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Faithful Journeys: Unpacking the Religious Luggage of Senegalese Murid Migrants in Europe 忠实的旅程:打开塞内加尔穆里德移民在欧洲的宗教行李
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-20220001
M. Kaag
This contribution aims to approach the theme of a traveling Islam by starting from moving people and considering how their religious “luggage”—in terms of beliefs, ideas, and practices—travels with them and what this means for the circulation of religious ideas in Africa and beyond. The paper focuses particularly on Senegalese migrants of the Murid Sufi order residing in Italy and the Netherlands; it investigates how their religious luggage is important to them in the migration context and may circulate further from there. In addition, it explores how their religious luggage is moulded in, and through, their migration experiences: for instance, its meaning may change, or another layer may be added. Finally, ideas on (the force of) the Muridiyya may travel back to Senegal, adding other layers to the meaning of religion there as well.
这篇文章旨在探讨伊斯兰旅行的主题,从移动的人开始,考虑他们的宗教“行李”——信仰、思想和实践——如何与他们一起旅行,以及这对宗教思想在非洲和其他地区的传播意味着什么。本文特别关注居住在意大利和荷兰的穆里德·苏菲派的塞内加尔移民;它调查了他们的宗教行李在移民背景下对他们的重要性,并可能从那里进一步传播。此外,它还探讨了他们的宗教行李是如何在他们的移民经历中塑造出来的:例如,它的意义可能会改变,或者可能会增加另一层。最后,关于Muridiyya(力量)的想法可能会回到塞内加尔,也为那里的宗教意义增加了其他层面。
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引用次数: 0
A Beninese Imam’s Controversial 2019 Election Campaign: Muslim Leadership and Political Engagement in a Minority Context 贝宁伊玛目备受争议的2019年竞选活动:少数民族背景下的穆斯林领导和政治参与
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202004
Frédérick Madore
In Benin, the general furor surrounding the 2019 legislative elections held without opposition parties caused many to overlook the fact that Ibrahim Ousmane, a well-known imam from Cotonou, was ultimately elected to the National Assembly. His decision to run in the elections had sparked intense debates over political participation, the criteria used to select the community’s “legitimate” representatives, and, more broadly, the nature of Islamic religious authority in a minority context. In this article, I use the controversy that erupted in 2019 as a starting point for exploring disputes within Benin’s Muslim community and the dilemmas of Muslim minority politics. These disputes center on how its members can engage with national politics to promote their collective interests and maintain their political autonomy from the state. The crisis can also be understood in terms of a “generational” struggle for religious authority, in a context where there are competing sources of legitimacy.
在贝宁,2019年在没有反对党的情况下举行的立法选举引起了普遍的愤怒,导致许多人忽视了一个事实,即科托努的著名伊玛目易卜拉欣·奥斯曼(Ibrahim Ousmane)最终当选为国民议会议员。他参加选举的决定引发了关于政治参与、用来选择社区“合法”代表的标准,以及更广泛地说,在少数民族背景下伊斯兰宗教权威的性质的激烈辩论。在这篇文章中,我以2019年爆发的争议为起点,探讨贝宁穆斯林社区内部的争端和穆斯林少数民族政治的困境。这些争议集中在其成员如何参与国家政治,以促进他们的集体利益,并保持他们对国家的政治自治。这场危机也可以理解为宗教权威的“代际”斗争,在存在合法性竞争来源的背景下。
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引用次数: 0
Media Representations of Local Muslim Associations’ Acts of Charity in Zambia’s Multi-Religious but Christian-Dominated Context since the 2010s 2010年代以来,赞比亚多宗教但以基督教为主的背景下,当地穆斯林协会慈善行为的媒体表现
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202003
Nelly Mwale
Using media representations, this article explores how the media presents Islamic charity in a multi-religious but Christian-dominated context of Zambia. It shows that representations of local Muslim associations’ acts of charity ranged from rendering support to the vulnerable (in the form of donations of assorted items to communities, schools, hospitals and prisons), to undertaking community development programmes, to building and renovating infrastructure in selected areas countrywide. This representation signified a shift in media coverage of Islam in the 2000s. While the mediatised acts of charity were centred on Muslim social responsibility, the article advances that the representations of Muslim charity revealed not only the significant place of Muslims in the Zambian society, evidenced by the recognition by both state and non-Muslims as key players in public life, but also their ability to unite as a religious minority.
