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Wm. Theodore de Bary: August 9, 1919–July 14, 2017 Wm。西奥多·德·巴里:1919年8月9日至2017年7月14日
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-15 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2017.0000
P. Bol
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引用次数: 0
"Short Scrolls" and "Slanderous Reports": Political Communication and Political Culture in the Early Southern Song “短卷”与“谗言”:南宋早期的政治传播与政治文化
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-15 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2017.0004
Song-Chuan Chen
In the fifth month of 1187 a fire engulfed a densely populated area in the city of Chengdu. The prefect, Zhao Ruyu 趙汝愚 (1140–1196), provided swift and effective disaster relief. Within a few months, the affected area reemerged from the ashes with new buildings constructed with the support of government funds. But this did not earn him universal acclaim. Instead, his report of the fire damage became the subject of controversy at court. In the months that followed, Zhao was impeached and investigated for underreporting the fire losses, but eventually he was cleared of all charges. Two accounts have survived from the early thirteenth century on these impeachments and investigations. One of these accounts is found in Zhao’s tomb epitaph, written by Liu Guangzu 劉光祖 (1142–1222) between 1208 and 1222.1 It seems to have
1887年5月,一场大火吞没了成都市一个人口稠密的地区。知府赵汝玉(1140-1196)提供了迅速有效的救灾行动。在几个月内,受影响的地区在政府资金的支持下重新建起了新的建筑物。但这并没有为他赢得普遍的赞誉。相反,他关于火灾损失的报告在法庭上引起了争议。在接下来的几个月里,赵因少报火灾损失而受到弹劾和调查,但最终他被洗清了所有指控。关于这些弹劾和调查,从13世纪初流传下来的有两种说法。其中一个记载是在赵氏墓志铭中发现的,由刘光祖(1142-1222)在1208年至1222年之间写的
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引用次数: 1
Fire and Ice: Li Cunxu and the Founding of the Later Tang by Richard L. Davis (review) 《火与冰:李存绪与后唐的建立》作者:理查德·l·戴维斯(书评)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-15 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2017.0011
N. Standen
widespread. I am sure the author would have profited from engaging in an academic discourse concerning these or similar questions. In summary, the present volume provides a very good overview for historians and sinologists who need a general survey on the development of muzhi ming, a survey that traces the different development steps and processes in a clear and well-written manner, with many translated passages and concrete introductions to specific tomb inscriptions of different periods. It also serves well as a reference tool. Hopefully, such questions may stimulate and encourage scholars to engage more actively in academic discourse also beyond their immediate vicinity.
普遍的我相信作者会从参与关于这些或类似问题的学术讨论中获益。总之,本卷为历史学家和汉学家提供了一个很好的概述,他们需要对穆志明的发展进行一次全面的调查,这是一次以清晰而完整的方式追溯不同发展步骤和过程的调查,其中有许多翻译的段落和对不同时期特定陵墓铭文的具体介绍。它也是一个很好的参考工具。希望这些问题能激励和鼓励学者们更积极地参与学术话语,也超越他们的近邻。
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引用次数: 0
A Brief Summary of Recent Taiwanese Scholarship on Song Political and Intellectual History 近代台湾学宋政治思想史研究综述
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-15 DOI: 10.1353/sys.2017.0006
Douglas Skonicki
