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Humanitarian Interventions after 1945: Multilateralism, Success Rate and the Impact of the Intervention on the Democratization Process of the Impacted States 1945年后的人道主义干预:多边主义、成功率和干预对受影响国家民主化进程的影响
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.118-135
Radoslav Packa
Humanitarian interventions have long formed a controversial topic: they represent a violation of the nation-state’s sovereignty to fulfil a humanitarian mission. Intervening countries have always had to deal with suspicion of using humanitarian motives as cover for imperialism. Since 1945 it has become the international norm that the international community may act to prevent the most egregious acts of human rights violations. Modern developments and the UN’s acceptance of the Responsibility to Protect have advanced humanitarian intervention as a legitimate instrument to correct the most striking failures of states to uphold their responsibilities to their citizens. This study attempts to evaluate the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. The goal of the study is to answer what impact an intervention has on the stability and democratization processes of the affected country. For this purpose, a quantitative analysis was performed using the publicly available data from the Humanitarian intervention dataset. This dataset contains data on 41 humanitarian interventions between 1945 and 2014. These were grouped based on whether there was a single or group intervening countries and whether the intervening side had the approval of relevant international organizations. The groups were then compared in terms of success in achieving a cessation of hostilities in a shorter and longer horizon as well as whether the intervention left behind a functional democratic state. The results indicate that a short-term, unilateral approach to intervention seems more effective than an immediate attempt at violence reduction. The countries targeted by humanitarian intervention almost universally fail to create lasting democratic institutions, however the multilateral approach has produced better results in terms of creating lasting peace.
人道主义干预长期以来一直是一个有争议的话题:它们代表了对民族国家主权的侵犯,以履行人道主义使命。干预的国家总是不得不处理以人道主义动机作为帝国主义幌子的怀疑。自1945年以来,国际社会可以采取行动防止最恶劣的侵犯人权行为已成为国际准则。现代的发展和联合国对《保护的责任》(Responsibility to Protect)的接受,推动了人道主义干预成为一种合法手段,以纠正国家在履行对其公民的责任方面最显著的失败。本研究试图评估人道主义干预的有效性。这项研究的目的是回答干预对受影响国家的稳定和民主化进程有什么影响。为此,使用人道主义干预数据集的公开数据进行了定量分析。该数据集包含1945年至2014年间41项人道主义干预的数据。根据是否存在单一或集体干预国家以及干预方是否得到相关国际组织的批准,对这些国家进行分组。然后比较各组在短期和长期内成功停止敌对行动的情况,以及干预是否留下了一个有效的民主国家。结果表明,短期的、单方面的干预方法似乎比立即减少暴力的尝试更有效。人道主义干预所针对的国家几乎普遍未能建立持久的民主体制,然而,多边办法在建立持久和平方面产生了较好的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Sectoral Collective Bargaining in Slovakia: Benefits and Limits 斯洛伐克的部门集体谈判:好处和限制
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.26-38
Monika Benedeková, M. Čambáliková
The main goal of the study is to analyse the sectoral social dialogue in the system of social dialogue, with an emphasis on its practical functioning and the extension of sectoral collective agreements (KZVS) in Slovakia. The main research method is content analysis of sectoral collective agreements in Slovakia, analysis of the process of their extension, including changes in the relevant legislation. The paper analyses the causes of stagnation and limitations of sectoral negotiations in Slovakia and points to possible solutions that, through sectoral collective agreements and their extension, could contribute to fulfilling the potential and benefits of the effective functioning of social dialogue in Slovakia.
