the course of perceptions vis-a-vis relations between the two countries. With that assumption in mind, we evaluated Twitter data from 2009 to 2021, and analyzed it using statistical methodologies, network analysis, computational text analysis, and topic modeling tools. The findings indicate that Twitter data is a useful proxy for evaluating the perception of Turkey among US Members of Congress.
{"title":"Perceptions of Turkey in the US Congress: A Twitter Data Analysis","authors":"H. Mehmetcik, Melih Koluk, Galip Yüksel","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1226450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1226450","url":null,"abstract":"The way we interact with individuals, companies, and communities has been altered by our usage of online social media sites and services. Simultaneously, the use of social media as a data source for social scientific inquiries has increased substantially in recent years. This study uses Twitter data analysis to investigate the views of United States (US) Members of Congress on Turkey, and to see if these perceptions reflect some of the trends in US-Turkey relations. Our initial view is that the Twitter conversations among Members of Congress appropriately reveal changes in the course of perceptions vis-a-vis relations between the two countries. With that assumption in mind, we evaluated Twitter data from 2009 to 2021, and analyzed it using statistical methodologies, network analysis, computational text analysis, and topic modeling tools. The findings indicate that Twitter data is a useful proxy for evaluating the perception of Turkey among US Members of Congress.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"4 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128254407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relationship between academics and policymakers has a complex and multi-layered structure, and there are different views on how this relationship should be. While discussing the political processes in the context of Turkey’s membership, the interactions between academics and policymakers in the relations between Turkey and the EU have the potential to provide solutions in the steps that need to be taken. However, the academic tendency of EU studies in Turkey will be revealed by answering questions such as what subjects are preferred by academics working on the EU in Turkey to study in the knowledge-production process, which subjects they prioritize in EU studies, what the effects of the ups and downs in Turkey-EU relations are on the academy, and how the academy positions itself in the field of EU studies. It is considered that such a study will contribute to further studies on how the academy’s relations with policymakers are and how they should be in studying Turkey-EU relations.
{"title":"Academic Trends in European Union Studies in Turkey within the Framework of Turkey-EU Relations","authors":"Sezgin Mercan, Kıvılcım ROMYA BİLGİN, Haluk Karadağ, Yelda Ongun","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1217949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1217949","url":null,"abstract":"The relationship between academics and policymakers has a complex and multi-layered structure, and there are different views on how this relationship should be. While discussing the political processes in the context of Turkey’s membership, the interactions between academics and policymakers in the relations between Turkey and the EU have the potential to provide solutions in the steps that need to be taken. However, the academic tendency of EU studies in Turkey will be revealed by answering questions such as what subjects are preferred by academics working on the EU in Turkey to study in the knowledge-production process, which subjects they prioritize in EU studies, what the effects of the ups and downs in Turkey-EU relations are on the academy, and how the academy positions itself in the field of EU studies. It is considered that such a study will contribute to further studies on how the academy’s relations with policymakers are and how they should be in studying Turkey-EU relations.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124667083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-02DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1213906
Fethullah Bayraktar
The ICJ in its order dated 16 March 2022, decided that the legality of the unilateral use of force to prevent acts of genocide is ‘doubtful’. Based on this order, it is possible to say that the ICJ provides a yellow light to unilateral use of force for the prevention of acts of genocide. But the ICJ expressed its opinion in this respect in 2007, underlining that every state may only act within the limits permitted by international law. The doctrine underscored that the unilateral use of force for the prevention of genocide was forbidden. In this situation, the following question arises: is it really doubtful? To find the answer to this question, it is necessary to examine the legal basis and means for the prevention of genocide. In this article, the legality of the unilateral use of force for the obligation to prevent genocide has been comprehensively discussed.