Over the past sixty years, research on the Song dynasty has been one of the strengths of Taiwanese historical scholarship. Building on the pioneering accomplishments of scholars such as Ch’ien Mu 錢穆, Chin Chung-shu 金中 樞 and Sung Hsi 宋晞, current generations of Song specialists in Taiwan have made significant contributions to our understanding of this pivotal period in Chinese history. In this bibliographical report, I will review recent Taiwanese scholarship on the political and intellectual history of the Song. Due to spatial constraints and the large body of relevant material, I have decided to limit the scope of this review to monographs published within the last five years and articles published in top-tier academic journals between 2015 and 2017.1 In addition, I will only include the studies of scholars who either hold, or who have recently retired from, an academic position at a university or research institute in Taiwan. Before delving into this body of scholarship, it is important to note that the vitality of Song studies in Taiwan is due in no small part to the atmosphere of collegiality and cooperation that exists among its scholarly community. Over the past several years, there have been numerous conferences and workshops on topics that have either focused, or touched upon, the Song dynasty. They
六十年来,宋代研究一直是台湾历史学术的强项之一。在钱穆、金钟书、宋熙晞等学者的开创性成就的基础上,台湾当代宋学专家为我们理解中国历史上这一关键时期做出了重大贡献。在这份书目报告中,我将回顾台湾近年来关于宋朝政治和思想史的学术研究。由于篇幅限制和相关资料较多,我决定将本综述的范围限制在最近五年内发表的专著和2015年至2017年在顶级学术期刊上发表的文章。7.1此外,我将只包括在台湾大学或研究机构担任学术职位或最近退休的学者的研究。在深入研究这一学术体系之前,必须指出的是,台湾宋代研究的活力在很大程度上归功于其学术界之间存在的合作与合作氛围。在过去的几年里,已经有许多会议和研讨会的主题要么集中,要么触及宋朝。他们
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引用次数: 0
The Chinese Market Economy, 1000–1500 by William Guanglin Liu (review) 《中国市场经济,1000–1500》,刘(评论)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-15 DOI: 10.1353/sys.2017.0008
K. Deng
by Benedict Anderson,5 only to argue that, despite some similarities, what she is describing is the circulation of political information (i.e., printing) as a means of “solidifying the imperial mission in times of crisis” (p. 27). Some years ago, Rolf Trauzettel argued that early Southern Song irredentism should be understood from a proto-national frame of reference.6 While that appeared insightful at the time, I find De Weerdt’s formulation persuasive, that what we see here is a commitment to empire, not country or nation. Whether or not this commitment lasted through the late dynasties, as she suggests, is a question to be addressed by others. But she has produced an exhaustively researched and richly textured treatment of printing, literati, and the state, as well as discourses about and conceptualizations of empire in Southern Song China, a study that will long shape how we think about these matters.
本尼迪克特·安德森(Benedict Anderson),5只认为,尽管有一些相似之处,但她所描述的是政治信息的传播(即印刷),作为“在危机时期巩固帝国使命”的一种手段(第27页)。几年前,罗尔夫·特劳泽特尔(Rolf Trauzettel)认为,南宋早期的收复主义应该从一个原始的国家参照系来理解。6虽然这在当时看来很有见地,但我觉得德的提法很有说服力,我们在这里看到的是对帝国的承诺,而不是对国家或民族的承诺。正如她所说,这种承诺是否能持续到王朝晚期,这是一个有待其他人解决的问题。但她对印刷、文人和国家进行了详尽的研究和丰富的文本处理,以及对南宋帝国的论述和概念化,这项研究将长期影响我们对这些问题的思考。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Market Cultures of Production and Consumption 引言:生产与消费的市场文化
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2019.0006
R. Glahn
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引用次数: 0
Why Does the Tang-Song Interregnum Matter?: A Focus on the Economies of the South 为什么唐宋语域很重要?:关注南方经济
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0002
H. Clark