本文利用媒体呈现,探讨媒体如何在多元宗教但以基督教为主的赞比亚背景下呈现伊斯兰慈善。报告显示,地方穆斯林协会的慈善行为包括向弱势群体提供支持(以向社区、学校、医院和监狱捐赠各种物品的形式)、开展社区发展方案、在全国选定地区建造和翻新基础设施等。这一表现表明,2000年代以来,媒体对伊斯兰教的报道发生了转变。虽然调解的慈善行为以穆斯林的社会责任为中心,但文章指出,穆斯林慈善的表现不仅揭示了穆斯林在赞比亚社会中的重要地位,证明了国家和非穆斯林在公共生活中都是关键角色,而且还显示了他们作为宗教少数群体的团结能力。
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引用次数: 0
The Quest for Survival, Cohesion and Voice for the Muslim Minority in Maniema, dr Congo 刚果马尼马穆斯林少数民族对生存、凝聚力和声音的追求
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202001
A. Leinweber
The history of the Congolese Muslim minority was one of marginalization. Islam arrived in the Maniema province of eastern Congo in the pre-colonial period with Swahili-Arab traders in search of ivory and slaves. Congolese Muslims experienced intense repression during Belgian colonial rule, resulting in detachment from politics and the state. In addition, deep internal divisions at local, provincial, and national levels riddled the community for decades. Surprisingly, in the post-war period the Muslim minority became increasingly active, as evidenced by a proliferation of Islamic associations. This article analyzes the Muslim minority in Maniema by focusing on their survival during historic marginalization from the state, their cohesion to overcome internal divisions, and their search for a voice to engage in social and political life. It argues that while the Congolese Muslim minority was successful at survival, the quest to form a cohesive community able to speak with one voice has remained mostly elusive.
刚果穆斯林少数民族的历史是一部被边缘化的历史。在前殖民时期,伊斯兰教与寻找象牙和奴隶的斯瓦希里阿拉伯商人一起来到刚果东部的马尼马省。在比利时殖民统治期间,刚果穆斯林经历了强烈的镇压,导致他们脱离政治和国家。此外,几十年来,地方、省和国家层面的深刻内部分歧使社区陷入困境。令人惊讶的是,在战后时期,穆斯林少数民族变得越来越活跃,正如伊斯兰协会的扩散所证明的那样。本文分析了马尼马的穆斯林少数民族,重点关注他们在历史上被国家边缘化期间的生存,他们克服内部分裂的凝聚力,以及他们寻求参与社会和政治生活的声音。报告认为,虽然刚果的穆斯林少数民族成功地生存了下来,但要形成一个有凝聚力的社区,能够用一个声音说话,在很大程度上仍然是难以实现的。
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引用次数: 0
The Ahmadis of Cape Town and the Spectre of Heresy: Polemics, Apostates and Boycotts 开普敦的艾哈迈迪派和异端的幽灵:争论,叛教和抵制
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202007
Nadeem Mahomed
The principal issue which this paper addresses is the identity and status of the minority Ahmadi community within the larger majoritarian Sunni Muslim community in Cape Town (itself a minority in the country), which was characterised by hostility, violence and exclusion perpetrated against the Ahmadi community. By examining archival material, local Muslim publications and interviews regarding events that transpired during the 1960s, I will argue that the tools of public avowal and socio-economic boycotts were wielded as weapons to buttress the authority of a Sunni clerical leadership as custodians of an orthodox Islamic heritage and a Sunni iteration of Islamic theology and Muslim life against what was considered to be a heretical manifestation in the form of Ahmadiyyat.
