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Oppression or Support? Social Policy in the Lives of Persons with Intellectual Disabilities 压迫还是支持?智障人士生活中的社会政策
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2197721
Kjersti Skarstad
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引用次数: 0
Mandatory Human Rights Due Diligence Laws: Blurring the Lines between State Duty to Protect and Corporate Responsibility to Respect? 强制性人权尽职调查法:模糊了国家保护义务和企业尊重责任之间的界限?
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2195232
Markus Krajewski
ABSTRACT This paper assesses mandatory human rights laws for companies in light of the public–private divide in international human rights law. It asks whether and to what extent these laws contribute to the blurring of the private–public divide by reducing or even eliminating the boundaries between the obligations of public and private entities. The paper also assesses whether maintaining the divide is normatively desirable from the perspective of international human rights law. It first explains the public–private divide in international human rights law by recalling its doctrinal basis, reflecting on attempts to create binding obligations for companies in international human rights law, and assessing the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights within this framework. Next, it analyses existing and proposed domestic laws and legal instruments aimed at establishing human rights obligations for companies. It highlights the difference between approaches directly binding companies to human rights and laws requiring human rights due diligence. Based on this, the paper concludes that the public–private divide remains a useful analytical framework for international human rights law even though the boundaries between public and private are increasingly blurred in practice.
摘要本文从国际人权法公私分割的角度对企业强制性人权法进行了评估。它询问这些法律是否以及在多大程度上通过减少甚至消除公共实体和私营实体之间的义务界限来促进公私界限的模糊。本文还从国际人权法的角度评估了维持这种分界是否合乎规范。它首先通过回顾其理论基础来解释国际人权法中的公私分歧,反思在国际人权法中为公司制定具有约束力的义务的尝试,并在此框架内评估《联合国工商业与人权指导原则》。其次,它分析旨在确立公司人权义务的现行和拟议的国内法和法律文书。它凸显了直接约束公司遵守人权的做法与要求对人权进行尽职调查的法律之间的区别。基于此,本文的结论是,尽管公共和私人之间的界限在实践中日益模糊,但公共和私人之间的界限仍然是国际人权法的一个有用的分析框架。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights Pluralistic Universality: A Bridge Between Global Norms and Cultural Diversity 人权多元普遍性:全球规范与文化多样性之间的桥梁
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2216088
Gabriela García Escobar
ABSTRACT International law in general and human rights norms specifically are experiencing a wave of criticism from various fronts. One aspect of this is seen in the continuous debate on human rights universality and cultural diversity: there is growing discontent around tensions between global standards and local particularities. This article proposes to rediscover the pluralistic universality envisaged by the drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 as an interpretative tool that can provide guidance for this dilemma. The declaration’s drafters understood universality as a set of commonly shared values that are essential for the respect of human dignity, but the content of which is open-ended and flexible enough to entertain a variety of notions of human flourishment. The drafters determined which concepts enjoyed universal acceptability and which did not by looking at a horizontal cross-cultural agreement, intercultural dialogue, and accepting reasonable disagreement on controversial subjects. The article proposes that their concept of universality and method for determining global standards could be used to address the tensions between the international and national spheres and enhance the legitimacy of the human rights system.
总的来说,国际法,特别是人权规范正经历着来自各个方面的批评浪潮。其中一个方面可以从关于人权普遍性和文化多样性的持续辩论中看出:人们对全球标准与地方特色之间的紧张关系越来越不满。本文建议重新发现1948年《世界人权宣言》起草者所设想的多元普遍性,作为一种解释工具,可以为这一困境提供指导。《宣言》起草者将普遍性理解为一套共同分享的价值观,这些价值观对于尊重人类尊严至关重要,但其内容是开放式的,足够灵活,可以容纳人类繁荣的各种概念。起草者通过横向跨文化协议、跨文化对话和在有争议的主题上接受合理的分歧来确定哪些概念具有普遍可接受性,哪些概念不具有普遍可接受性。文章建议,它们的普遍性概念和确定全球标准的方法可用于解决国际和国家领域之间的紧张关系,并加强人权制度的合法性。
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引用次数: 0
The Convention on the Rights of the Child’s Imprint on Judgments from the European Court of Human Rights: A Negligible Footprint? 《儿童权利公约》对欧洲人权法院判决的影响:可忽略的足迹?