By the late ninth century, after more than two-and-a-half centuries of power, the Tang dynasty was losing its Mandate. As early as the 850s, local unrest had begun to evolve into real rebellion. This growing pattern culminated in the cataclysmic uprising led by Wang Xianzhi 王仙芝 (d. 878) and Huang Chao 黃巢 (835–884) that uprooted the court and upset regional hierarchies throughout the imperial core between 874 and 884. Although the court, following the vanquishing of Huang Chao, returned to Chang’an, its power in the now-desolate capital city was effectively broken. The dynasty endured as a hollow shell until formally deposed by the bandit rebel Zhu Wen 朱溫 (852–912) in 907, but its effective end had long been accomplished. With the collapse of the political center, the empire broke apart. Through the last two-plus decades of nominal Tang authority the landscape was overrun by autonomous warlord armies.1 Some aspired to replacing the Tang, while others had much more limited aims, perhaps best defined as simple predation. This disorder marked the beginning of a century-long interregnum that divides Tang from Song. In the north this era is marked by the so-called Five Dynasties that began with Zhu Wen, first “emperor” of the Later Liang 後梁 “dynasty” (r. 907–912) For the next several decades, until the holistic empire was more-or-less restored by the Song in the latter half of the tenth century,
到9世纪末,在经历了两个半世纪的统治之后,唐朝逐渐失去了它的统治权。早在8世纪50年代,当地的动乱就开始演变成真正的叛乱。这种增长模式在874年至884年间,由王显之(公元878年)和黄巢(公元835年至884年)领导的灾难性起义中达到顶峰,这场起义将朝廷连根拔起,并颠覆了整个帝国核心的地区等级制度。虽然在黄巢被打败后,朝廷回到了长安,但它在现在荒凉的首都的权力实际上已经被打破了。直到907年,这个王朝被土匪叛军朱文(公元852-912)正式废黜,但它的有效终结早已完成。随着政治中心的崩溃,帝国解体了。在名义上的唐朝统治的最后二十多年里,这片土地被自治的军阀军队蹂躏一些人渴望取代唐朝,而另一些人的目标则有限得多,也许最好的定义是简单的捕食。这一混乱标志着长达一个世纪的间隔期的开始,将唐宋分开。在北方,这个时代以朱温开始的所谓五代为标志,朱温是后梁王朝(公元907-912年)的第一位“皇帝”,在接下来的几十年里,直到10世纪下半叶宋朝或多或少地恢复了整个帝国。
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引用次数: 5
Exploring the Propositions in Maps: The Case of the 'Yuji tu' of 1136 地图命题探究:以1136年《舆记图》为例
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0007
P. Bol
The Yuji tu 禹跡圖 (Fig. 1) that was engraved into stone in 1136 has become one of the most famous maps in China’s cartographic history.1 It has been the subject of studies by many scholars of historical geography and cartography. In part this has been because it seems to be on the way to becoming a modern map: It is the earliest extant national map that not only appears to have been intended to be geographically accurate, using a scaled grid, but also succeeded to a considerable extent.2 But this is not the only way to think about the map as an historical artifact. Yan Tingting 闫婷婷 has carefully reviewed the scholarship on the Yuji tu. What can we say with certainty? First, we can be sure that the original source used by the 1136 map, and the version known as the Yuji tu 禹迹圖 engraved at Zhenjiang 鎮江 in 1142, dates from the period 1081–94, following Cao Wanru 曹婉如, and perhaps 1087–1089, following Liu Jianguo 劉建 國, based on the dates for changes in the course of the Yellow River and in some administrative place names. The 1142 map states that it was engraved based on the “Chang’an edition” of 1100. Second, we can see that it employs
虞姬屠禹跡圖 (图1)于1136年刻在石头上,成为中国地图史上最著名的地图之一。1它一直是许多历史地理和地图学学者研究的主题。这在一定程度上是因为它似乎正在成为一张现代地图:它是现存最早的国家地图,不仅使用了缩放网格,似乎在地理上是准确的,而且在很大程度上取得了成功。2但这并不是将地图视为历史文物的唯一方式。严婷婷闫婷婷 我仔细审查了玉极图的学术成果。我们能肯定地说些什么呢?首先,我们可以肯定的是,1136地图使用的原始来源,以及被称为虞姬图的版本禹迹圖 镇江刻字鎮江 1142年,1081年至94年,曹婉如之后曹婉如, 也许是1087-1089年,跟随刘建国劉建 國, 根据黄河改道的日期和一些行政地名。1142年的地图表明,它是根据1100年的“长安版”雕刻的。第二,我们可以看到它雇佣了
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引用次数: 1
Ancestors, Spouses, and Descendants: The Transformation of Epitaph Writing in Song Luzhou 祖先、配偶与后代:宋代泸州墓志铭的变迁
