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Shun Ohno. Transforming Nikkeijin Identity and Citizenship: Untold Life Histories of Japanese Migrants and Their Descendants in the Philippines, 1903-2013. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2015, xiv+284pp. 大野顺。转变日进身份和公民身份:1903-2013年在菲律宾的日本移民及其后裔不为人知的生活史。奎松市:马尼拉大学出版社,2015年,xiv+284页。
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_188
Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes
In January 2016, Japan’s Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko visited the Philippines as state guests. Mass media reported that the royal couple had wanted to visit the country as part of their pilgrimage for the victims of World War II. On January 28, the royal couple met with 86 secondgeneration (Nisei) Japanese descendants (Nikkeijin). The Nisei have lived extraordinarily difficult lives because of the war. Their Majesties politely listened to the stories the Nisei had kept for seven decades. Reading Transforming Nikkeijin Identity and Citizenship: Untold Life Histories of Japanese Migrants and Their Descendants in the Philippines, 1903–2013 by Shun Ohno, we can imagine how precious this meeting was. It would probably not have been made possible without the persistent efforts of sincere journalists—as Ohno was—for decades to seek justice for the Nikkeijin in the Philippines (“Philippine Nikkei” in the book), particularly the Nisei. Journalists, together with concerned citizens and Nikkeijin associations, have demanded the Japanese government’s recognition of its war responsibility for the Nisei. Nisei (often forcibly) collaborated with —or were even conscripted into—the Japanese military in the Philippines during World War II but were abandoned thereafter; no chance of repatriation was given. They were exposed to the threat of ambush. They lost practically everything—family, property, job, opportunities for education— but received no compensation at all. The book is a culmination of Ohno’s life work. It summarizes the history of Japanese male emigrants to the Philippines in the early twentieth century and that of their children and grandchildren until recent times. Their life has been tossed about by rapidly changing bilateral relations between Japan and the Philippines at each historical moment. At the same time, colonial and postcolonial Philippines throughout the twentieth century and beyond has been under the influence of the United States, and that has also affected the Philippine Nikkeijin in many ways.
2016年1月,日本明仁天皇和皇后美智子作为国宾访问了菲律宾。大众媒体报道称,这对皇室夫妇希望访问该国,作为他们为二战受害者朝圣的一部分。1月28日,这对皇室夫妇会见了86名日本第二代后裔(日成)。由于战争,日裔人过着异常艰难的生活。他们的陛下礼貌地听着尼塞人保存了70年的故事。阅读大野顺的《转变日本身份和公民身份:1903-2013年在菲律宾的日本移民及其后裔不为人知的生活史》,我们可以想象这次会议是多么珍贵。如果没有真诚的记者——就像大野一样——几十年来的不懈努力,为菲律宾的Nikkeijin(书中的“菲律宾日经”),特别是Nisei寻求正义,这可能是不可能的。记者们,以及关心此事的公民和日本新闻协会,要求日本政府承认其对日清战争的责任。第二次世界大战期间,日清(经常被强迫)在菲律宾与日本军队合作,甚至被征召入伍,但此后被放弃;没有遣返的机会。他们受到伏击的威胁。他们几乎失去了一切——家庭、财产、工作、教育机会——但没有得到任何补偿。这本书是大野一生作品的巅峰之作。它总结了20世纪初日本男性移民到菲律宾的历史,以及他们的子孙后代直到近代的历史。在每一个历史时刻,他们的生活都被日本和菲律宾之间迅速变化的双边关系所左右。与此同时,殖民地和后殖民地的菲律宾在整个二十世纪及以后一直受到美国的影响,这也在许多方面影响了菲律宾的Nikkeijin。
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引用次数: 0
T. J. Pempel and Keiichi Tsunekawa, eds. Two Crises, Different Outcomes: East Asia and Global Finance 彭培尔、津川敬一主编:《两次危机,不同的结果:东亚与全球金融》
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_178
W. Bello
Two Crises, Different Outcomes: East Asia and Global Finance T. J. Pempel and Keiichi Tsunekawa, eds. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015, viii+267pp.More Financial Crises Ahead?Two Crises, Different Outcomes: East Asia and Global Finance makes three key assertions: first, contrary to the school attributing the Asian financial crisis to "crony capitalism," the debacle of 1997-98 was due largely to unregulated capital flows that flooded the region then quickly fled at the onset of the macroeconomic distortions they had brought about.Second, the United States and Europe could have avoided the financial collapse of 2008-09 had they learned the right lessons from the Asian financial crisis and strengthened instead of dismantling or weakening their systems of financial regulation.Third, learning from the Asian financial crisis, the East Asian economies took steps to prevent a rerun of that crisis, including making currency swap arrangements, limiting their exposure to new financial products like credit default swaps, and, above all, building up massive financial reserves derived from intensified export-intensive trade strategies. These measures insulated them from the 2008-09 global financial crisis.To