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Local Ethics and Conflicts of Interest: Living Between Bottom-Up from Top-Down Peace in Provincial Egypt 地方道德与利益冲突:生活在自下而上与自上而下之间的埃及省级和平
Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1177/15423166241226910
Isaac Friesen
This article proposes and explores a fundamental difference between top-down and bottom-up understandings of peace and conflict. Set in the provincial Egyptian city of Beni Suef, the article first examines three major contemporary conflicts (revolutionary conflict, sectarian conflict, and economic conflict), which have most colored my interlocutors’ lives. Next, the article employs ethnographic data collected in Beni Suef between 2011 and 2018 in order to investigate how ordinary Egyptians have experienced the different conflicts in their day-to-day lives. I argue that, while the structural conflicts that most shape life in provincial Egypt are driven by overarching geopolitical, political, and economic interests, the majority of my interlocutors’ everyday lives centered on local ethics. The basic divergence between top-down interests and local ethics, I conclude, explains the inherent lack of scalability and inescapable disconnect between top-down and bottom-up approaches to peace and conflict.
本文提出并探讨了自上而下和自下而上对和平与冲突的理解之间的根本区别。文章以埃及省会城市贝尼苏夫为背景,首先考察了当代三大冲突(革命冲突、教派冲突和经济冲突),这些冲突给我的对话者的生活带来了极大的影响。接下来,文章利用 2011 年至 2018 年期间在贝尼苏夫收集的人种学数据,调查普通埃及人在日常生活中是如何体验不同冲突的。我认为,虽然最能影响埃及各省生活的结构性冲突是由总体地缘政治、政治和经济利益驱动的,但我的大部分对话者的日常生活都以地方伦理为中心。我的结论是,自上而下的利益与地方伦理之间的基本分歧,解释了自上而下与自下而上的和平与冲突解决方法之间固有的缺乏可扩展性和不可避免的脱节。
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引用次数: 0
The Myth of Gaza's Reconstruction: The Rise and Fall of Reconstruction Space Under the Israeli Siege 加沙重建的神话:以色列围困下重建空间的兴衰
Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231226124
Wadee Alarabeed
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引用次数: 0
Is Sustainable Peace in Ukraine Possible? Contributions of Quality Peace Theory 乌克兰可能实现可持续和平吗?优质和平理论的贡献
Pub Date : 2023-12-25 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231221776
Eremin Arkadiy, Oleg Petrovich-Belkin
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引用次数: 0
Peacebuilding and Social Change Through Soap Opera: The Two Elements of Moral Authority of ‘Team Kenya’ 通过肥皂剧建设和平与社会变革:肯尼亚团队 "道德权威的两个要素
Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231220706
S. Pukallus, Laura A. C. M. Brouwers
Thus far, the success of soap operas in peacebuilding and their contribution to social change have been attributed to the edutainment format they usually take. The edutainment format is indeed an essential element of success, but it alone does not reveal the basis for soap operas’ influence on audiences and societies. We therefore argue that for soap operas to have a transformative peacebuilding effect, to contribute to the learning of non-violent engagement with conflict and thereby to enable social change and resilience to violent conflict within societies, they need to do more than educate and entertain: they need to acquire moral authority. This moral authority can only be derived from the combination of two elements: first, edutainment and second, civil norm building. The second element, though indispensable, has thus far not formed part of our understanding of the success of soap operas. To illustrate our argument, we take the soap opera Team Kenya which was created following the 2007–2008 post-election violence to help Kenyans overcome their ethnic-tribal identity conflicts in non-violent ways as a case study.
迄今为止,肥皂剧在建设和平方面的成功及其对社会变革的贡献被归因于它们通常采取的寓教于乐的形式。寓教于乐的形式确实是成功的一个基本要素,但它本身并不能揭示肥皂剧对观众和社会产生影响的基础。因此,我们认为,要使肥皂剧产生建设和平的变革性影响,促进学习以非暴力方式处理冲突,从而推动社会变革,增强社会抵御暴力冲突的能力,肥皂剧需要做的不仅仅是教育和娱乐:肥皂剧需要获得道德权威。这种道德权威只能来自两个要素的结合:第一,寓教于乐;第二,建立公民准则。第二个要素虽然不可或缺,但迄今为止,我们对肥皂剧成功的理解还不包括它。为了说明我们的论点,我们以 2007-2008 年大选后暴力事件后创作的肥皂剧《肯尼亚团队》为例进行研究,该剧旨在帮助肯尼亚人以非暴力的方式克服种族-部落身份冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Autocratisation and Peacebuilding in Mozambique (2012–2019): Towards Illiberal Peace? 莫桑比克的专制化与和平建设(2012-2019 年):走向非自由主义和平?
Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231220713
Manuel Francisco Sambo
In 2012, 20 years after the end of the 16-year war between Renamo and the Frelimo-led government, Mozambique witnessed the resumption of armed confrontations between the two former belligerents. The renewed hostilities ended in 2019 when Renamo and the government signed the Maputo Accord for Peace and Reconciliation, hailed as a ‘global exemplar’ of liberal conflict resolution. Nevertheless, the peace process occurred in the context of increasing autocratisation in the country. Accordingly, this article examines the implications of authoritarian politics for an ostensibly liberal peacebuilding process. It argues that while the ruling elites resist attempts at building liberal peace, authoritarian conflict management has been complicated by state incapacity and the resistance of liberal actors. Therefore, the article concludes that attempts at rebuilding peace in a context of entrenched tensions between liberalisation and autocratisation in Mozambique delivered a precarious peace.
2012 年,在雷纳莫组织与弗雷里莫领导的政府之间长达 16 年的战争结束 20 年后,莫桑比克目睹了这两个前交战方重新爆发武装对抗。2019 年,雷纳莫组织和政府签署了《马普托和平与和解协议》,重新爆发的敌对行动宣告结束,该协议被誉为以自由方式解决冲突的 "全球典范"。然而,和平进程是在该国日益专制化的背景下发生的。因此,本文探讨了专制政治对表面上自由的和平建设进程的影响。文章认为,虽然统治精英抵制建设自由和平的尝试,但国家的无能和自由派行动者的抵制使专制冲突管理变得更加复杂。因此,文章得出结论,在莫桑比克自由化与专制化之间紧张关系根深蒂固的背景下,重建和平的尝试带来了不稳定的和平。
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引用次数: 0
Sierra Leone and Peace Education: A Case Study of Transportation Poverty in the Aftermath of Civil War 塞拉利昂与和平教育:内战后交通贫困案例研究
Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231211909
Yi Yu, Michael Wyness
Unequal access to education and employment inequalities were major issues that led to the Sierra Leone civil war from 1991 to 2002. Many educational practices were introduced to the country in the direct aftermath of the war to bring more positive changes such as education opportunities and reconciliation. However, by using the social constructionist approach in our analysis, we found that infrastructural issues were neglected by researchers and practitioners which had a long-term negative effect on local residents. In particular, transportation poverty became a major issue in preventing the delivery of peace education practices and teaching pedagogies by preventing regular travelling from urban to rural areas. Consequently, more inequalities could be found in areas of social services. This study suggests that peace education initiatives should consider whether these promoted practices will generate different forms of inequalities.
受教育机会不平等和就业不平等是导致1991年至2002年塞拉利昂内战的主要问题。许多教育实践在战争结束后被引入该国,带来了更多积极的变化,如教育机会和和解。然而,运用社会建构主义的分析方法,我们发现基础设施问题被研究者和实践者所忽视,对当地居民产生了长期的负面影响。特别是,交通贫穷成为阻碍和平教育实践和教学方法的一个主要问题,因为它阻碍了从城市到农村地区的经常旅行。因此,在社会服务领域可以发现更多的不平等现象。这项研究表明,和平教育倡议应该考虑这些促进的做法是否会产生不同形式的不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Yemen's Survival Quandary: The Compounding Effects of Conflict and Climate Obstruction 也门的生存困境:冲突和气候阻碍的复合效应
Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231197807
B. Poornima, R. Ramesh
Climate change is increasingly recognized as a major contributor to conflict and instability worldwide, including in conflict-ridden Yemen. The article hypothesizes that the complex relationship between conflict and climate action obstruction in Yemen is mutually reinforcing, thus, forming a vicious cycle. Yemen already faces many difficulties, including a lack of food and water, displaced people, and a deteriorating economy, all of which have been made worse by the conflict. Climate change could make these issues worse, resulting in more competition for resources and greater tensions between groups. The ongoing conflict in Yemen has been impeding climate action, increasing the state's prospects of climate change-induced conflict in the future. The article highlights the risk of neglecting the consideration of climate change in decision-making and peace efforts in Yemen. Our findings underscore the dire necessity to equip Yemen to include climate action in state-level peace efforts to break the self-reinforcing vicious cycle.
气候变化越来越被认为是全球冲突和不稳定的主要原因,包括在冲突缠身的也门。本文假设也门冲突与气候行动障碍之间的复杂关系是相辅相成的,从而形成了一个恶性循环。也门已经面临许多困难,包括缺乏食物和水,流离失所的人,以及不断恶化的经济,所有这些都因冲突而变得更糟。气候变化可能会使这些问题变得更糟,导致资源竞争加剧,群体之间的关系更加紧张。也门持续不断的冲突阻碍了气候行动,增加了该国未来因气候变化引发冲突的可能性。这篇文章强调了在也门的决策和和平努力中忽视对气候变化的考虑的风险。我们的研究结果强调,也门迫切需要将气候行动纳入国家层面的和平努力,以打破自我强化的恶性循环。
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引用次数: 0
Art Therapists as Activists in Social Movements 作为社会运动积极分子的艺术治疗师
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231193150
Jordan S. Potash, D. Kalmanowitz
Surveying the role of the arts in social movements offers approaches for ways in which art therapists can be collaborators in peacebuilding. A contemporary review of activist and protest art reveals four sources of inspiration for how art therapists can contribute: intentional symbols and metaphors, solidarity, memorializing, and resilience. When integrated with peacebuilding strategies, art therapists can support social movements by visualizing injustices, representing voices, bringing people together, and imagining solutions. By working in collaboration with peacebuilders, art therapists can apply social justice stances to different strands of peacebuilding.