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0005
Man Xu
In contrast to the abundant scholarship on local society and local elites in South China during the Song dynasty, corresponding studies on North China have been largely unavailable because of the shortage of relevant sources. In recent years, 101 newly-discovered epitaphs from Luzhou 潞州, a peripheral region in north China, have begun to change our understanding of the composition and strategies of Song local elites, which has been based on models from South China. Ranging over 162 years, from 960 to 1122, sixty-one of these epitaphs (60%) were written during the first forty-six years of the Northern Song (960–1006), seventy-eight (77%) were written within the dynasty’s first hundred years (960–1059), and twenty-three additional epitaphs (23%) were written after 1069.2 While they vary in length, roughly between 200 to 1,000 characters, most
与宋代对华南地方社会和地方精英的大量研究形成鲜明对比的是,由于相关资料的缺乏,对华北的相应研究基本上是不可用的。泸州近年来新发现墓志101件潞州, 作为中国北方的一个边缘地区,我们已经开始改变对宋代地方精英的构成和策略的理解,这种理解一直是基于华南的模式。从960年到1122年,历时162年,其中六十一块墓志(60%)写于北宋前四十六年(960–1006),七十八块(77%)写于王朝的第一个一百年(960-1059),另外二十三块墓志铭(23%)写于1069.2
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引用次数: 1
Modern Chinese Religion I: Song-Liao-Jin-Yuan (960–1368 AD) ed. by John Lagerwey and Pierre Marsone (review) 近代中国宗教I:宋辽金元(公元960-1368年),约翰·拉格威、皮埃尔·马松编(书评)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2018-03-27 DOI: 10.1353/SYS.2016.0013
B. Haar
The writing of a survey text of the arts produced during a single Chinese dynasty is no easy feat, especially when the body of material to be surveyed—as in the case of the Yuan dynasty—is shaped by artistic traditions drawn from throughout the known world during the century it examines. Measured against the scale of the endeavor, the concerns raised above are small; yet these concerns are representative of, rather than exceptional to, the attention paid to detail in the text, the strength of which is found in its Big Picture. Craig Clunas’s Empire of Great Brightness: Visual and Material Cultures of Ming China, 1368–1644, succeeded in surveying the arts of the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) in part because Clunas has written more on the arts of the Ming dynasty than any other living author, and in part because the nativist focus of the Ming dynasty limited the geographical scope of its cultural hinterland.28 In contrast, The Mongol Century is a book that might best have been written by a team of scholars, ideally specialists in the various languages, cultures, and art histories that shaped the Sino-Mongol state, as well as those, cited and uncited in The Mongol Century, whose work collectively has transformed the field in the past twenty years. But to give credit where credit is due, this review is not the first to voice that opinion.29
撰写一篇关于中国一个王朝时期艺术的调查文本绝非易事,尤其是当要调查的材料主体——就像元朝的情况一样——是由其所调查的世纪中来自已知世界的艺术传统所塑造的。以努力的规模来衡量,上面提出的担忧很小;然而,这些担忧代表了文本对细节的关注,而不是例外,文本的力量体现在其大画面中。克雷格·克吕纳斯(Craig Clunas)的《大明帝国:中国明代的视觉和物质文化》(Empire of Great Brightness:Visual and Material Cultures of Ming China,1368-1644)成功地考察了明代的艺术,部分原因是克吕纳斯写的关于明代艺术的文章比任何其他在世的作家都多,这在一定程度上是因为明朝对本土主义的关注限制了其文化腹地的地理范围。28相比之下,《蒙古世纪》这本书最好是由一组学者撰写的,他们最好是研究塑造中国-蒙古国家的各种语言、文化和艺术史的专家,在过去的二十年里,他的工作共同改变了这个领域。但是,为了在应该得到赞扬的地方给予赞扬,这篇评论并不是第一篇发表这一观点的评论。29
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Song-Yuan Studies
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