本文讨论的主要问题是少数族裔艾哈迈迪社区在开普敦较大的多数派逊尼派穆斯林社区(本身是该国的少数族裔)中的身份和地位,其特点是对艾哈迈迪社区的敌意、暴力和排斥。通过查阅档案材料、当地穆斯林出版物和对20世纪60年代发生的事件的采访,我将论证,公开宣誓和社会经济抵制的工具被用作武器,以支持逊尼派神职领导的权威,作为正统伊斯兰遗产的保管人,以及逊尼派对伊斯兰神学和穆斯林生活的重复,以反对被认为是异端表现形式的艾哈迈迪亚特。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Local and the Global: The Iranian Revolution and Sunni-Shia Relations in South Africa 在地方与全球之间:伊朗革命与南非的逊尼派-什叶派关系
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01301001
G. Vahed
This article charts the contours of Sunni-Shia relations in South Africa, with a particular focus on the period since the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which was received positively by many Muslims in a context of American hegemony globally and heightened anti-apartheid political activism locally. The growth of Saudi Arabian funded religious organisations within the Sunni majority community, and similar investment by Iran in emerging and existing Shia communities have fuelled relations between Sunni and Shia globally. This article considers the increasing tensions between Shias and mainstream Sunni Ulema in South Africa. The period has been witness to growing anti-Shia discourse, a physical attack against worshippers in a Shia mosque and a failed attempt at a truce. The growth in broadcast and social media and religious transnationalism have exacerbated historic fissures and antagonism, and these tensions seem destined to deepen and spread in the period ahead.
本文描绘了南非逊尼派-什叶派关系的轮廓,特别关注1979年伊朗革命以来的时期,在美国全球霸权和当地反种族隔离政治激进主义高涨的背景下,许多穆斯林积极接受了伊朗革命。沙特阿拉伯资助的逊尼派占多数社区内宗教组织的增长,以及伊朗对新兴和现有什叶派社区的类似投资,推动了全球逊尼派和什叶派之间的关系。这篇文章考虑了南非什叶派和主流逊尼派乌里玛之间日益紧张的关系。在这段时间里,反什叶派言论不断增多,什叶派清真寺的朝拜者遭到人身攻击,停火尝试失败。广播和社交媒体的增长以及宗教跨国主义加剧了历史上的裂痕和对抗,这些紧张局势似乎注定要在未来一段时间内加深和蔓延。
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引用次数: 1
A State of (Dis)unity and Uncertain Belonging: The Central African Republic and its Muslim Minority (不)统一和不确定归属的状态:中非共和国及其穆斯林少数民族
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202002
Laura Collins, Gino Vlavonou
This article examines how existing in a larger socio-political environment of contested national belonging shapes Muslims’ experiences in the Central African Republic (car). We draw on data gathered between 2017 and 2019 from various archival sources and in-depth interviews with Muslim religious leaders and non-Muslims in car’s capital, Bangui. We argue that through claims to autochthony a dual logic of exclusion co-occurs which shapes how Muslims experience their minority status. First, national level autochthony debates frame Muslim minority exclusion from the Central African national imagination. Second, at the Muslim intra-communal level, and particularly among religious leaders, autochthony encapsulates debates over “authentic” Muslimhood – fuelled not by contestation over Islamic practice and interpretation, but rather historical contestation based on ethnic exclusion. Specifically, we show that claims to “proper” Central African Muslimhood are premised on autochthony embedded in a dominant myth of primary settlement advanced by certain Muslim leaders.
本文探讨了存在于更大的、有争议的民族归属的社会政治环境中,如何塑造中非共和国穆斯林的经历。我们利用了2017年至2019年期间从各种档案来源收集的数据,并对该国首都班吉的穆斯林宗教领袖和非穆斯林进行了深入采访。我们认为,通过对自治的要求,双重排斥逻辑共同发生,这决定了穆斯林如何体验他们的少数民族地位。首先,国家层面的自治辩论将穆斯林少数民族排除在中非国家的想象之外。其次,在穆斯林社区内部,特别是在宗教领袖之间,自治囊括了关于“真正的”穆斯林身份的争论,这种争论不是由对伊斯兰教实践和解释的争论引起的,而是基于种族排斥的历史争论。具体地说,我们表明,所谓“适当的”中非穆斯林身份的主张,是以某些穆斯林领导人提出的主要定居点的主导神话中嵌入的自治为前提的。
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引用次数: 0
Ambiguous Positionings: The Politics and Experiences of Moral Learning at Gülen Movement Schools in Urban Tanzania 模棱两可的定位:坦尚尼亚城市<s:1>运动学校道德学习的政治与经验
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202009
Kristina Mashimi
This article examines the ambiguous positionings of the Gülen Movement (gm) in the religiously mixed setting of urban Tanzania, particularly in education. It argues that the gm has capitalised on its identity as a not-explicitly-Muslim minority group within the privatised educational market in Tanzania, making its schools an option for Muslim and Christian families alike. Against the backdrop of Tanzania’s larger histories of religious inequalities and sentiments of injustice among the Muslim population, gm schools fill a significant gap through their elite orientation and inclination towards Islam. The article further argues that the moral education offered by gm schools binds them to the broader ideological mission of the movement. Foregrounding the experiences of female students, it shows that moral education at gm schools is a highly gendered and open-ended process that entails the embodiment of different and at times contradictory understandings of femininity, modesty, and shame.