这项研究的主要目标是分析社会对话系统中的部门性社会对话,重点是其实际运作和在斯洛伐克扩大部门性集体协议。主要的研究方法是对斯洛伐克部门集体协议的内容进行分析,分析其延伸的过程,包括相关立法的变化。该文件分析了斯洛伐克部门谈判停滞不前和受到限制的原因,并指出了可能的解决办法,通过部门集体协议及其延长,这些解决办法可有助于发挥斯洛伐克社会对话有效运作的潜力和利益。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Ukraine (Interviews, Myths and Facts) 书评:乌克兰(采访、神话和事实)
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2023.26.1.156-160
Patrícia Balcová
REVIEWED BOOK: HORKÝ, P. a kol.: Ukrajina (rozhovory, mýty a fakta) [Ukraine (Interviews, Myths, Facts)]. Brno: CPress, 2022. 234 s. ISBN 978-80-264-4395-7.
审阅书籍:霍克公司:乌克兰(采访、神话、事实)[乌克兰(采访,神话、事实]。布尔诺:CPress,2022。234 s.ISBN 978-80-264-4395-7。
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引用次数: 0
Some Comments on the Productivity of Dichotomies in the Current Arena of Ideological Confrontations 论当前意识形态对抗中二分法的有效性
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.142-180
D. Dobiáš, Marcela Gbúrová
The history of the development of human communities opens up a large number of chapters of the alliance of rationality and power. The determining power of the implementation of elements of purposeful rationality at the political level is almost always represented by the legitimation of a certain type of interest associated with the greatest power to enforcing them. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. We focus on the productivity of dichotomies in the theory and practice of rationalism, irrationalism and liberal democracy. Their interaction in fact defines and creates the conditions for experimenting with different forms of political structures in the search for a better human and the world. At the same time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The theoretical background of this approach develops monitoring the content turbulences in the political systems of liberal democracies, with an emphasis on political life in Slovakia. Hence, in the present study, in the context of possible effects of the infectious disease COVID-19 on the activities of individual political actors, we point to a unique experience that contributes to addressing the issue of the way of establishing "softer" forms of political communication instead of political struggle, especially at the level of relations between the conservative, socialist, and liberal party-political communities not just in Slovakia, but also in other countries around the world.
人类共同体的发展史开辟了理性与权力联盟的大量篇章。在政治层面实施有目的理性要素的决定力几乎总是表现为与实施这些要素的最大权力相关的某种利益的合法化。本文的主要目标是努力将当前(民主)政治制度的规范性置于我们需要一个更基本的理论论点的地方,使我们能够对其动态的、往往是矛盾的发展做出回应。在理性主义、非理性主义和自由民主的理论和实践中,我们关注的是二分法的生产力。事实上,他们的互动定义并创造了条件,可以尝试不同形式的政治结构,以寻求更好的人类和世界。同时,它的表现不仅为权力理念的理论论证提供了条件,而且成为权力理念实施的工具。这种方法的理论背景是监测自由民主国家政治制度中的内容动荡,重点是斯洛伐克的政治生活。因此,在本研究中,在传染病新冠肺炎可能对个别政治行为者活动产生影响的背景下,我们指出了一种独特的经验,这种经验有助于解决建立“更温和”的政治沟通形式而非政治斗争的方式问题,自由党政治团体不仅在斯洛伐克,在世界其他国家也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Transformation of District-Level Competition in Mongolian Elections, 1992–2020: Towards Territorial Homogenization (Nationalization) of Voter Behaviour? 1992-2020年蒙古选举中地区竞争的转变:走向选民行为的地域同质化(民族化)?