调查艺术在社会运动中的作用,为艺术治疗师在和平建设中成为合作者提供了途径。当代对激进主义和抗议艺术的回顾揭示了艺术治疗师如何贡献的四个灵感来源:有意的符号和隐喻、团结、纪念和恢复力。当与和平建设战略相结合时,艺术治疗师可以通过可视化不公正,代表声音,将人们聚集在一起以及想象解决方案来支持社会运动。通过与和平建设者合作,艺术治疗师可以将社会正义立场应用于建设和平的不同方面。
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引用次数: 0
Enabling Within Constraints: Assessing International Aid's Impact Upon Cypriot Peacebuilding Organisations 在限制范围内实现:评估国际援助对塞浦路斯建设和平组织的影响
Pub Date : 2023-08-13 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231193197
M. Barrow
Indigenous civil society organisations (CSOs) are receiving a larger proportion of international aid than ever before. The international community supplies them with financial support owing to the belief that they can effectively mediate between disputant communities. The impact of this situation attracts scholarly debate. Whereas scholars traditionally assert that recipients transform into service-delivery organisations tied to the interests of their donors, some allege that CSOs retain the agency to negotiate how funds are spent in accordance with their own priorities. By focusing on Cypriot peacebuilding CSOs, I add further nuance to this debate. I argue that international aid enables CSOs to carry out peacebuilding initiatives according to their underlying agenda, owing to several contextual factors, providing they adhere to donors’ expectations and restrictions. International aid cannot therefore be reduced to having a solely positive or negative impact – a more complex picture emerges, to some degree suiting both donors and CSOs.
土著公民社会组织(cso)接受的国际援助比以往任何时候都多。国际社会向它们提供财政支持,因为相信它们能够有效地在有争议的社区之间进行调解。这种情况的影响引起了学术界的争论。传统上,学者们断言,受助人会转变为与捐赠者利益相关的服务提供组织,而一些人则声称,民间社会组织保留了协商机构,以便根据自己的优先事项使用资金。通过把重点放在塞浦路斯建设和平的民间社会组织上,我为这场辩论增添了进一步的细微差别。我认为,由于一些背景因素,国际援助使民间社会组织能够根据其基本议程开展建设和平行动,前提是他们遵守捐助者的期望和限制。因此,国际援助不能被简化为只产生积极或消极的影响——一种更复杂的情况出现了,在某种程度上适合捐助者和民间社会组织。
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引用次数: 0
The Conflict, Climate Change, and Displacement Nexus Revisited: The Protracted Rohingya Refugee Crisis in Bangladesh 冲突、气候变化和流离失所关系重新审视:孟加拉国旷日持久的罗兴亚难民危机
Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/15423166231190040
K. Neef, E. Jones, J. Marlowe
This article examines the relationships between conflict, climate change, and disaster in forced displacement contexts. We present these nexus dynamics through the case of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who are exposed to climatic hazards and other vulnerabilities that threaten their lives and livelihoods. Having fled persecution by the Myanmar military, Rohingya refugees face a range of conflict- and climate-related risks, both in the overcrowded and disaster-prone camps in Cox's Bazar and on the island of Bhasan Char where Bangladeshi authorities have relocated tens of thousands of people. The protracted refugee crisis has exacerbated social tensions between the Rohingya and host communities; limited access to resources and exposure to significant hazards that exacerbate conflict-induced displacement challenges. This paper contributes to the nascent literature on the region's conflict, climate change, and disaster displacement nexus by examining how cascading risks and state fragility contribute to increased instability. The article demonstrates the need for a more nuanced understanding of how conflict-induced displacement leads to new threats and vulnerabilities in hazard-prone environments.
本文探讨了在被迫流离失所的背景下冲突、气候变化和灾难之间的关系。我们通过孟加拉国罗兴亚难民的案例来展示这些联系动态,这些难民面临气候灾害和其他威胁其生命和生计的脆弱性。在逃离缅甸军方迫害后,罗兴亚难民面临着一系列与冲突和气候相关的风险,无论是在考克斯巴扎尔(Cox’s Bazar)拥挤且容易发生灾害的难民营,还是在孟加拉国当局已重新安置数万人的巴桑查尔岛(Bhasan Char)。旷日持久的难民危机加剧了罗兴亚人与收容社区之间的社会紧张关系;获得资源的机会有限,面临重大危险,加剧了冲突引发的流离失所挑战。本文通过研究层叠风险和国家脆弱性如何导致不稳定加剧,为研究该地区冲突、气候变化和灾害流离失所关系的新兴文献做出了贡献。这篇文章表明,有必要更细致地了解冲突导致的流离失所如何在易发生危险的环境中导致新的威胁和脆弱性。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Peacebuilding & Development
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