{"title":"On the Controversial Illegality of the Unilateral Use of Force for the Prevention of Genocide: The ‘Doubtfulness’ Clause Adopted by the ICJ in the Case Filed by Ukraine Against Russia","authors":"Fethullah Bayraktar","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1213906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1213906","url":null,"abstract":"The ICJ in its order dated 16 March 2022, decided that the legality of the unilateral use of force to prevent acts of genocide is ‘doubtful’. Based on this order, it is possible to say that the ICJ provides a yellow light to unilateral use of force for the prevention of acts of genocide. But the ICJ expressed its opinion in this respect in 2007, underlining that every state may only act within the limits permitted by international law. The doctrine underscored that the unilateral use of force for the prevention of genocide was forbidden. In this situation, the following question arises: is it really doubtful? To find the answer to this question, it is necessary to examine the legal basis and means for the prevention of genocide. In this article, the legality of the unilateral use of force for the obligation to prevent genocide has been comprehensively discussed.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115645230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1163569
Eman Ratrout, Nur Köprülü
{"title":"International Dimensions of Authoritarian Persistence in the MENA Region: Revisiting US Foreign Aid to Egypt in the post-2011 Arab Uprisings Era","authors":"Eman Ratrout, Nur Köprülü","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1163569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1163569","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p xml:lang=\"tr\" />","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"187 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133651254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-24DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1164936
Goktug Kıprızlı
{"title":"Through the Lenses of Morality and Responsibility: BRICS, Climate Change and Sustainable Development","authors":"Goktug Kıprızlı","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1164936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1164936","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p xml:lang=\"tr\" />","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116337411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1153314
E. Gökçe
Bu çalışmanın amacı, hem Web of Science (WoS) hem de Scopus veri tabanlarında yer alan Uluslararası İlişkiler ana temalı Türkiye adresli dergilerde yayımlanan makalelerin konu dağılımlarını sıklık/yüzde temelinde belirlemek ve genel bilim felsefesi bağlamında yapılan çalışmaların içeriklerini incelemektir. Araştırma nitel yöntem yaklaşımı içinde içsel durum çalışmasına göre tasarlanmıştır. İlgili veri tabanlarında taranan dergilerde yayımlanan toplam 587 makalenin tamamı incelenmiştir. İlk aşamada veriler nicel betimsel analize tabi tutulmuş ve konu dağılımlarının frekansları belirlenmiştir; ikinci aşamada ise veriler nitel betimsel analize tabi tutulmuş ve genel bilim felsefesiyle ilgili çalışmaların içerikleri betimlenmiştir. 587 makalenin %33,4’ünün bölgesel çalışmalar konusuna odaklandığı ve bölgesel çalışmaların başat konu olduğu; bununla birlikte genel bilim felsefesi eksenindeki çalışmaların %3.6 oranında kalarak toplam içinde çok az ağırlığa sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir.
{"title":"All Azimuth, Insight Turkey ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergilerinde Yayımlanan Makalelerde Genel Bilim Felsefesinin Yeri","authors":"E. Gökçe","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1153314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1153314","url":null,"abstract":"Bu çalışmanın amacı, hem Web of Science (WoS) hem de Scopus veri tabanlarında yer alan Uluslararası İlişkiler ana temalı Türkiye adresli dergilerde yayımlanan makalelerin konu dağılımlarını sıklık/yüzde temelinde belirlemek ve genel bilim felsefesi bağlamında yapılan çalışmaların içeriklerini incelemektir. Araştırma nitel yöntem yaklaşımı içinde içsel durum çalışmasına göre tasarlanmıştır. İlgili veri tabanlarında taranan dergilerde yayımlanan toplam 587 makalenin tamamı incelenmiştir. İlk aşamada veriler nicel betimsel analize tabi tutulmuş ve konu dağılımlarının frekansları belirlenmiştir; ikinci aşamada ise veriler nitel betimsel analize tabi tutulmuş ve genel bilim felsefesiyle ilgili çalışmaların içerikleri betimlenmiştir. 587 makalenin %33,4’ünün bölgesel çalışmalar konusuna odaklandığı ve bölgesel çalışmaların başat konu olduğu; bununla birlikte genel bilim felsefesi eksenindeki çalışmaların %3.6 oranında kalarak toplam içinde çok az ağırlığa sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"132 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123176208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1153307
E. O. Adewusi, Özker Kocadal
This study contributes to the human rights protection literature by using Fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) in the analysis of 76 cases composed of European Union and African Union countries. Results indicate that the ratification of treaties, establishment of human rights institutions, and high GDP per capita in the absence of rule of law, play crucial roles in the high rate of protection of human rights in Europe. In Africa, however, the low GDP per capita and absence of rule of law significantly weaken human rights protection. The analysis reveals that the establishment of human rights institutions is essential to protect human rights in Europe, while high GDP per capita and rule of law are paramount to improving human rights protection in Africa in relation to any institutional configuration, approach, or policy.
