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When the ends justify the means? Quality of law-making in times of urgency 什么时候为了目的不择手段?紧急时期的立法质量
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1729549
R. Stern
This article discusses how arguments related to urgency and crisis affected the quality of the legislative process in relation to three cases of law-making related to the so-called refugee crisis i...
本文以三个与所谓的难民危机有关的立法案例为例,讨论了与紧迫性和危机有关的论点如何影响立法过程的质量。
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引用次数: 3
Quality of legislation meets migration policy – an introduction 立法质量符合移民政策-介绍
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1729554
P. Mindus, Elena Prats
This special issue represents the first attempt of applying the canons of quality of legislation studies in the fields of migration and citizenship studies. Work, both scholarly and broadly speakin...
这期特刊首次尝试将立法研究质量准则应用于移民和公民身份研究领域。无论是学术性的还是广义的工作。。。
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引用次数: 0
Swedish legislation and the migration crisis 瑞典立法与移民危机
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1729599
Mauro Zamboni
This article explores and discusses the model of legislative policy adopted by Sweden in the wake of the 2015 migration crisis. In particular, it discusses the best legislative channel (or legislat...
本文探讨并讨论了瑞典在2015年移民危机后采取的立法政策模式。特别讨论了最佳立法渠道(或立法…
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引用次数: 5
Legislative drafting tools preventing arbitrariness in discretionary powers 防止自由裁量权随意性的立法起草工具
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2020.1729552
J. Silveira, Diana Ettner
Despite the differences of approach that different national legal systems may adopt regarding discretionary powers, in general terms the main issue of discussion stays the same: Given that discretion is accepted and considered an essential legal technique in the context of administrative decisions, how, and to which extent, may discretionary powers be controlled and subjected to review by courts? The purpose of the present article is to discuss discretionary powers from the perspective of legislative drafting, with the aim to identify specific tools to be used by law-makers in order to prevent discretion from turning into arbitrariness. Therefore, starting from an analysis of Portuguese legal doctrine on the concept of discretionary powers, the present article will address three main issues. First, clarification as to how legal discretion is to be understood and how to identify discretionary powers granted by legislation. Second, identification of the advantages and disadvantages of legal discretion, in order to determine normative criteria according to which we can settle under which conditions discretionary powers in legislative drafting is to be employed or not. Third, identification of which legislative drafting tools may be used by lawmakers in order to grant discretionary powers. Overall, by focusing on lawmaking techniques, the article aims to demonstrate the extent to which legislative drafting tools, such as the ones identified in this article, are powerful tools to better identify discretionary powers in the law, but also to ensure that these powers are granted only when actually necessary. Taking into consideration that migration and asylum law usually involves reference to fundamental individual rights, the article argues that the provision of discretionary powers ought to be avoided whenever there are no solid and reasoned grounds for their use, so that discretion remains a tool for regulation and does not become arbitrariness.