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.109-141
Pavel Maškarinec
This paper tests the effects of the electoral reforms in all Mongolian elections between 1992 and 2020 by analysing national and district-level results. Especially, we address the question whether the pattern of the national competition is replicated also at the local level and the presence or absence of a (party system) projection from the local to the national level can corroborate the so-called nationalization thesis. We take different approaches. First, we use the Gallagher disproportionality index (LSq Index) to measure the disproportionality of an electoral outcome. Second, we use Laakso and Taagepera’s effective number of parliamentary parties (ENPP) as a measure of parliamentary fragmentation, and effective number of electoral parties (ENEP) as a measure of concentration in the distribution of votes across parties. Third, we use graphic tool, simplex representation, to analyse the nature of competitiveness at district level. We have come to several conclusions. First, our analysis has shown that the tendency to symmetrical two-party competition was present in less than half of the elections, together with the increasing trend against bipolarization of Mongolian electoral politics. A very important finding has been also the confirmation of the continued importance of the urban-rural cleavage in Mongolia, which resulted in a different shape of party competition between the countryside and the capital city of Ulaanbaatar. Finally, the equilateral simplex representation has broadened our understanding of district-level electoral competition, when we address the so-called nationalization thesis. While some previous studies found the presence of some form of two-party system in almost all Mongolian elections, the simplex visualization of the competition showed that the district-level party system was far from nationalized, i.e., with the two nationally strong parties being strongest in the districts as well – quite the opposite.
本文通过分析国家和地区层面的选举结果,检验了1992年至2020年蒙古国所有选举中选举改革的效果。特别是,我们讨论的问题是,国家竞争的模式是否也在地方一级复制,从地方到国家一级的(政党制度)投射的存在与否可以证实所谓的国有化理论。我们采取不同的方法。首先,我们使用加拉格尔不均衡指数(LSq指数)来衡量选举结果的不均衡性。其次,我们使用Laakso和Taagepera的议会政党有效数量(ENPP)作为衡量议会分裂程度的指标,使用选举党有效数量(ENEP)作为衡量各党派选票分配集中度的指标。第三,我们使用图形工具单纯形表示来分析地区层面竞争力的性质。我们得出了几个结论。首先,我们的分析表明,在不到一半的选举中,存在着对称的两党竞争趋势,同时蒙古选举政治中反对两极分化的趋势也在增加。一个非常重要的发现也证实了蒙古城乡分化的持续重要性,这导致了农村和首都乌兰巴托之间不同形式的政党竞争。最后,当我们讨论所谓的国家化论点时,等边单纯形代表扩大了我们对地区层面选举竞争的理解。虽然之前的一些研究发现,在几乎所有蒙古选举中都存在某种形式的两党制,但对竞争的简单可视化表明,地区一级的政党制度远未国有化,即两个全国性强的政党在地区中也最强大——恰恰相反。
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引用次数: 1
Citizenship by Investment - Latest Development in the European Union 投资入籍-欧盟的最新发展
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108
Lucia Bocková, R. Kucharčík
This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.
本文涵盖了欧盟(EU)背景下的投资公民身份(CBI)计划,该计划允许通过定向投资获得欧盟成员国的国籍。我们正在核实欧盟对成员国CBI计划的消极态度以及正在进行的乌克兰战争是否威胁到它们的存在。为了实现这一目标,我们分析了入籍获得公民身份的规则,以及欧盟成员国的国籍(仍然是其专属权限)与欧盟公民身份之间的关系。随后,我们比较了三个欧盟成员国(保加利亚、塞浦路斯、马耳他)的CBI计划。结果表明,由于国家公民身份与欧盟公民身份以及在整个欧盟范围内可执行的相关权利之间的复杂关系,欧盟向成员国施加了取消其CBI计划的压力。乌克兰战争后,欧盟的这种压力进一步加剧。原因是俄罗斯国民在CBI申请者中占了很大一部分,也因为一些支持乌克兰战争的俄罗斯或白俄罗斯国民可能已经根据CBI计划获得了欧盟公民身份。在我们分析的三个国家中,只有马耳他目前有有效的CBI计划。保加利亚和塞浦路斯废除了CBI项目。这一事态发展表明,欧盟已逐步成功地消除了CBI在欧盟成员国中的存在。然而,目前尚不清楚成员国的这种做法是否违反欧盟法律。我们认为,欧盟法院将在欧盟委员会对马耳他提起的正在进行的侵权诉讼中解决这一问题。
{"title":"Citizenship by Investment - Latest Development in the European Union","authors":"Lucia Bocková, R. Kucharčík","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108","url":null,"abstract":"This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44514752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Post-Soviet De Facto States in the Theory of Small States 小国理论中的后苏联事实国家
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.8-42
Barbara Baarova, Vladimír Baar