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2204634
Trond Helland, Ragnhild Hollekim
ABSTRACT The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) is the sole interpreter of all matters on the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and has no obligations toward any other international law and/or jurisprudence. In the realm of children’s rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is renowned as the most prominent source for all development of children’s rights. Officially, there is no connection between the ECHR/ECtHR and the CRC. Nevertheless, the ECtHR has acknowledged a reciprocal, harmonious relationship between the two conventions. By analysing all judgments from the ECtHR referring to the CRC, using a combination of quantitative and qualitative document analyses, this article aims to examine the CRC’s footing in the ECtHR. Leaning on concepts of legal mobilisation, lawfare, and availability heuristics, we argue that there has been a clear development in how the CRC is used in and by the ECtHR, indicating that the CRC has an increasingly stronger footing within the Court, especially in the past decade. Additionally, we argue that this development has strengthened children’s rights and that the CRC, at least indirectly, has had and still has a vital role in developing children’s rights within the ECtHR.
欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)是《欧洲人权公约》(ECHR)所有事项的唯一解释者,对任何其他国际法和/或判例没有义务。在儿童权利领域,《儿童权利公约》被认为是儿童权利发展的最重要的渊源。根据官方说法,欧洲人权公约/欧洲人权委员会与儿童权利委员会之间没有联系。然而,欧洲人权法院承认这两项公约之间存在着相互和谐的关系。通过分析欧洲人权法院所有涉及《儿童权利公约》的判决,采用定量和定性相结合的文件分析方法,本文旨在审视《儿童权利公约》在欧洲人权法院的立足点。根据法律动员、法律战和可得性启发法的概念,我们认为《儿童权利公约》在欧洲人权法院和欧洲人权法院的使用方式有了明显的发展,这表明《儿童权利公约》在法院的地位越来越稳固,尤其是在过去十年中。此外,我们认为,这一发展加强了儿童权利,而《儿童权利公约》,至少间接地,在欧洲人权委员会内发展儿童权利方面已经并仍然发挥着至关重要的作用。
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引用次数: 1
The Islamic Human Rights Deficit: Region, Not Religion, Is the Driver 伊斯兰人权赤字:地区而非宗教是罪魁祸首
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2212997
W. Cole
ABSTRACT Scholarly research, journalistic accounts, and popular discourses often portray Islam as detrimental to human rights. Governments in Muslim-majority countries are considered especially prone to violating bodily integrity protections, curtailing civil and political liberties, repressing women and LGBT people, and restricting religious freedoms. Using cross-national time-series data for a majority of the world’s countries, this article demonstrates that Islam per se is not responsible for human rights deficits in any of these domains. Simply being a Muslim-majority country is not associated with increased rights violations. Rather, human rights gaps are confined to Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East and North Africa region and, in some cases, to Arab countries. Additional research to explain these patterns is warranted.
学术研究、新闻报道和大众话语经常将伊斯兰教描绘成对人权有害的。穆斯林占多数的国家的政府被认为特别容易违反对身体完整的保护,限制公民和政治自由,压制妇女和同性恋者,限制宗教自由。本文使用世界上大多数国家的跨国时间序列数据,证明伊斯兰教本身不应对这些领域的人权缺陷负责。仅仅作为一个穆斯林占多数的国家,并不意味着人权侵犯的增加。相反,人权差距仅限于中东和北非地区穆斯林占多数的国家,在某些情况下也仅限于阿拉伯国家。有必要进行更多的研究来解释这些模式。
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引用次数: 0
A Blessing or a Curse? An Analysis of Menstrual Health Promotion in the Workplace from a Human Rights Perspective 祝福还是诅咒?从人权角度分析工作场所的经期健康促进
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2190653
Céline Brassart Olsen
ABSTRACT More than 1.8 billion people menstruate every month. Yet menstruation is still a taboo, including in the workplace, where the multiple challenges of menstruating workers remain largely unaddressed from exclusion from certain branches to inadequate facilities, inflexible workloads, and period jokes. To address this issue, the Swedish organisation MENSEN has developed Period Works!, a unique ‘menstrual certification' involving employers, employees, and trade unions ‘to create a more period friendly work life'. The initiative reveals menstruators' challenges at work, particularly in terms of their rights to health, privacy, non-discrimination, and collective bargaining. Yet so far the legal literature and policies on the issue are scarce. To fill this gap, inspired by Period Works!, this article conceptualises a comprehensive human rights framework to promote menstrual health at work. It analyses whether states and employers, who mostly ignore menstruators' needs, are in breach of their existing legal obligations to promote menstruating workers' rights. The article also critically examines whether recognising menstruators’ rights at work would truly be a blessing, or if menstrual mainstreaming at work could increase discrimination and be a curse. The article argues that only a carefully crafted comprehensive human rights framework for menstrual health at work can address this paradox.
