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The Cambridge History of China, Volume 5, Part Two: Sung China, 960–1279 ed. by John W. Chaffee and Denis Twitchett (review) 《剑桥中国史》,第五卷,第二部分:宋中国,960–1279年
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/sys.2016.0008
Christian de Pee
In 1966, John King Fairbank and Denis Twitchett agreed to become the general editors of a Cambridge History of China. They planned “to provide a substantial account of the history of China as a bench mark for the Western history-reading public: an account of the current state of knowledge in six volumes.”1 By extending the prestigious Cambridge History series to China they intended to demonstrate that “Chinese history belongs to the world, not only as a right and necessity, but also as a subject of compelling interest.”2 Their design for a concise series, however, was soon overwhelmed by “the out-pouring of current research, the application of new methods, and the extension of scholarship into new fields,” forcing them to adjust the projected number of volumes to fourteen in 1976, and to sixteen or eighteen by 1982.3 In his memoir, Chinabound: A Fifty-Year Memoir, Fairbank describes the dilemma raised by the rapid growth of the number and the size of the emerging volumes: “the more massive our history becomes, the fewer its readers may be.”4 The general public could still read the individual articles “for the story they tell,” but the series would also aid professional historians by offering an increased apparatus of notes and bibliographies.5 In his preface to the second, final part of the Cambridge History of the Song dynasty, editor John Chaffee writes that its earliest essays date to the
1966年,费尔班克和特威切特同意担任《剑桥中国史》的总编辑。他们计划“提供一份关于中国历史的实质性报告,作为西方历史阅读公众的基准:六卷本的当前知识状况报告。“1通过将享有盛誉的剑桥历史系列扩展到中国,他们打算证明“中国历史属于世界,不仅是一种权利和必要性,而且是一个令人感兴趣的主题。”2然而,他们设计了一个简洁的系列,很快就被“当前研究的大量涌现、新方法的应用以及学术向新领域的扩展”所淹没,迫使他们在1976年将预计的卷数调整为14卷,到1981年调整为16或18卷,费尔班克描述了新兴书籍数量和规模的快速增长所带来的困境:“我们的历史越庞大,读者可能就越少。”4公众仍然可以“根据他们讲述的故事”阅读个别文章,但该系列还将通过提供更多的笔记和参考书目来帮助专业历史学家编辑约翰·查菲在《剑桥宋代史》的第二部分,也是最后一部分的序言中写道,其最早的散文可以追溯到
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引用次数: 1
The Orphan of Zhao and Other Yuan Plays: The Earliest Known Versions trans. by Stephen H. West and Wilt L. Idema (review) 《赵氏孤儿》与其他元代戏剧:已知最早的译本。作者:斯蒂芬·韦斯特、威尔特·艾德玛(书评)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0011
Regina Llamas
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引用次数: 1
A Regional Cultural Tradition in Song China: "The Four Treasures of the Study of the Southern Tang" ('Nan Tang wenfang sibao') 中国宋代的地域文化传统:“南唐文房四宝”
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0004
Ng Pak-sheung
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引用次数: 1
Theater of the Dead: A Social Turn in Chinese Funerary Art, 1000–1400 by Jeehee Hong (review) 《死者剧场:中国殡葬艺术的社会转向》,1000–1400,作者:Jeehee Hong(评论)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0014
Fan Zhang
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引用次数: 1
The Mongol Century: Visual Cultures of Yuan China, 1271–1368 by Shane McCausland (review) 《蒙古世纪:元朝的视觉文化,1271-1368》作者:Shane McCausland
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0012
J. Purtle
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引用次数: 0
Song Taizong, the 'Record of Jiangnan' ('Jiangnan lu'), and an Alternate Ending to the Tang 宋太宗,《江南录》(《江南录》),唐末
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0003
Johannes L. Kurz
Zhao Kuangyi 趙匡義 (Taizong 太宗, r. 976–997), the second emperor of the Song, succeeded the dynastic founder, his brother Zhao Kuangyin 趙匡 胤 (Taizu 太祖, r. 960–976), under dubious circumstances. Because of the ensuing succession controversy, Taizong altered the historical record to suggest that on her deathbed, his mother Empress Dowager Du 杜 (902–961) had encouraged the transmission of the throne from older brother to younger brother. Peter Lorge has discussed this story and concludes that Taizong had contrived it in collusion with Zhao Pu 趙普 (922–982).1 His usurpation placed a great deal of political pressure upon Taizong, for he had to show that he could handle the responsibility of running the empire. If he failed to prove his competence, he would most likely have faced resistance from the highranking members of the bureaucracy, many of whom had been supporters of the late emperor. Hence, Taizong turned to history to provide a precedent for his controversial succession. Although he rarely proclaimed his admiration for Emperor Taizong of the Tang (r. 626–649) directly, he strived to emulate the great Tang emperor in all his actions. In the first place, the way in which Tang Taizong had secured the throne may have appealed to Song Taizong as a historical model. Tang Taizong’s rise to the throne had not been unproblematic either, for he killed his brother, the designated crown prince, and put his father Gaozu 高祖 (r. 618–626) under house arrest. Yet, despite his