With their geographic and economic dimensions, post-Soviet de facto states are very small structures, yet they have existed for over a quarter of a century. This means that they have already had a generation that has no connection with the mother state from which they have separated. However, because the patron of their independence is (or, in the case of Artsakh, indirectly) Russia, which even officially recognized two of them (Abkhazia and South Ossetia-Alania), many authors keep observing their development. Their geopolitical importance significantly increased after the Russian aggression in Ukraine. Unrecognized states cannot be open economies, even if they wanted. In addition, in the case of post-Soviet de facto states, these are underdeveloped economies with high import costs and whose products are characterized by low competitiveness. The submitted contribution focuses on these structures from the point of view of the theory of small states. Based on geographic, demographic, economic and historical indicators, as well as the ability to resist reintegration, they suggest their theoretical possibilities of defending factual independence and gaining wider international recognition. The theory of small states shows in practice that the benefits of "smallness" cannot be used by de facto states to strengthen their political and economic prestige precisely because of the absence of international recognition and the rivalry of large states over geopolitical influence.
就其地理和经济层面而言,后苏联事实上的国家是非常小的结构,但它们已经存在了四分之一个多世纪。这意味着他们已经有了一代人,与他们分离的母亲国没有任何联系。然而,由于他们独立的赞助人是(或者,就阿尔察赫而言,是间接的)俄罗斯,俄罗斯甚至正式承认了其中两个国家(阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯-阿拉尼亚),许多作者一直在观察他们的发展。俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后,它们的地缘政治重要性显著增加。不被承认的国家不可能是开放的经济体,即使它们愿意。此外,就后苏联事实上的国家而言,这些国家都是进口成本高、产品竞争力低的欠发达经济体。提交的稿件从小国理论的角度重点讨论了这些结构。根据地理、人口、经济和历史指标,以及抵制重返社会的能力,它们提出了捍卫事实独立和获得更广泛国际承认的理论可能性。小国理论在实践中表明,事实上的国家不能利用“小国”的好处来加强其政治和经济声望,正是因为缺乏国际承认以及大国在地缘政治影响力上的竞争。
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引用次数: 0
The Populist Construct of Migration: Framing within SPD's Communication Strategy ahead of the 2019 European Elections 移民的民粹主义结构:2019年欧洲选举前社民党传播战略框架
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.43-68
Denisa Charvátová, Ondřej Filipec
Populism represents one of the major trends in contemporary politics across all European democracies. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy, with social networks that have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. Concerns about the success of populist groups marked also the recent European Parliamentary elections in May 2019. This also applies to the Czech Republic, where populist rhetoric is mainly represented by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD). The main objective of the article is to reveal how SPD is framing migration in the political communication on Facebook during the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament. It mainly focuses on its content and form regarding the posts' visual elements and technical parameters. As migration was the main topic of populist political communication, special attention is paid to the communication regarding this phenomenon, incl. an analysis of selected frames and manipulation techniques in the SPD political communication. The result shows, that migration played the most important role but was communicated selectively and manipulatively. Only the negative effects of migration were emphasised, it was framed in connection with other negative phenomena (especially rape, crime, and terrorism) and illustrated by pictures of aggressive Muslims, emotions of fear, anger, and hatred were evoked among the supporters, which further contributed to the radicalisation and sustainability of the mobilisation of the electorate.