be sure, these three arguments have been made by others in the academic and political debates that followed both crises. But it is worth restating them cogently and with strong empirical backing, as the book does. Moreover, the essays on the region's different economies provide important nuances to the book's central arguments. For instance, Yasunobu Okabe's paper on Korea and Thailand claims that in contrast to Thailand, Korea's post-Asian financial crisis regulation of capital flows to foreign bank branches was quite lenient, and this nearly brought Korea to its knees again in 2008; the country was saved from "a second financial crisis through a $30 billion currency swap approved by the US Federal Reserve Board in October 2008" (p. 105). Had Korea had a second financial collapse, who knows what the knock-on effects on the region might have been? We might now be writing on how the East Asian region was drawn into the maelstrom of the global financial crisis.Some of the essays provide us with interesting insights into the institutional contexts of the different countries' responses to the two crises. Barry Naughton, in his essay on China, says that while the response of the Chinese government-the rolling out of a stimulus program-was superficially similar in both the Asian financial crisis and the global financial crisis-the institutional contexts were different. During the Asian financial crisis, the stimulus was intended by reformoriented Prime Minister Zhu Ronji to be an emergency measure within a liberalizing trend, while during the global financial crisis it was part of a return to greater state intervention under the Hu Jintao-Wen Jiabao leadership.In varying degrees the different authors make the point that while East Asia may have dodged the
两次危机,不同的结果:东亚和全球金融T.J.Pempel和Keiichi Tsunekawa编辑。伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2015,viii+267pp.未来还会有更多的金融危机?两次危机,不同的结果:东亚和全球金融提出了三个关键的断言:首先,与将亚洲金融危机归因于“裙带资本主义”的学派相反,1997-98年的崩溃主要是由于不受监管的资本流动涌入该地区,然后在它们带来的宏观经济扭曲开始时迅速逃离。其次,如果美国和欧洲从亚洲金融危机中吸取正确的教训,加强而不是废除或削弱其金融监管体系,它们本可以避免2008-09年的金融崩溃。第三,东亚经济体从亚洲金融危机中吸取教训,采取措施防止危机再次爆发,包括制定货币互换安排,限制其对信用违约互换等新金融产品的敞口,最重要的是,通过强化出口密集型贸易战略建立巨额金融储备。这些措施使他们免受2008-09年全球金融危机的影响。可以肯定的是,在这两次危机之后的学术和政治辩论中,其他人也提出了这三个论点。但值得像这本书一样,在强有力的经验支持下,有说服力地重述它们。此外,关于该地区不同经济体的文章为本书的核心论点提供了重要的细微差别。例如,冈部康信关于韩国和泰国的论文声称,与泰国相比,韩国在亚洲金融危机后对外国银行分行资本流动的监管相当宽松,这几乎使韩国在2008年再次屈服;2008年10月,美国联邦储备委员会批准了300亿美元的货币互换,使该国免于“第二次金融危机”(第105页)。如果韩国发生了第二次金融崩溃,谁知道会对该地区产生什么样的连锁反应?我们现在可能正在写东亚地区是如何被卷入全球金融危机的漩涡的。其中一些文章为我们提供了对不同国家应对这两次危机的制度背景的有趣见解。Barry Naughton在其关于中国的文章中表示,尽管中国政府对推出刺激计划的反应在亚洲金融危机和全球金融危机中表面上相似,但制度背景不同。在亚洲金融危机期间,以改革为导向的总理朱镕基打算将刺激措施作为自由化趋势中的一项紧急措施,而在全球金融危机期间这是在胡锦涛和温家宝领导下恢复更大的国家干预的一部分。不同的作者在不同程度上指出,尽管东亚可能在全球金融危机中躲过了一劫,但它并没有走出困境。事实上,不仅高增长时代已经结束,而且该地区不同经济体也面临着结构性危机。通过大力出口建立金融储备,并在很大程度上远离华尔街危险的金融创新,如证券化抵押贷款和“信用违约掉期”,可能使亚洲经济体免受全球金融危机的最严重影响,但它们更深层次的问题仍未解决,这些问题主要源于该地区融入全球经济。这些问题是什么?正如这些文章所表明的那样,尽管亚洲经济体在结构上有相似之处,但每一个经济体都有其独特的挑战。Tsunekawa指出,由于改革技术官僚倡导的新自由主义改革和为应对选举压力而增加的公共支出之间的摇摆,日本似乎无法摆脱25年来的停滞…
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引用次数: 1
Holger L. Frohlich, Pepijn Schreinemachers, Karl Stahr, and Gerhard Clemens, eds. Sustainable Land Use and Rural Development in Southeast Asia: Innovations and Policies for Mountainous Areas. Berlin and Heidelberg: Springer, 2013, x+490pp. Holger L.Frohlich、Pepijn Schreinemacher、Karl Stahr和Gerhard Clemens编辑。东南亚的可持续土地利用和农村发展:山区的创新和政策。柏林和海德堡:施普林格出版社,2013年,x+490页。
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_198
S. Tomita
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引用次数: 0
Yoshiko Nagano. State and Finance in the Philippines, 1898–1941: The Mismanagement of an American Colony Yoshiko长野。菲律宾的国家和财政,1898-1941:美国殖民地的管理不善
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_171
H. V. D. Wall
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引用次数: 0
Multiple Reactions to Land Confiscations in a Hanoi Peri-urban Village 河内城郊村庄土地没收的多重反应
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_95
Thi Thanh Hai Nguyen
This article examines the impact of urban expansion on a peri-urban village of Hanoi. It seeks to understand how villagers reacted to the decision by Hanoi city to take their agricultural land for urban projects. By exploring the forms of land protest adopted in this community and the diverse factors that shaped reactions in this particular case, the article contributes to the literature on responses to land confiscation in Vietnam and elsewhere. The paper shows a community divided over recent land confiscations and the complexity of the politics of resistance in land disputes in modern-day Vietnam.