尽管不同国家的法律制度对自由裁量权可能采取不同的做法,但总的来说,讨论的主要问题是相同的:既然自由裁量权在行政决定的背景下被接受并被认为是一种基本的法律技术,那么自由裁量权如何以及在何种程度上受到法院的控制和审查?本文的目的是从立法起草的角度来探讨自由裁量权,旨在确定立法者可以使用的具体工具,以防止自由裁量权变成任意性。因此,本文将从分析葡萄牙关于自由裁量权概念的法律学说开始,讨论三个主要问题。首先,澄清如何理解法律上的自由裁量权以及如何认定立法赋予的自由裁量权。第二,辨明法律自由裁量权的利弊,以确定规范性标准,据此确定在何种条件下应使用或不使用立法起草中的自由裁量权。第三,确定立法者可以使用哪些立法起草工具来授予自由裁量权。总体而言,通过关注立法技巧,本文旨在展示立法起草工具(如本文所述的工具)在多大程度上是更好地识别法律中的自由裁量权的有力工具,同时也确保这些权力仅在实际需要时才被授予。考虑到移徙和庇护法通常涉及到个人基本权利,该条认为,只要没有确凿和合理的理由可以使用自由裁量权,就应避免提供这种权力,以便自由裁量权仍然是一种管制工具,而不会成为武断。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond decriminalization: the transition from relative transparency to deliberate ambiguity 非刑事化之外:从相对透明到故意模糊的转变
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1696082
Golan Luzon
ABSTRACT This article explores the phenomenon of decriminalisation. Although there is no comprehensive definition of decriminaliszation, common descriptions reduce it to cases in which a certain conduct no longer deserves to be criminalised. This article argues that decriminalisation is a broad phenomenon, which can be found in various places in criminal law, and should be examined from the perspective of the law in transition from relative transparency to deliberate ambiguity. To this end, I analyze several legal approaches: pure decriminalisation, de facto decriminalisation, de-prioritization, substitution, reclassification, and types of camouflaged decriminalisation (restorative justice and plea bargaining).
摘要本文探讨了非刑事化现象。尽管没有关于非刑事化的全面定义,但常见的描述将其简化为某一行为不再值得刑事化的情况。本文认为,非刑事化是一种广泛的现象,在刑法的各个地方都可以找到,应该从相对透明向故意模糊过渡的法律角度来审视。为此,我分析了几种法律方法:纯粹的非刑事化、事实上的非犯罪化、去优先化、替代、重新分类和伪装的非刑事主义类型(恢复性司法和辩诉交易)。
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引用次数: 0
The middle-out approach: assessing models of legal governance in data protection, artificial intelligence, and the Web of Data 中间方法:评估数据保护、人工智能和数据网络方面的法律治理模型
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1664543
U. Pagallo, Pompeu Casanovas, Robert Madelin
ABSTRACT All models of legal governance and most regulatory options have to do with ‘top-down’ solutions as an essential ingredient of the approach. Such models may include ‘bottom-up’ forms of self-regulation, such as in forms of ex post regulation, or unenforced self-regulation. This paper focuses on what lies in between such top-down and bottom-up approaches, namely, the middle-out interface of the analysis. Within the EU legal framework, this middle-out layer is mainly associated with forms of co-regulation, as defined by Recital 44 of the 2010 AVMS Directive and Article 5(2) of the GDPR. However, there are also additional models on how we should grasp the middle-out layer of legal regulation, as shown by the debates on the governance of AI and the Web of Data. For example, the debates on issues such as monitored self-regulation, coordination mechanisms for good AI governance, and ‘wind-rose’ models for the Web of Data make it clear that co-regulation is not the only alternative to both bottom-up and top-down approaches. From a methodological viewpoint, the middle-out approach sheds light on three different kinds of issues that regard (i) how to strike a balance between multiple regulatory systems; (ii) how to align primary and secondary rules of the law; and (iii) how to properly coordinate bottom-up and top-down policy choices. The increasing complexity of technological regulation recommends new models of governance that revolve around this middle-out analytical ground.