本文考察了 len运动(gm)在坦桑尼亚城市宗教混合环境中的模糊定位,特别是在教育方面。它认为,在坦桑尼亚私有化的教育市场中,通用汽车利用了其作为非明确的穆斯林少数群体的身份,使其学校成为穆斯林和基督教家庭的共同选择。在坦桑尼亚宗教不平等和穆斯林群体不公正情绪的历史背景下,转基因学校通过其精英取向和对伊斯兰教的倾向填补了一个重要的空白。文章进一步认为,转基因学校提供的道德教育将它们与这场运动的更广泛的意识形态使命联系在一起。以女学生的经历为背景,表明转基因学校的道德教育是一个高度性别化和开放式的过程,需要体现对女性气质、谦逊和羞耻的不同理解,有时甚至是相互矛盾的理解。
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引用次数: 0
A Muslim Minority and the Use of Media: Charismatic Aesthetics of the Ahmadiyya in West Africa 少数穆斯林与媒介的使用:西非艾哈迈迪亚派的魅力美学
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202006
Katrin Langewiesche
The minority status of the Ahmadiyya is linked to the doctrine of this movement, described by some as heterodox, by others as non-Islamic, but also in connection to their minority demographics, whether in Burkina Faso, the country under scrutiny here, or within the overall Muslim population. The article examines the special case of the Ahmadiyya to answer general issues regarding the transnational expansion of Muslim minorities and their use of media in the struggle for recognition and participation in national public spheres. The description of the iconographic aesthetics of this Muslim missionary minority, in particular the use of the portraits of the charismatic leaders, is used to analyse the challenges of its self-representation towards the Muslim majority worldwide. The analysis of Ahmadiyya’s iconographic discourse highlights that the charismatic aesthetics makes individuals sense the power of the caliphate in their intimacy. It also emphasises the tensions related to their mediatised selfrepresentation.
Ahmadiyya的少数民族地位与这场运动的教义有关,有人将其描述为异端,有人将其描述为非伊斯兰教,但也与他们的少数民族人口有关,无论是在布基纳法索,还是在整个穆斯林人口中。本文考察了Ahmadiyya的特殊情况,以回答有关穆斯林少数民族跨国扩张以及他们在争取承认和参与国家公共领域的斗争中使用媒体的一般问题。对这一穆斯林传教士少数民族的肖像美学的描述,特别是对魅力领袖肖像的使用,被用来分析其自我表现对全球穆斯林多数的挑战。对艾哈迈迪亚肖像话语的分析强调,魅力美学使个人在亲密关系中感受到哈里发的权力。它还强调了与他们调解的自我表现有关的紧张关系。
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引用次数: 1
Studying Muslim Minorities in Subsaharan Africa: Preliminary Remarks 撒哈拉以南非洲穆斯林少数民族研究:初步评论
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-05-20 DOI: 10.1163/21540993-01202008
D. Schulz
The introduction to the special issue on Muslim minorities in Subsaharan Africa argues that a focus on the circumstances and challenges faced by them opens up productive lines of inquiry into forms of religious coexistence and plurality, in Subsaharan Africa and elsewhere. Starting from a conceptual reflection on different forms of religious plurality, the article enters a plea for more a sustained reflection on the effects of state regulation of religious coexistence and how it is lived in everyday life. To this effect, the introduction invites readers to take the different case studies of the special issue as a way to assess and compare the genealogies and legacies of state regimes of religious governance in Subsaharan Africa.
关于撒哈拉以南非洲穆斯林少数群体特别问题的导言认为,对他们所面临的情况和挑战的关注,为研究撒哈拉以南非洲和其他地区的宗教共存和多元化形式开辟了富有成效的途径。本文从对不同形式的宗教多元性的概念反思出发,呼吁对国家对宗教共存的管制的影响及其在日常生活中的表现进行更持久的反思。为此,引言邀请读者将特刊的不同案例研究作为评估和比较撒哈拉以南非洲国家宗教治理制度的谱系和遗产的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
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Islamic Africa
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