Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.118-135
Radoslav Packa
Humanitarian interventions have long formed a controversial topic: they represent a violation of the nation-state’s sovereignty to fulfil a humanitarian mission. Intervening countries have always had to deal with suspicion of using humanitarian motives as cover for imperialism. Since 1945 it has become the international norm that the international community may act to prevent the most egregious acts of human rights violations. Modern developments and the UN’s acceptance of the Responsibility to Protect have advanced humanitarian intervention as a legitimate instrument to correct the most striking failures of states to uphold their responsibilities to their citizens. This study attempts to evaluate the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. The goal of the study is to answer what impact an intervention has on the stability and democratization processes of the affected country. For this purpose, a quantitative analysis was performed using the publicly available data from the Humanitarian intervention dataset. This dataset contains data on 41 humanitarian interventions between 1945 and 2014. These were grouped based on whether there was a single or group intervening countries and whether the intervening side had the approval of relevant international organizations. The groups were then compared in terms of success in achieving a cessation of hostilities in a shorter and longer horizon as well as whether the intervention left behind a functional democratic state. The results indicate that a short-term, unilateral approach to intervention seems more effective than an immediate attempt at violence reduction. The countries targeted by humanitarian intervention almost universally fail to create lasting democratic institutions, however the multilateral approach has produced better results in terms of creating lasting peace.
人道主义干预长期以来一直是一个有争议的话题:它们代表了对民族国家主权的侵犯，以履行人道主义使命。干预的国家总是不得不处理以人道主义动机作为帝国主义幌子的怀疑。自1945年以来，国际社会可以采取行动防止最恶劣的侵犯人权行为已成为国际准则。现代的发展和联合国对《保护的责任》(Responsibility to Protect)的接受，推动了人道主义干预成为一种合法手段，以纠正国家在履行对其公民的责任方面最显著的失败。本研究试图评估人道主义干预的有效性。这项研究的目的是回答干预对受影响国家的稳定和民主化进程有什么影响。为此，使用人道主义干预数据集的公开数据进行了定量分析。该数据集包含1945年至2014年间41项人道主义干预的数据。根据是否存在单一或集体干预国家以及干预方是否得到相关国际组织的批准，对这些国家进行分组。然后比较各组在短期和长期内成功停止敌对行动的情况，以及干预是否留下了一个有效的民主国家。结果表明，短期的、单方面的干预方法似乎比立即减少暴力的尝试更有效。人道主义干预所针对的国家几乎普遍未能建立持久的民主体制，然而，多边办法在建立持久和平方面产生了较好的结果。
{"title":"Humanitarian Interventions after 1945: Multilateralism, Success Rate and the Impact of the Intervention on the Democratization Process of the Impacted States","authors":"Radoslav Packa","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.118-135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.118-135","url":null,"abstract":"Humanitarian interventions have long formed a controversial topic: they represent a violation of the nation-state’s sovereignty to fulfil a humanitarian mission. Intervening countries have always had to deal with suspicion of using humanitarian motives as cover for imperialism. Since 1945 it has become the international norm that the international community may act to prevent the most egregious acts of human rights violations. Modern developments and the UN’s acceptance of the Responsibility to Protect have advanced humanitarian intervention as a legitimate instrument to correct the most striking failures of states to uphold their responsibilities to their citizens. This study attempts to evaluate the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. The goal of the study is to answer what impact an intervention has on the stability and democratization processes of the affected country. For this purpose, a quantitative analysis was performed using the publicly available data from the Humanitarian intervention dataset. This dataset contains data on 41 humanitarian interventions between 1945 and 2014. These were grouped based on whether there was a single or group intervening countries and whether the intervening side had the approval of relevant international organizations. The groups were then compared in terms of success in achieving a cessation of hostilities in a shorter and longer horizon as well as whether the intervention left behind a functional democratic state. The results indicate that a short-term, unilateral approach to intervention seems more effective than an immediate attempt at violence reduction. The countries targeted by humanitarian intervention almost universally fail to create lasting democratic institutions, however the multilateral approach has produced better results in terms of creating lasting peace.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41508662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.26-38
Monika Benedeková, M. Čambáliková
The main goal of the study is to analyse the sectoral social dialogue in the system of social dialogue, with an emphasis on its practical functioning and the extension of sectoral collective agreements (KZVS) in Slovakia. The main research method is content analysis of sectoral collective agreements in Slovakia, analysis of the process of their extension, including changes in the relevant legislation. The paper analyses the causes of stagnation and limitations of sectoral negotiations in Slovakia and points to possible solutions that, through sectoral collective agreements and their extension, could contribute to fulfilling the potential and benefits of the effective functioning of social dialogue in Slovakia.