所有的法律治理模式和大多数监管选择都与“自上而下”的解决方案有关,这是该方法的基本组成部分。这种模式可能包括“自下而上”形式的自我监管,例如事后监管或非强制的自我监管。本文关注的是在这种自顶向下和自底向上方法之间的东西,即分析的中外接口。在欧盟法律框架内,这一中间层主要与共同监管的形式有关,如2010年AVMS指令序言44和GDPR第5(2)条所定义的那样。然而,关于我们应该如何把握法律监管的中间层,也有其他的模型,正如关于人工智能治理和数据网络的辩论所显示的那样。例如,关于监督自我监管、良好人工智能治理的协调机制和数据网络的“风玫瑰”模型等问题的辩论清楚地表明,共同监管并不是自下而上和自上而下方法的唯一替代方案。从方法论的角度来看,中间方法揭示了以下三种不同类型的问题:(i)如何在多个监管体系之间取得平衡;(ii)如何协调法律的主要规则和次要规则;(三)如何协调自下而上和自上而下的政策选择。技术监管日益复杂,因此需要围绕这种中间分析基础建立新的治理模式。
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引用次数: 31
Outsourcing the law: a philosophical perspective on regulation 外包法律:监管的哲学视角
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1697510
Ronan Cormacain
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引用次数: 0
Public participation and its limits in legislative consultation: a case study on local legislation in China 立法协商中的公众参与及其局限性——以中国地方立法为例
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1665280
Rongxin Li
ABSTRACT Broadly defined, public participation, as a part of the legislation process is widely accepted in various political regimes for engaging more citizens into the enactment and amendment of laws, regulations and policies, including the one-party states like China. However, public participation in China’s legislation, often described as ‘authoritarian legislation’, faces various challenges. This includes the lack of mature and institutionalised participation mechanisms and poor quality of participation and discussion per se. This paper, therefore, takes the legislative consultation on ‘Regulations on Protecting Historical and Cultural City of Huizhou (Huizhou regulation) (Huizhou Regulation ranked as local regulation according to its legal effect. Commonly, according to article 100 of China’s Constitution, local legislation refers to the activities that the local legislative bodies (broadly, legislative body in China only refers to the National People’s Congress (NPC) and its Standing Committee. The empowered local legislative bodies refer to the Local People’s Congress (LPC) and its Standing Committee and local government) to enact local regulations and local government regulations.)’ as a case study to explore the role of public participation in China’s emerging municipal-level legislation process. It examines public participation in various innovative formats, such as the conventional form of legislative hearing, in addition to the fixed consultative group and expert discussion team, etc. While these participations aimed to act as a means of improving the quality and legitimacy of the local legislation, they did so within the authoritarian rule setting. Thus, this paper analyses these limits by discussing what the participation and discussion in local legislative consultation in the context of authoritarian legislation looks like, and it argues despite the challenge of authoritarianism, public participation in local legislation contributes, in a non-confrontational manner, to the scientification (Kexuehua 科学化) of legislation in the Chinese context.
广义上讲,公众参与作为立法过程的一部分,在各种政治制度中被广泛接受,以使更多的公民参与法律、法规和政策的制定和修订,包括像中国这样的一党制国家。然而,公众参与中国的立法,通常被称为“威权立法”,面临着各种挑战。这包括缺乏成熟和制度化的参与机制,以及参与和讨论本身的质量较差。因此,本文对《惠州历史文化名城保护条例》(《惠州条例》)(《惠州条例》按其法律效力列为地方性法规)进行立法咨询。通常,根据中国宪法第100条,地方立法是指地方立法机构的活动(广义上,中国的立法机构仅指全国人民代表大会及其常务委员会)。被授权的地方立法机构是指地方人民代表大会(LPC)及其常务委员会和地方政府)制定地方法规和地方政府法规。)作为一个案例研究,探讨公众参与在中国新兴的市级立法过程中的作用。除了固定的谘询小组和专家讨论小组外,它还探讨了各种创新形式的公众参与,例如传统的立法听证会形式。虽然这些参与旨在作为提高地方立法质量和合法性的一种手段,但它们是在威权统治环境下进行的。因此,本文通过讨论威权主义立法背景下的地方立法协商的参与和讨论来分析这些限制,并认为尽管面临威权主义的挑战,公众参与地方立法以一种非对抗性的方式对中国语境下立法的科学化做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 1
A model for determining legislative significance and effectiveness 确定立法意义和效力的模式
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1568774
Osnat Akirav
ABSTRACT How do we determine whether laws are significant and effective? To answer this question, I used data from focus groups and content analysis of laws and newspaper articles to create a model to assess these two factors. In this model, three components of legislative significance are measured: the essence, extent and practicality of the law. The model also assesses legislative effectiveness by measuring three other components: public awareness about the issue, the gap between the intentions of the legislators and the implementation of the law, and the existentiality of the gap. In this study, effectiveness refers to achieving the goal of the legislation and is measured several years past after the date it was enacted. Significance and effectiveness are not separate concepts. They are connected on a time line. The first step in legislation is to understand whether it is significant, which leads to the second step – determining whether it is effective. I tested the model using three Israeli laws from 1987 (the minimum wage law), 1998 (the law against sexual harassment) and 2007 (the provision that outlawed smoking in public places to prevent exposure to second-hand smoke). The results demonstrate that the model is a useful tool for determining whether laws are significant and effective.
