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Last On the List: The Protection of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights in Timor-Leste’s Transitional Justice Process 最后:在东帝汶过渡时期司法进程中保护性健康和生殖健康及权利
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2131308
N. P. Vásquez
ABSTRACT Sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) have been insufficiently addressed in transitional justice literature. Based on findings collected during extensive fieldwork in Timor-Leste, this article contributes to the emerging field by offering insights into how women’s SRHR were taken into account by the trials and the truth commission implemented after the conflict. The article reveals the barriers women encountered in accessing these transitional justice mechanisms, while drawing on examples from other jurisdictions to show the systematic underreporting and the neglect of these rights in a global context. The article contributes to the evaluation and analysis of the impact of transitional justice, but also highlights an area of violence against women that has been neglected in post-conflict environments and the importance of fieldwork in framing human rights discourses.
性与生殖健康与权利(SRHR)在过渡时期司法文献中没有得到充分的解决。基于在东帝汶广泛实地调查中收集的发现,本文通过深入了解冲突后的审判和真相委员会如何考虑妇女的SRHR,为这一新兴领域做出了贡献。本文揭示了妇女在利用这些过渡时期司法机制时遇到的障碍,同时借鉴了其他司法管辖区的例子,以显示在全球范围内系统性地少报和忽视这些权利。这篇文章有助于评估和分析过渡时期司法的影响,但也强调了在冲突后环境中被忽视的针对妇女的暴力行为领域,以及实地调查在构建人权话语方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
The Ambivalent Status of Socio-Economic Rights in Human Rights-Based Approaches to Development 社会经济权利在基于人权的发展方法中的矛盾地位
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2135817
P. McAuliffe
ABSTRACT Most development objectives overlap with socio-economic rights. It might therefore be assumed that human rights-based approaches to development would imply the strict application of socioeconomic rights principles derived from Article 2(1) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). Twenty years of rights-based development reveal a more ambivalent practice. Accountability is understood primarily in democratic terms associated with participation and empowerment, as opposed to legal terms implying a violations-based framework familiar from the doctrinal development of the ICESCR. Rather than stemming from scepticism about socioeconomic rights as rights, this reflects a discrepancy between the normative and operational levels of rights-based development that in turn follows from a reluctance to inscribe clear legal principles relating to all categories of rights into practice. Socioeconomic rights principles find their greatest application in their programmatic role, integrated loosely as standards in donor, multilateral organisation, and NGO development policies. This is indicative of the reality that socio-economic rights are generally employed not as something to be enforced primarily in a court of law, but as morally serious and politically compelling criteria with which to modify the state's traditional development aspirations of moving numbers of undifferentiated individuals beyond a threshold of service provision.
大多数发展目标都与社会经济权利重叠。因此可以假定,以人权为基础的发展方针意味着严格适用《经济、社会、文化权利国际盟约》(《经济、社会、文化权利国际盟约》)第2(1)条所衍生的社会经济权利原则。二十年来以权利为基础的发展揭示了一种更加矛盾的实践。问责制主要以与参与和赋权相关的民主术语来理解,而不是以法律术语来理解,这意味着与《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》的理论发展相似的基于违反的框架。这并非源于对社会经济权利作为权利的怀疑,而是反映了基于权利的发展的规范和操作层面之间的差异,这种差异反过来又源于不愿将与所有类别权利有关的明确法律原则纳入实践。社会经济权利原则在其规划作用中得到了最大的应用,作为标准松散地整合在捐助者、多边组织和非政府组织的发展政策中。这表明了这样一个现实,即社会经济权利通常不是作为主要在法庭上执行的东西,而是作为道德上严肃和政治上令人信服的标准来修改国家传统的发展愿望,即将大量无差别的个人转移到服务提供的门槛之外。
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引用次数: 0
Non-Governmental Organisations and the United Nations Human Rights System 非政府组织和联合国人权系统
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2082671
Therese Boje Mortensen
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引用次数: 0
Accessing Late-Term Abortion Following Sexual Assault: Looking Inside the Danish Legal Black Box 在性侵犯后获得晚期堕胎:透视丹麦法律黑箱
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2094131
Annika Frida Petersen
ABSTRACT This article takes a critical look at potential human rights violations around access to late-term abortion following sexual assault in Danish law. Based on access to decisions from the country’s regional abortion councils combined with interviews with members of the abortion councils, the article sheds light on how national legislation and decision-making practices can lead to additional violations of the integrity of applicants who have survived sexual violence. A systematic failure to apply human rights consideration in the councils’ practices is revealed, and suggestions for changes that would bring Danish law and decision-making practices in line with the human rights framework are proposed.