每月有超过18亿人月经。然而,月经仍然是一个禁忌,包括在工作场所,经期工人面临的多重挑战在很大程度上仍未得到解决,从某些部门被排斥到设施不足、工作量不灵活以及月经笑话。为了解决这个问题,瑞典组织MENSEN开发了Period Works!这是一项由雇主、雇员和工会共同参与的独特的“经期认证”,旨在“创造一个对经期更友好的工作生活”。该倡议揭示了经期妇女在工作中面临的挑战,特别是在她们的健康权、隐私权、不歧视权和集体谈判权方面。然而,到目前为止,关于这一问题的法律文献和政策还很少。为了填补这一空白,灵感来自时代作品!,本文提出了一个全面的人权框架,以促进工作场所的经期健康。它分析了国家和雇主是否违反了促进经期工人权利的现有法律义务,而这些国家和雇主大多无视经期工人的需求。这篇文章还批判性地探讨了在工作中承认经期妇女的权利是否真的是一件好事,或者在工作中将经期主流化是否会增加歧视,成为一种诅咒。文章认为,只有精心设计的全面的工作期间经期健康人权框架才能解决这一矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights as Space-Making: Bodily Performative Activism Against Sexual Violence in Egypt 作为空间创造的人权:埃及反对性暴力的身体行为主义
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2178741
E. Sundkvist
ABSTRACT This article introduces the concept of space-making as a form of human rights activism. To develop the concept, I use the example of contentious street activism against sexual violence in post-2011 Egypt. My research has found that feminist activists utilised human rights as a legal tool for improving legislation and policy and as a linguistic strategy to challenge derogatory discourse. Using human rights in these two ways required that activists identify violations of rights and articulate their demands. Yet the contentious street activism in Egypt against sexual violence did not contain verbal utterances, so it cannot be captured through these two dimensions of human rights. In this article, I explore how to capture and analyse activism that sits within a human rights framework, but which is devoid of specific rights claims or clarified motives, where the focus seems instead to be on the public space. By engaging with theories of performativity, vulnerability, rights claiming, and subjectivisation, I argue that through modes of activism against sexual violence that take the form of performative bodily enactments of space, people convert themselves into the human rights subjects they are told they cannot be.
本文介绍了空间制造作为一种人权活动形式的概念。为了发展这一概念,我以2011年后埃及反对性暴力的有争议的街头行动主义为例。我的研究发现,女权主义活动家将人权作为改进立法和政策的法律工具,并将其作为挑战贬损话语的语言策略。以这两种方式利用人权要求活动人士查明侵犯人权的行为并阐明他们的要求。然而,埃及反对性暴力的有争议的街头行动主义并不包含口头表达,因此无法通过这两个人权维度来捕捉。在这篇文章中,我探讨了如何捕捉和分析人权框架内的行动主义,但它缺乏具体的权利要求或明确的动机,其重点似乎是在公共空间。通过运用表演性、脆弱性、权利主张和主体化的理论,我认为,通过以空间的表演性身体行为为形式的反对性暴力的行动主义模式,人们将自己转变为他们被告知不能成为的人权主体。
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引用次数: 0
Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights 跨国人权立法联盟
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2207940
Theresa Squatrito
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引用次数: 0
Finnish Student Unions as Associations in the Context of ECHR Article 11 《欧洲人权公约》第11条范围内的芬兰学生会协会
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2192075
Matti Muukkonen
ABSTRACT This study examines the applicability of article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) to Finnish student unions. In Finland, student unions have not traditionally been regarded as associations within the context of the convention, based on certain old inadmissibility decisions made by the European Commission of Human Rights. Based on the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, this study shows that, despite its wording, the Convention also protects negative freedom of association – the right not to belong. Methodologically, this is a legal dogmatic study that examines the case law, particularly in terms of the criteria by which it excludes or includes some communities from its scope. The conclusion is that, if the case of compulsory membership of student unions is debated in the Court of Human Rights, student unions cannot be considered public institutions, to which article 11 ECHR has not been applicable, but should be treated as associations. This, in turn, implies that compulsory student union membership can be criticised from the perspectives of both national law and the Convention.
摘要:本研究探讨了欧洲人权公约(ECHR)第11条对芬兰学生会的适用性。在芬兰,根据欧洲人权委员会以前作出的某些不予受理的决定,学生联合会传统上不被视为公约范围内的社团。根据欧洲人权法院的判例法,这项研究表明,尽管《公约》的措辞如此,但它也保护消极的结社自由- -不归属的权利。从方法论上讲,这是一项法律教条式的研究,它考察了判例法,特别是在将某些社区排除或包括在其范围之外的标准方面。结论是,如果在人权法院辩论强制学生加入工会的案件,学生工会就不能被视为公共机构,因为《欧洲人权公约》第11条对公共机构不适用,而应被视为社团。这反过来意味着,从国家法律和《公约》的角度来看,强制性学生会成员资格可以受到批评。
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引用次数: 0
Can the European Court of Human Rights Shape European Public Order? 欧洲人权法院能否塑造欧洲公共秩序?