民粹主义是欧洲所有民主国家当代政治的主要趋势之一。民粹主义政党成功的一个关键因素是他们的沟通策略,社交网络已成为民粹主义政治沟通的理想平台。对民粹主义团体成功的担忧也标志着最近2019年5月的欧洲议会选举。这也适用于捷克共和国,那里的民粹主义言论主要以自由与直接民主党(SPD)为代表。这篇文章的主要目的是揭示在欧洲议会选举前的三个月里,社民党是如何在脸书上的政治交流中界定移民的。它主要关注其内容和形式,涉及帖子的视觉元素和技术参数。由于移民是民粹主义政治传播的主要话题,因此人们特别关注这一现象的传播,包括对社民党政治传播中所选框架和操纵技巧的分析。结果表明,迁移起着最重要的作用,但它是选择性和操纵性的。只有移民的负面影响得到了强调,它与其他负面现象(尤其是强奸、犯罪和恐怖主义)联系在一起,并通过激进的穆斯林照片来说明,支持者中唤起了恐惧、愤怒和仇恨的情绪,这进一步促进了选民动员的激进化和可持续性。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Live of the Nation is Eternal. One Hundred Years since Trianon 1920 – 2020 书评:民族的生命力是永恒的。特里亚农一百周年,1920 - 2020
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.271-276
Peter Ondria
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引用次数: 0
Central African Republic: The West Contra Russia in the Conflict Solution 中非共和国:冲突解决中的西方与俄罗斯
IF 0.4 Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230
Ivan Majchút
The Central African Republic, located in the central part of Africa, has been known for decades of conflict between the communities. Citizens of local communities first influenced the solution to the conflict. However, the mentioned country cannot solve it, and external actors must contribute to these processes. International organisations (United Nations, European Union, and African Union) and the powered world countries (the United States of America, China, and France) were also significant, active, and influential in this process. Russia obtained a unique position in the process. The present study attempted to critically evaluate this country's historical background, current conflict situation, and perspectives. The study aimed to answer the essential question of the external players, activities, and roles in the Central African Republic and asserted their interests in the mentioned region by the complex of general theoretical methods. Special attention was paid to Russian activities in this country. It is obvious that the mutual relations of external actors fundamentally influence the situation in the mentioned country. The conflict situation in the country was affected, is affected, and will be affected not only by inside processes but also by outside processes.
中非共和国位于非洲中部,几十年来社区之间的冲突一直为人所知。当地社区的公民首先影响了冲突的解决。然而,上述国家无法解决这一问题,外部行为者必须为这些进程作出贡献。国际组织(联合国、欧盟和非洲联盟)和强大的世界国家(美利坚合众国、中国和法国)在这一进程中也发挥了重要、积极和影响力。俄罗斯在这一过程中获得了独特的地位。本研究试图批判性地评估该国的历史背景、当前冲突局势和前景。该研究旨在回答中非共和国的外部参与者、活动和作用这一基本问题,并通过复杂的一般理论方法来维护他们在上述地区的利益。特别关注俄罗斯在该国的活动。显然,外部行为者的相互关系从根本上影响了上述国家的局势。该国的冲突局势不仅受到内部进程的影响,而且将受到外部进程的影响。
{"title":"Central African Republic: The West Contra Russia in the Conflict Solution","authors":"Ivan Majchút","doi":"10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.213-230","url":null,"abstract":"The Central African Republic, located in the central part of Africa, has been known for decades of conflict between the communities. Citizens of local communities first influenced the solution to the conflict. However, the mentioned country cannot solve it, and external actors must contribute to these processes. International organisations (United Nations, European Union, and African Union) and the powered world countries (the United States of America, China, and France) were also significant, active, and influential in this process. Russia obtained a unique position in the process. The present study attempted to critically evaluate this country's historical background, current conflict situation, and perspectives. The study aimed to answer the essential question of the external players, activities, and roles in the Central African Republic and asserted their interests in the mentioned region by the complex of general theoretical methods. Special attention was paid to Russian activities in this country. It is obvious that the mutual relations of external actors fundamentally influence the situation in the mentioned country. The conflict situation in the country was affected, is affected, and will be affected not only by inside processes but also by outside processes.","PeriodicalId":42158,"journal":{"name":"Politicke Vedy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44166982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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