本文对丹麦法律中关于性侵犯后晚期堕胎的潜在侵犯人权行为进行了批判性研究。根据对该国地区堕胎委员会决定的了解,结合对堕胎委员会成员的采访,这篇文章揭示了国家立法和决策实践如何导致遭受性暴力的申请人的诚信受到更多侵犯。报告指出,在理事会的做法中有系统地没有考虑到人权问题,并提出了一些改革建议,以便使丹麦的法律和决策做法符合人权框架。
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引用次数: 0
Why do the Levels of Sexual Violence Vary Across Genocides? A Comparison of the Bengali and Kurdish Genocides 为什么不同种族间的性暴力程度不同?孟加拉人和库尔德人种族灭绝的比较
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2021.1964788
Andrea Silkoset, Margot Igland Skarpeteig
ABSTRACT What causes variation in the prevalence of sexual violence across genocides? We examine the conditions under which sexual violence may be used as a strategy of genocide, and the power dynamics in institutions at the state- and group-level. In order to explore the dynamics of sexual violence in genocidal campaigns we conduct a comparative study with two cases: the Bengali genocide of 1971, in which there were high levels of sexual violence, and the Kurdish genocide of 1987–1989, in which the levels of sexual violence were low. Our findings may shed light on the behaviour of armed groups and the dynamics of genocidal violence. We find that micro-dynamics and individual behaviour better explain repertoires of genocidal violence than purely structural approaches. In the two cases, there seems to be a causal link between group leaders’ control and the prevalence of sexual violence. The attitude and behaviour of leaders – particularly military leaders – could immensely affect armed group’s repertoire of violence. If they choose to do so, commanders are capable of building institutions to prevent rape.
是什么导致了种族灭绝中性暴力发生率的差异?我们研究了性暴力可能被用作种族灭绝战略的条件,以及国家和群体层面机构中的权力动态。为了探讨种族灭绝运动中性暴力的动态,我们对两个案例进行了比较研究:1971年的孟加拉种族灭绝,其中性暴力程度很高;1987-1989年的库尔德种族灭绝,其中性暴力程度较低。我们的发现可能有助于了解武装团体的行为和种族灭绝暴力的动态。我们发现微观动力学和个人行为比纯粹的结构方法更好地解释了种族灭绝暴力的曲目。在这两个案例中,似乎在群体领导人的控制和性暴力的流行之间存在因果关系。领导人- -特别是军事领导人- -的态度和行为可能极大地影响武装集团的暴力行为。如果他们选择这样做,指挥官就有能力建立防止强奸的制度。
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引用次数: 0
How are the Paris Principles on NHRIs Interpreted? Towards a Clear, Transparent, and Consistent Interpretative Framework 国家人权机构《巴黎原则》如何解读?建立一个清晰、透明和一致的解释框架
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2040863
Hinako Takata
ABSTRACT Although they fall outside of the traditional sources of international law, the Principles relating to the Status of National Institutions (Paris Principles) have enjoyed an authoritative value in international human rights law. International human rights bodies have increasingly permitted Paris Principles-compliant national human rights institutions (NHRIs) to participate in their activities not as part of the state but in the institutions’ own capacity, and have required states to establish NHRIs or strengthen existing NHRIs in accordance with the Paris Principles. How, then, are the Paris Principles interpreted? This study critically analyses the three principles governing the interpretation of the Paris Principles – the dynamic interpretation principle, the normative gradation principle, and the overall evaluation principle – through a comprehensive examination of the practice of the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI), and makes recommendations for their improvement and consolidation.
《关于国家机构地位的原则》(巴黎原则)虽然不属于国际法的传统渊源,但在国际人权法中具有权威价值。国际人权机构越来越多地允许符合《巴黎原则》的国家人权机构(NHRIs)以机构自身的身份而不是作为国家的一部分参与其活动,并要求各国根据《巴黎原则》建立国家人权机构或加强现有的国家人权机构。那么,如何解释《巴黎原则》呢?本研究通过对国家人权机构全球联盟(GANHRI)实践的全面考察,批判性地分析了指导《巴黎原则》解释的三个原则——动态解释原则、规范分级原则和总体评估原则,并提出了改进和巩固这些原则的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Postgenocide: Interdisciplinary Reflections on the Effects of Genocide 种族灭绝后:对种族灭绝影响的跨学科反思
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2033518
A. Giordano
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引用次数: 0
A Right to Adequate Shelter for Asylum Seekers in the European Union 寻求庇护者在欧洲联盟获得适当住所的权利
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2085007
I. Westendorp
ABSTRACT Asylum seekers who enter the European Union (EU) need temporary housing while awaiting the outcome of their asylum application procedures. It is unclear, however, which conditions must be fulfilled to achieve the goal defined by the EU that asylum seekers enjoy an ‘adequate standard of living’, including housing. Because this goal is only described in general terms, there are large differences in asylum seekers’ accommodation in and among EU member states. This article argues that multiple purposes would be served if the EU would adopt a right to adequate shelter for asylum seekers as a common accommodation standard with well described material conditions. In order to determine whether there would be a legal basis for a right to adequate shelter, and which conditions should be met, the article presents relevant sources of human right law and EU law. It also consults scholarly articles, NGO reports, blogs, and newspapers. An examination of the actual reception circumstances shows that several problems need to be addressed. Based on this analysis, I argue that the conditions for adequate shelter encompass safety, dignity, adequate structure, appropriate space and facilities, and temporariness.