赵匡义(976-997)是宋朝的第二位皇帝,他的兄弟赵匡胤(960-976)在不确定的情况下继承了开国皇帝的王位。由于随后的继承争议,唐太宗修改了历史记录,认为他的母亲杜太后(902-961)在临终前曾鼓励将王位从哥哥传给弟弟。彼得·洛格讨论过这个故事,并得出结论说,唐太宗与赵朴合谋捏造了这个故事他的篡夺给太宗带来了巨大的政治压力,因为他必须证明自己有能力管理帝国。如果他不能证明自己的能力,他很可能会面临官僚机构高层成员的抵制,其中许多人曾是已故皇帝的支持者。因此,太宗转向历史,为他备受争议的继承提供先例。虽然他很少直接表达对唐太宗(626-649)的崇拜,但他在所有的行动上都努力模仿这位伟大的唐朝皇帝。首先,唐太宗获得王位的方式可能吸引了宋太宗作为一个历史模型。唐太宗登基也不是一帆风顺的,因为他杀死了自己的弟弟,即指定的太子,并把他的父亲高祖(约618-626)软禁起来。然而,尽管他
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引用次数: 0
"Favoring Their Own": Grain Embargoes in Southern Song China “亲己”:南宋时期的粮食禁运
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0006
Z. Lin
In 1215, a severe drought struck Southern China and threatened the food security of the circuits of Zhexi, Jiangdong, and Hubei in particular. The Fiscal Commissioner of Hubei circuit, Wu Rousheng 吳柔勝 (1154–1224), was commemorated in the Song shi for “begging to purchase [grain] in Hunan and actively implementing policies of famine relief, which saved the lives of countless people in the fifteen prefectures that suffered from the disaster” 乞糴於湖南, 大講荒政, 十五州被災之民, 全活者不可勝計. This narrative from Wu’s official biography depicts the cross-regional coordination of resources that allowed a competent administrator to handle food crises smoothly. However, the narrative glosses over Wu’s participation in intense inter-regional and intra-regional competitions over grain. In fact, one of Wu’s contemporaries lamented the “jurisdiction-centrism”2 of various administrators who safeguarded their own local resources in 1215:
1215年,一场严重的旱灾袭击了中国南方,特别是浙西、江东和湖北的粮食安全受到威胁。湖北巡回财政专员吴柔生吳柔勝 (1154–1224),在宋代被纪念为“乞求在湖南购买[粮食],积极执行饥荒救济政策,拯救了十五州无数灾民的生命”乞糴於湖南, 大講荒政, 十五州被災之民, 全活者不可勝計. 吴官方传记中的这段叙述描述了跨地区的资源协调,使一位有能力的行政人员能够顺利处理粮食危机。然而,这种叙述掩盖了吴在激烈的地区间和地区内粮食竞争中的参与。事实上,吴的一位同时代人在1215年哀叹了维护自己地方资源的各种行政人员的“管辖中心主义”2:
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引用次数: 13
Critics and Commentators: The "Book of Poems" as Classic and Literature by Bruce Rusk (review) 批评家与评论家:布鲁斯·鲁斯克的《诗经》经典与文学(书评)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0009
Peter Ditmanson
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引用次数: 0
Writing, Publishing and Reading Local Gazetteers in Imperial China, 1100–1700 by Joseph R. Dennis (review) Joseph R.Dennis撰写、出版和阅读《帝制中国地方志》,1100–1700(评论)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2015.0012
Ruth Mostern
Xie 朱偰 (Qiqian 啟鈐), who published the first modern studies of Dadu’s palaces and gardens in 1930 and 1936.10 Why these were not used by Chen Gaohua is unknown, but given their use in secondary literature for the next eighty years, the omission immediately renders the book out of date.11 This fact, that Chen’s book itself is now out-of-date—not the omission of one or another author who has worked on the capital or subjects related to it—is the shortcoming of a translation of a thirty-three-year-old book whose subject is grounded in excavations and modern understandings of urban studies. Readers of JSYS may well find useful sections in this translation. However, they will be frustrated by the choppy and often seemingly random coverage of topics that one would expect to have disappeared in the English version. A reader of Chinese might prefer to read the original, perhaps with the translated endnotes alongside.
谢朱偰 (琦倩啟鈐), 他在1930年和1930年出版了第一本关于大都宫殿和花园的现代研究。6.10为什么陈高华没有使用这些研究尚不清楚,但考虑到它们在接下来的八十年里被用于次要文献,这一遗漏立即使这本书过时了。11事实上,陈的书本身已经过时了——不是遗漏了一个或另一个研究过首都或与之相关的主题的作者——这是一本三十三年前的书的翻译的缺陷,这本书的主题是基于对城市研究的挖掘和现代理解。JSYS的读者可能会在这个翻译中找到有用的部分。然而,他们会对那些原本会在英文版中消失的主题进行起伏不定、往往看似随机的报道感到沮丧。中文读者可能更喜欢阅读原文,也许可以把翻译后的尾注放在旁边。
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引用次数: 0
Princely Qualities and Unexpected Coherence: Rhetoric and Representation in 'Juan' 117 of the 'Yuanshi' 王侯特质与意外连贯&《元诗》《卷》117的修辞与表征
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2015.0008
Geoffrey Humble
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Song-Yuan Studies
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