{"title":"A Comparative Analysis of Human Rights Protection in European Union and African Union Countries: An fsQCA Approach","authors":"E. O. Adewusi, Özker Kocadal","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1153307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1153307","url":null,"abstract":"This study contributes to the human rights protection literature by using Fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) in the analysis of 76 cases composed of European Union and African Union countries. Results indicate that the ratification of treaties, establishment of human rights institutions, and high GDP per capita in the absence of rule of law, play crucial roles in the high rate of protection of human rights in Europe. In Africa, however, the low GDP per capita and absence of rule of law significantly weaken human rights protection. The analysis reveals that the establishment of human rights institutions is essential to protect human rights in Europe, while high GDP per capita and rule of law are paramount to improving human rights protection in Africa in relation to any institutional configuration, approach, or policy.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128521459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-22DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1134149
Murat Aydogdu
In the sixth article of Special Agreement which is annexed to Anglo-French-Turkish Treaty of Mutual Assistance dated 19 October 1939 it is expressed that Turkey cannot be forced to fulfill its obligations set down by the treaty, if the arms and credits that are committed by the second, fourth and fifth articles of the Special Agreement are not granted. As Britain and France wanted Turkey on Allied side, they accepted this Suspensive Clause to be laid down by the treaty but they immediately began to work on removing it. Yet the Allies couldn’t supply Turkey the anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons it requires for the front of Thrace. The British gave up such effort and embraced another approach that underrates the significance of said clause. Despite all, in a short span of time Turkey – whose economic and security concerns raised – and the Allied front – who could not risk losing Turkey – came to a mutual understanding. As it was agreed that the credits that were promised to Ankara would be given and that Allied countries would purchase chromium and dried fruit from Turkey, on 26 January 1940 Government of Turkey issued a cabinet decree announcing the Suspensive Clause abolished. However it appears Turkish historians have not recognized this development and consequently it has been considered that the argument Ankara put forward, in order to preserve its nonbelligerent status, that Turkey is ‘not adequately equipped’, was based upon this (essentially non-existent) clause. On the other hand, Ankara abolished this clause even though it received only a small part of the arms that were promised, and delivery of the remaining part was not possible in the short term. The fact that Ankara thus removed such important barricade on its way to the war is a development crucial enough to revise the foreign policy Turkey followed at the beginning of World War II.
{"title":"An Overlooked Fact About the 1939 Anglo-French-Turkish Treaty: Removal of the ‘Suspensive Clause’ in the Special Agreement","authors":"Murat Aydogdu","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1134149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1134149","url":null,"abstract":"In the sixth article of Special Agreement which is annexed to Anglo-French-Turkish Treaty of Mutual Assistance dated 19 October 1939 it is expressed that Turkey cannot be forced to fulfill its obligations set down by the treaty, if the arms and credits that are committed by the second, fourth and fifth articles of the Special Agreement are not granted. As Britain and France wanted Turkey on Allied side, they accepted this Suspensive Clause to be laid down by the treaty but they immediately began to work on removing it. Yet the Allies couldn’t supply Turkey the anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons it requires for the front of Thrace. The British gave up such effort and embraced another approach that underrates the significance of said clause. Despite all, in a short span of time Turkey – whose economic and security concerns raised – and the Allied front – who could not risk losing Turkey – came to a mutual understanding. As it was agreed that the credits that were promised to Ankara would be given and that Allied countries would purchase chromium and dried fruit from Turkey, on 26 January 1940 Government of Turkey issued a cabinet decree announcing the Suspensive Clause abolished. However it appears Turkish historians have not recognized this development and consequently it has been considered that the argument Ankara put forward, in order to preserve its nonbelligerent status, that Turkey is ‘not adequately equipped’, was based upon this (essentially non-existent) clause. On the other hand, Ankara abolished this clause even though it received only a small part of the arms that were promised, and delivery of the remaining part was not possible in the short term. The fact that Ankara thus removed such important barricade on its way to the war is a development crucial enough to revise the foreign policy Turkey followed at the beginning of World War II.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115955300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-02DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1124976
Melek Aylin Özoflu
Avrupa Birliği (AB) siyasi sahnesi, kimlik inşasının siyasi partiler için siyasi bir meşrutiyet kazanma aracı haline geldiği söylemsel bir alan sunmaktadır. Avrupa yanlısı partiler, Avrupa kimliğinin grup içi anlatılarını kullanırken Avrupa şüpheci partiler, siyasi gerçekliği yeniden şekillendirmek için gruplar arası farklılaşma anlatılarını kullanarak “biz” ve “onlar” arasındaki grup ayrımını sorunsallaştırır. Literatür çoğunlukla, söylemsel sosyo-politik dışlama yoluyla grup içi ulus kimliği inşa eden Avrupa şüpheci popülist söylem ve sağcı retoriğe odaklanır. Bu makale, farklı bir duruş benimseyerek 2019 Avrupa Parlamentosu seçim kampanyaları süresince Avrupa yanlısı siyasi partilerin başvurduğu söylemsel stratejileri söylem-tarihsel yaklaşım yöntemiyle ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalkantılı Avrupa siyaset sahnesindeki Avrupa yanlısı söylemi araştırmak bu partilerin grup içi kimlik bölünmesine ilişkin duruşunu ortaya koymakta kritik bir öneme sahiptir.