{"title":"Sectoral Collective Bargaining in Slovakia: Benefits and Limits","authors":"Monika Benedeková, M. Čambáliková","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.26-38","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.26-38","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of the study is to analyse the sectoral social dialogue in the system of social dialogue, with an emphasis on its practical functioning and the extension of sectoral collective agreements (KZVS) in Slovakia. The main research method is content analysis of sectoral collective agreements in Slovakia, analysis of the process of their extension, including changes in the relevant legislation. The paper analyses the causes of stagnation and limitations of sectoral negotiations in Slovakia and points to possible solutions that, through sectoral collective agreements and their extension, could contribute to fulfilling the potential and benefits of the effective functioning of social dialogue in Slovakia.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46754161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.156-160
Patrícia Balcová
REVIEWED BOOK: HORKÝ, P. a kol.: Ukrajina (rozhovory, mýty a fakta) [Ukraine (Interviews, Myths, Facts)]. Brno: CPress, 2022. 234 s. ISBN 978-80-264-4395-7.
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.142-180
D. Dobiáš, Marcela Gbúrová
The history of the development of human communities opens up a large number of chapters of the alliance of rationality and power. The determining power of the implementation of elements of purposeful rationality at the political level is almost always represented by the legitimation of a certain type of interest associated with the greatest power to enforcing them. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. We focus on the productivity of dichotomies in the theory and practice of rationalism, irrationalism and liberal democracy. Their interaction in fact defines and creates the conditions for experimenting with different forms of political structures in the search for a better human and the world. At the same time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The theoretical background of this approach develops monitoring the content turbulences in the political systems of liberal democracies, with an emphasis on political life in Slovakia. Hence, in the present study, in the context of possible effects of the infectious disease COVID-19 on the activities of individual political actors, we point to a unique experience that contributes to addressing the issue of the way of establishing "softer" forms of political communication instead of political struggle, especially at the level of relations between the conservative, socialist, and liberal party-political communities not just in Slovakia, but also in other countries around the world.
{"title":"Some Comments on the Productivity of Dichotomies in the Current Arena of Ideological Confrontations","authors":"D. Dobiáš, Marcela Gbúrová","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.142-180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.142-180","url":null,"abstract":"The history of the development of human communities opens up a large number of chapters of the alliance of rationality and power. The determining power of the implementation of elements of purposeful rationality at the political level is almost always represented by the legitimation of a certain type of interest associated with the greatest power to enforcing them. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. We focus on the productivity of dichotomies in the theory and practice of rationalism, irrationalism and liberal democracy. Their interaction in fact defines and creates the conditions for experimenting with different forms of political structures in the search for a better human and the world. At the same time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The theoretical background of this approach develops monitoring the content turbulences in the political systems of liberal democracies, with an emphasis on political life in Slovakia. Hence, in the present study, in the context of possible effects of the infectious disease COVID-19 on the activities of individual political actors, we point to a unique experience that contributes to addressing the issue of the way of establishing \"softer\" forms of political communication instead of political struggle, especially at the level of relations between the conservative, socialist, and liberal party-political communities not just in Slovakia, but also in other countries around the world.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47213287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.109-141
Pavel Maškarinec
This paper tests the effects of the electoral reforms in all Mongolian elections between 1992 and 2020 by analysing national and district-level results. Especially, we address the question whether the pattern of the national competition is replicated also at the local level and the presence or absence of a (party system) projection from the local to the national level can corroborate the so-called nationalization thesis. We take different approaches. First, we use the Gallagher disproportionality index (LSq Index) to measure the disproportionality of an electoral outcome. Second, we use Laakso and Taagepera’s effective number of parliamentary parties (ENPP) as a measure of parliamentary fragmentation, and effective number of electoral parties (ENEP) as a measure of concentration in the distribution of votes across parties. Third, we use graphic tool, simplex representation, to analyse the nature of competitiveness at district level. We have come to several conclusions. First, our analysis has shown that the tendency to symmetrical two-party competition was present in less than half of the elections, together with the increasing trend against bipolarization of Mongolian electoral politics. A very important finding has been also the confirmation of the continued importance of the urban-rural cleavage in Mongolia, which resulted in a different shape of party competition between the countryside and the capital city of Ulaanbaatar. Finally, the equilateral simplex representation has broadened our understanding of district-level electoral competition, when we address the so-called nationalization thesis. While some previous studies found the presence of some form of two-party system in almost all Mongolian elections, the simplex visualization of the competition showed that the district-level party system was far from nationalized, i.e., with the two nationally strong parties being strongest in the districts as well – quite the opposite.