摘要我们如何确定法律是否重要和有效?为了回答这个问题,我使用了焦点小组的数据以及法律和报纸文章的内容分析,创建了一个模型来评估这两个因素。在该模型中,衡量了具有立法意义的三个组成部分:法律的本质、范围和实用性。该模型还通过衡量其他三个组成部分来评估立法效力:公众对该问题的认识、立法者的意图与法律实施之间的差距以及差距的存在性。在本研究中,有效性是指实现立法目标,并在立法颁布之日后几年进行衡量。重要性和有效性不是单独的概念。它们在时间线上相连。立法的第一步是了解它是否重要,这导致了第二步——确定它是否有效。我使用1987年(最低工资法)、1998年(禁止性骚扰法)和2007年(禁止在公共场所吸烟以防止接触二手烟的规定)的三项以色列法律测试了该模型。结果表明,该模型是确定法律是否重要和有效的有用工具。
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引用次数: 2
Accountability of regulators through adaptable legal norms 通过适应性强的法律规范追究监管机构的责任
IF 4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/20508840.2019.1632051
Mirko Pečarič
ABSTRACT Although the future is hard to predict, general legal rules do always address it. And while abstractness and generality are, by their pro futuro orientation, fundamental elements in the principle of equality, regulators usually cannot predict future events. This paper addresses this problem and gives a regulatory solution in the form of negative legislation and adaptable norms based on negative thinking. Regulators should look for negative and absent consequences, and based on them frame different future legal scenarios with different thresholds for different legal actions. When faced with different input data, a proposed legal norm switches its meaning (legal demand) like an electric relay. The proposed approach can avoid difficulties with the calculation of future probabilities, interpretation of discretionary norms or legal principles by building future elements into a decision-maker’s frame. Accountability and transparency can, therefore, be placed on a higher level. When a possibility of negative events can be rationally predicted, a legislator could be accountable when to these events the appropriate legal actions/rules were not legally prescribed before their appearance. When a possibility of negative events can be rationally predicted, a legislator could be accountable when to these events the appropriate legal actions/rules were not legally prescribed before their appearance.
摘要尽管未来很难预测,但一般法律规则总是会解决这个问题。尽管抽象性和一般性是平等原则的基本要素,但监管机构通常无法预测未来的事件。本文解决了这一问题,并以消极立法和基于消极思维的适应性规范的形式提出了监管解决方案。监管机构应该寻找负面和不存在的后果,并在此基础上制定不同的未来法律情景,为不同的法律行动设定不同的阈值。当面对不同的输入数据时,所提出的法律规范会像继电器一样转换其含义(法律要求)。所提出的方法可以通过将未来元素构建到决策者的框架中,避免在计算未来概率、解释自由裁量规范或法律原则方面的困难。因此,问责制和透明度可以放在更高的层次上。当可以合理预测负面事件的可能性时,立法者可以对这些事件负责,因为在这些事件出现之前,法律没有规定适当的法律行动/规则。当可以合理预测负面事件的可能性时,立法者可以对这些事件负责,因为在这些事件出现之前,法律没有规定适当的法律行动/规则。
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引用次数: 0
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Theory and Practice of Legislation
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