{"title":"Avrupa Yanlısı Siyasi Partiler Tarafından Avrupa Kimliği İnşası","authors":"Melek Aylin Özoflu","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1124976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1124976","url":null,"abstract":"Avrupa Birliği (AB) siyasi sahnesi, kimlik inşasının siyasi partiler için siyasi bir meşrutiyet kazanma aracı haline geldiği söylemsel bir alan sunmaktadır. Avrupa yanlısı partiler, Avrupa kimliğinin grup içi anlatılarını kullanırken Avrupa şüpheci partiler, siyasi gerçekliği yeniden şekillendirmek için gruplar arası farklılaşma anlatılarını kullanarak “biz” ve “onlar” arasındaki grup ayrımını sorunsallaştırır. Literatür çoğunlukla, söylemsel sosyo-politik dışlama yoluyla grup içi ulus kimliği inşa eden Avrupa şüpheci popülist söylem ve sağcı retoriğe odaklanır. Bu makale, farklı bir duruş benimseyerek 2019 Avrupa Parlamentosu seçim kampanyaları süresince Avrupa yanlısı siyasi partilerin başvurduğu söylemsel stratejileri söylem-tarihsel yaklaşım yöntemiyle ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalkantılı Avrupa siyaset sahnesindeki Avrupa yanlısı söylemi araştırmak bu partilerin grup içi kimlik bölünmesine ilişkin duruşunu ortaya koymakta kritik bir öneme sahiptir.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127890303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-24DOI: 10.33458/uidergisi.1121604
S. Madani
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the largest regional development project in the history of global development. It is estimated that Chinese companies will invest up to $1.2 trillion in infrastructure development in Asia and elsewhere in the coming years. However, there are many obstacles to the successful implementation of this initiative in the host countries, including geographical factors, local culture, geopolitical contestation, public attitudes, institutional capacity, and governance quality. These challenges can substantially diminish the coherence of the BRI and prevent its effective implementation. This study aims to develop an analytical framework for exploring the risks associated with and challenges of executing BRI projects in Iran. To this end, all risks are categorized into three broad groups: operational, financial, and geopolitical. The results show that Iran generally faces many internal and external challenges in attracting foreign investment. The critical question is: Why is Iran receiving substantial investment from Chinese companies despite its unfavorable business environment? A geoeconomic approach is used to develop a theoretical framework to explain Iran-China BRI relations. In this context, Iran’s geoeconomic significance is the main factor encouraging the flow of Chinese investment into the country. The BRI comprises mostly functional cooperation between China and countries along the Silk Road based on a specific geospatial environment. Iran’s geospatial environment encourages Chinese investments in infrastructure, which is the main content of functional cooperation.
{"title":"Beyond Geopolitics: A Geoeconomic Perspective of China-Iran Belt and Road Initiative Relations","authors":"S. Madani","doi":"10.33458/uidergisi.1121604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33458/uidergisi.1121604","url":null,"abstract":"The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the largest regional development project in the history of global development. It is estimated that Chinese companies will invest up to $1.2 trillion in infrastructure development in Asia and elsewhere in the coming years. However, there are many obstacles to the successful implementation of this initiative in the host countries, including geographical factors, local culture, geopolitical contestation, public attitudes, institutional capacity, and governance quality. These challenges can substantially diminish the coherence of the BRI and prevent its effective implementation. This study aims to develop an analytical framework for exploring the risks associated with and challenges of executing BRI projects in Iran. To this end, all risks are categorized into three broad groups: operational, financial, and geopolitical. The results show that Iran generally faces many internal and external challenges in attracting foreign investment. The critical question is: Why is Iran receiving substantial investment from Chinese companies despite its unfavorable business environment? A geoeconomic approach is used to develop a theoretical framework to explain Iran-China BRI relations. In this context, Iran’s geoeconomic significance is the main factor encouraging the flow of Chinese investment into the country. The BRI comprises mostly functional cooperation between China and countries along the Silk Road based on a specific geospatial environment. Iran’s geospatial environment encourages Chinese investments in infrastructure, which is the main content of functional cooperation.","PeriodicalId":414004,"journal":{"name":"Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121033849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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