{"title":"Transformation of District-Level Competition in Mongolian Elections, 1992–2020: Towards Territorial Homogenization (Nationalization) of Voter Behaviour?","authors":"Pavel Maškarinec","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.109-141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.109-141","url":null,"abstract":"This paper tests the effects of the electoral reforms in all Mongolian elections between 1992 and 2020 by analysing national and district-level results. Especially, we address the question whether the pattern of the national competition is replicated also at the local level and the presence or absence of a (party system) projection from the local to the national level can corroborate the so-called nationalization thesis. We take different approaches. First, we use the Gallagher disproportionality index (LSq Index) to measure the disproportionality of an electoral outcome. Second, we use Laakso and Taagepera’s effective number of parliamentary parties (ENPP) as a measure of parliamentary fragmentation, and effective number of electoral parties (ENEP) as a measure of concentration in the distribution of votes across parties. Third, we use graphic tool, simplex representation, to analyse the nature of competitiveness at district level. We have come to several conclusions. First, our analysis has shown that the tendency to symmetrical two-party competition was present in less than half of the elections, together with the increasing trend against bipolarization of Mongolian electoral politics. A very important finding has been also the confirmation of the continued importance of the urban-rural cleavage in Mongolia, which resulted in a different shape of party competition between the countryside and the capital city of Ulaanbaatar. Finally, the equilateral simplex representation has broadened our understanding of district-level electoral competition, when we address the so-called nationalization thesis. While some previous studies found the presence of some form of two-party system in almost all Mongolian elections, the simplex visualization of the competition showed that the district-level party system was far from nationalized, i.e., with the two nationally strong parties being strongest in the districts as well – quite the opposite.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43419510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108
Lucia Bocková, R. Kucharčík
This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.
{"title":"Citizenship by Investment - Latest Development in the European Union","authors":"Lucia Bocková, R. Kucharčík","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108","url":null,"abstract":"This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44514752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.8-42
Barbara Baarova, Vladimír Baar
With their geographic and economic dimensions, post-Soviet de facto states are very small structures, yet they have existed for over a quarter of a century. This means that they have already had a generation that has no connection with the mother state from which they have separated. However, because the patron of their independence is (or, in the case of Artsakh, indirectly) Russia, which even officially recognized two of them (Abkhazia and South Ossetia-Alania), many authors keep observing their development. Their geopolitical importance significantly increased after the Russian aggression in Ukraine. Unrecognized states cannot be open economies, even if they wanted. In addition, in the case of post-Soviet de facto states, these are underdeveloped economies with high import costs and whose products are characterized by low competitiveness. The submitted contribution focuses on these structures from the point of view of the theory of small states. Based on geographic, demographic, economic and historical indicators, as well as the ability to resist reintegration, they suggest their theoretical possibilities of defending factual independence and gaining wider international recognition. The theory of small states shows in practice that the benefits of "smallness" cannot be used by de facto states to strengthen their political and economic prestige precisely because of the absence of international recognition and the rivalry of large states over geopolitical influence.