进入欧盟的寻求庇护者在等待庇护申请程序的结果时需要临时住房。然而,尚不清楚必须满足哪些条件才能实现欧盟规定的目标,即寻求庇护者享有“适当的生活水平”,包括住房。由于这一目标只是笼统地描述,因此在欧盟成员国内部和成员国之间,寻求庇护者的住宿存在很大差异。本文认为,如果欧盟将为寻求庇护者提供适当住所的权利作为一项共同住宿标准,并提供详细描述的物质条件,则可以达到多种目的。为了确定适足住房权是否有法律依据,以及应满足哪些条件,本文介绍了人权法和欧盟法的相关来源。它还咨询学术文章、非政府组织报告、博客和报纸。对实际接收情况的检查表明,有几个问题需要解决。基于这一分析,我认为适当的住房条件包括安全、尊严、适当的结构、适当的空间和设施以及临时性。
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引用次数: 0
A Tug of War: Pursuing Justice Amid Armed Conflict 一场拔河:在武装冲突中追求正义
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2097787
Bård Drange
ABSTRACT Despite its prevalence in armed conflicts globally, the pursuit of justice and human rights during armed conflict has received relatively little attention compared with efforts taken post-conflict. In this article, I discuss the trajectory of state-led measures to tackle human rights abuses while violence is ongoing, with a focus on the interplay between actors seeking to expose and those seeking to conceal human rights abuses. This expose–conceal framework is used to study the search for justice for abuses committed by paramilitary groups in Colombia in the 2000s. I argue that various domestic and international human rights advocates and civil society organisations clashed with the Colombian Government over questions of accountability. Persistent efforts to expose or conceal abuses produced a tug-of-war dynamic, where the two sides pulled the political debate and judicial frameworks in their preferred direction. This article contributes a conflict studies perspective on the establishment of national-level institutions to advance human rights in a context of high impunity and amid armed conflict. Going forward, I argue that more attention to the during-conflict period can enhance our understanding of how the pursuit of justice plays out after conflict.
尽管在全球武装冲突中普遍存在,但与冲突后的努力相比,在武装冲突中追求正义和人权受到的关注相对较少。在本文中,我将讨论在暴力仍在发生的情况下,国家主导的解决侵犯人权行为的措施的发展轨迹,重点关注寻求揭露侵犯人权行为的行为者和寻求掩盖侵犯人权行为的行为者之间的相互作用。这种曝光-隐藏的框架被用来研究2000年代哥伦比亚准军事组织的侵权行为寻求正义的过程。我认为,各种国内和国际人权倡导者和民间社会组织在问责问题上与哥伦比亚政府发生冲突。揭露或隐瞒侵权行为的持续努力产生了一种拉锯战的动态,双方将政治辩论和司法框架拉向自己喜欢的方向。本文从冲突研究的角度探讨了在高有罪不罚和武装冲突背景下建立国家级机构以促进人权的问题。展望未来,我认为,更多地关注冲突期间,可以增强我们对冲突后如何追求正义的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Constitutional Rights in Socialist East Asia 社会主义东亚的宪法权利
IF 0.4 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18918131.2022.2096777
Tien-Duc Nguyen, P. Viola
ABSTRACT China, North Korea, and Viet Nam are three essentially socialist countries that have survived the collapse of the Soviet Union. A salient commonality among them is the homogeneity of their cultural roots and the socialist legal tradition, which have continued to influence every facet of government and society. These lingering cultural and legal affinities have generated a different understanding of constitutional rights in relation to liberal counterparts. For strategic purposes, China and Viet Nam have faced a pressing need to remodel their rights conceptions to a certain universalist degree, while North Korea has remained almost immune to the globalisation of constitutional rights. To overcome historical negligence and cultural insensitivity, this article seeks to probe the interplay of various strands of values in shaping constitutional rights of socialist East Asia. It also demonstrates various implications from the study of socialist constitutional rights that could contribute heuristically and practically to the rights discourse.
中国、朝鲜和越南是苏联解体后幸存下来的三个社会主义国家。它们之间的一个突出的共同点是它们的文化根源和社会主义法律传统的同质性,这继续影响着政府和社会的各个方面。这些挥之不去的文化和法律上的亲缘关系产生了对宪法权利的不同理解。出于战略目的,中国和越南迫切需要将其权利观念重塑到某种普遍主义程度,而朝鲜几乎没有受到宪法权利全球化的影响。为了克服历史的疏忽和文化的不敏感,本文试图探讨各种价值观在塑造社会主义东亚宪法权利中的相互作用。本文还展示了社会主义宪法权利研究的各种启示,这些启示可以为权利话语提供启发式和实践上的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nordic Journal of Human Rights
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