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2023.2184925
Ebru Demir
In Can the European Court of Human Rights Shape European Public Order?, Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou meticulously investigates the meaning of a term which has been wandering around in the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) for a long time: ‘European public order.’ The book asks two interrelated questions: (1) What does ‘European public order’ mean for the ECtHR? and (2) Does the ECtHR have any role in shaping ‘European public order’? Dzehtsiarou argues that ‘European public order’ is too vague to qualify as a legal concept (25) and thus the ECtHR’s claims for shaping ‘European public order’ are illegitimate. Dzehtsiarou finds that the Court used the term ‘European public order’ more than one hundred times in its decisions and judgments (22). Following this finding, Dzehtsiarou starts examining the term ‘European public order’ in these decisions and judgments in order to find out whether the Court has adopted uniform conception of ‘European public order’ (Chapter 2). Through examination of the relevant case-law he shows that ‘European public order’ is an elusive term and the ECtHR’s understanding of the term is far from homogenous (24). For illustration, a few examples that Dzehtsiarou brought forward in the book include the case of Al-Dulimi and Montana Management Inc. v Switzerland. The applicant alleged that Switzerland violated their fundamental rights and freedoms under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR or the Convention) while administering the sanctions imposed by the United Nations Security Council under the Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Because of the absence of any effective and independent judicial review mechanisms at the national level, the Grand Chamber found a violation of Article 6 (the right to a fair trial) and underlined that ‘ ... the sanctions were imposed in breach of the rule of law which is a “fundamental component” of European public order’ (39). Here the Court linked ‘European public order’ with the rule of law. Another case where the Court referred to ‘European public order’ is United Communist Party of Turkey and Others v Turkey. In this case, the applicant was a political party and it had been dissolved – even before it started its activities – solely based on its name, constitution, and programme. The Court found a violation of Article 11 (the right to freedom of assembly and association) and concluded that democracy is an essential element of ‘European public order’. Thus, the Court, this time, linked democracy with ‘European public order’. In Fabris v France, the applicant claimed that he was denied inheritance because of his status as an ‘illegitimate child’. The Court concluded that there was a violation of Article 14 (prohibition of discrimination) in the case and importantly it stated that prohibition of discrimination was a part of ‘European public order’. As seen, the ECtHR might refer to ‘European public order’ in various contexts and situations, and the t
《欧洲人权法院能否塑造欧洲公共秩序?》《欧洲公共秩序》(European public order)一词在欧洲人权法院(ECtHR或法院)的判决中徘徊已久。这本书提出了两个相互关联的问题:(1)“欧洲公共秩序”对欧洲人权法院意味着什么?(2)欧洲人权法院在塑造“欧洲公共秩序”方面是否有任何作用?Dzehtsiarou认为,“欧洲公共秩序”太模糊了,不能作为一个法律概念(25),因此欧洲人权法院关于塑造“欧洲公共秩序”的主张是非法的。Dzehtsiarou发现,法院在其判决和判决中使用“欧洲公共秩序”一词超过100次(22)。根据这一发现,Dzehtsiarou开始研究这些判决和判决中的“欧洲公共秩序”一词,以找出法院是否采用了“欧洲公共秩序”的统一概念(第2章)。通过对相关判例法的研究,他表明“欧洲公共秩序”是一个难以捉摸的术语,欧洲人权法院对该术语的理解远非同一性(24)。为了说明这一点,Dzehtsiarou在书中提出了几个例子,包括Al-Dulimi和Montana Management Inc.诉瑞士一案。申请人声称,瑞士在执行联合国安全理事会根据《联合国宪章》第七章所施加的制裁时,侵犯了他们根据《欧洲人权公约》(《欧洲人权公约》或《公约》)所享有的基本权利和自由。由于在国家一级缺乏任何有效和独立的司法审查机制,大分庭发现违反了第6条(公平审判权),并强调“……这些制裁违反了作为欧洲公共秩序“基本组成部分”的法治(39)。在这里,法院将“欧洲公共秩序”与法治联系起来。法院提到“欧洲公共秩序”的另一个案件是土耳其联合共产党和其他人诉土耳其。在本案中,申请人是一个政党,甚至在它开始活动之前就被解散了,只是因为它的名称、章程和纲领。法院认定违反了第11条(集会和结社自由的权利),并断定民主是“欧洲公共秩序”的基本要素。因此,这一次法院将民主与“欧洲公共秩序”联系起来。在法布里斯诉法国案中,申请人声称,由于他的“私生子”身份,他被剥夺了继承权。法院的结论是,该案违反了第14条(禁止歧视),重要的是,法院指出,禁止歧视是“欧洲公共秩序”的一部分。如前所述,ECtHR可能会在不同的语境和情况下提到“欧洲公共秩序”,这个词可能会获得不同的含义
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引用次数: 1
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Nordic Journal of Human Rights
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