{"title":"Post-Soviet De Facto States in the Theory of Small States","authors":"Barbara Baarova, Vladimír Baar","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.8-42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.8-42","url":null,"abstract":"With their geographic and economic dimensions, post-Soviet de facto states are very small structures, yet they have existed for over a quarter of a century. This means that they have already had a generation that has no connection with the mother state from which they have separated. However, because the patron of their independence is (or, in the case of Artsakh, indirectly) Russia, which even officially recognized two of them (Abkhazia and South Ossetia-Alania), many authors keep observing their development. Their geopolitical importance significantly increased after the Russian aggression in Ukraine. Unrecognized states cannot be open economies, even if they wanted. In addition, in the case of post-Soviet de facto states, these are underdeveloped economies with high import costs and whose products are characterized by low competitiveness. The submitted contribution focuses on these structures from the point of view of the theory of small states. Based on geographic, demographic, economic and historical indicators, as well as the ability to resist reintegration, they suggest their theoretical possibilities of defending factual independence and gaining wider international recognition. The theory of small states shows in practice that the benefits of \"smallness\" cannot be used by de facto states to strengthen their political and economic prestige precisely because of the absence of international recognition and the rivalry of large states over geopolitical influence.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49651349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.43-68
Denisa Charvátová, Ondřej Filipec
Populism represents one of the major trends in contemporary politics across all European democracies. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy, with social networks that have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. Concerns about the success of populist groups marked also the recent European Parliamentary elections in May 2019. This also applies to the Czech Republic, where populist rhetoric is mainly represented by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD). The main objective of the article is to reveal how SPD is framing migration in the political communication on Facebook during the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament. It mainly focuses on its content and form regarding the posts' visual elements and technical parameters. As migration was the main topic of populist political communication, special attention is paid to the communication regarding this phenomenon, incl. an analysis of selected frames and manipulation techniques in the SPD political communication. The result shows, that migration played the most important role but was communicated selectively and manipulatively. Only the negative effects of migration were emphasised, it was framed in connection with other negative phenomena (especially rape, crime, and terrorism) and illustrated by pictures of aggressive Muslims, emotions of fear, anger, and hatred were evoked among the supporters, which further contributed to the radicalisation and sustainability of the mobilisation of the electorate.
{"title":"The Populist Construct of Migration: Framing within SPD's Communication Strategy ahead of the 2019 European Elections","authors":"Denisa Charvátová, Ondřej Filipec","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.43-68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.43-68","url":null,"abstract":"Populism represents one of the major trends in contemporary politics across all European democracies. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy, with social networks that have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. Concerns about the success of populist groups marked also the recent European Parliamentary elections in May 2019. This also applies to the Czech Republic, where populist rhetoric is mainly represented by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD). The main objective of the article is to reveal how SPD is framing migration in the political communication on Facebook during the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament. It mainly focuses on its content and form regarding the posts' visual elements and technical parameters. As migration was the main topic of populist political communication, special attention is paid to the communication regarding this phenomenon, incl. an analysis of selected frames and manipulation techniques in the SPD political communication. The result shows, that migration played the most important role but was communicated selectively and manipulatively. Only the negative effects of migration were emphasised, it was framed in connection with other negative phenomena (especially rape, crime, and terrorism) and illustrated by pictures of aggressive Muslims, emotions of fear, anger, and hatred were evoked among the supporters, which further contributed to the radicalisation and sustainability of the mobilisation of the electorate.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41436470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.271-276
Peter Ondria
{"title":"Book Review: The Live of the Nation is Eternal. One Hundred Years since Trianon 1920 – 2020","authors":"Peter Ondria","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.271-276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.271-276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44886829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-10DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230
Ivan Majchút
The Central African Republic, located in the central part of Africa, has been known for decades of conflict between the communities. Citizens of local communities first influenced the solution to the conflict. However, the mentioned country cannot solve it, and external actors must contribute to these processes. International organisations (United Nations, European Union, and African Union) and the powered world countries (the United States of America, China, and France) were also significant, active, and influential in this process. Russia obtained a unique position in the process. The present study attempted to critically evaluate this country's historical background, current conflict situation, and perspectives. The study aimed to answer the essential question of the external players, activities, and roles in the Central African Republic and asserted their interests in the mentioned region by the complex of general theoretical methods. Special attention was paid to Russian activities in this country. It is obvious that the mutual relations of external actors fundamentally influence the situation in the mentioned country. The conflict situation in the country was affected, is affected, and will be affected not only by inside processes but also by outside processes.
{"title":"Central African Republic: The West Contra Russia in the Conflict Solution","authors":"Ivan Majchút","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230","url":null,"abstract":"The Central African Republic, located in the central part of Africa, has been known for decades of conflict between the communities. Citizens of local communities first influenced the solution to the conflict. However, the mentioned country cannot solve it, and external actors must contribute to these processes. International organisations (United Nations, European Union, and African Union) and the powered world countries (the United States of America, China, and France) were also significant, active, and influential in this process. Russia obtained a unique position in the process. The present study attempted to critically evaluate this country's historical background, current conflict situation, and perspectives. The study aimed to answer the essential question of the external players, activities, and roles in the Central African Republic and asserted their interests in the mentioned region by the complex of general theoretical methods. Special attention was paid to Russian activities in this country. It is obvious that the mutual relations of external actors fundamentally influence the situation in the mentioned country. The conflict situation in the country was affected, is affected, and will be affected not only by inside processes but also by outside processes.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44166982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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