本文考察了城市扩张对河内一个城郊村庄的影响。它试图了解村民们对河内市决定将他们的农业用地用于城市项目的反应。通过探索该社区采取的土地抗议形式以及在这一特定案件中形成反应的各种因素,本文为越南和其他地方对土地没收的反应文献做出了贡献。这篇论文展示了一个社区在最近的土地没收和现代越南土地纠纷中抵抗政治的复杂性上的分歧。
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引用次数: 2
Volunteers from the Periphery (Case Studies of Survivors of the Lapindo Mudflow and Stren Kali, Surabaya, Forced Eviction) 来自周边地区的志愿者(拉平多泥石流和斯特伦卡利幸存者的案例研究,泗水,强迫驱逐)
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_31
Cornelis Lay
IIntroductionOne of the most prominent phenomena during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election was the massive role of volunteers-both individuals and groups-in organizing and consolidating support for the presidential candidate Joko Widodo, better known by the nickname Jokowi. Such volunteerism is not unprecedented in Indonesia.4 The rise of this phenomenon in Indonesia cannot be separated from the Reformasi (Reform) movement of 1998, which opened political space for mass public participation. The explosive growth of public participation in the early phases of Reformasi was followed by a dramatic increase in the number of civil society organizations (CSOs),2) spread of CSO coverage (PLOD 2006),3) and CSO influence and political leverage (Cornells 2010).Nevertheless, this phenomenon still raises important questions, particularly considering the following two factors. First, it occurred during a period of increased public dissatisfaction with politics, in which various democratic institutions-particularly political parties and parliament-were perceived as having performed poorly.4) Second, compared to previous volunteer movements in Indonesia, a greater depth and breadth of spectrum was covered by the movements supporting Jokowi. These volunteer movements were spread throughout Indonesia, in both urban and rural areas. They crossed class boundaries as well as religious and political-ideological lines. They knew no age boundaries and included persons of all fields, from cultural critics to farmers. Furthermore, these movements were gender-blind.5)This article is not intended to discuss all of the phenomena mentioned above. It is, instead, limited to two volunteer movements that emerged in regions facing social turmoil. The first is Korban Lapindo Menggugat (KLM, Victims of Lapindo Accuse), which consists of survivors of the Lapindo mudflow in Sidoarjo, East Java. The second is Paguyuban Warga Stren Kali Surabaya (PWSS, Association of Residents of Stren Kali Surabaya), which consists of survivors of the forced eviction of riverbank settlements in Stren Kali, Surabaya, East Java.This article stems from research commenced by the writer in November 2014, shortly after the inauguration of the elected president, Jokowi. This research was conducted in two regions in East Java: the area affected by the Sidoarjo mudflow, in Sidoarjo District, East Java; and in Stren Kali, an enclave of Surabaya's poor residents along the banks of the Jagir River, which has faced forced eviction. Research was conducted over a period of four months, from November 2014 to February 2015; this included four weeks of field research.The article explores the backgrounds of KLM and PWSS, how they transformed themselves into support movements for Jokowi, and their activities as volunteers for Jokowi. This article is divided into six sections. The first section is introduction. The second section gives a short overview of the concept of volunteer movements at a practical and theore
2014年印尼总统大选期间最突出的现象之一是志愿者——无论是个人还是团体——在组织和巩固对总统候选人佐科·维多多(Joko Widodo)的支持方面发挥了巨大作用。这种志愿服务在印度尼西亚并非史无前例。4这种现象在印度尼西亚的兴起与1998年的改革运动密不可分,该运动为广大公众参与开辟了政治空间。在改革的早期阶段,公众参与的爆炸式增长,随之而来的是公民社会组织(CSO)数量的急剧增加,2)公民社会组织覆盖范围的扩大(PLOD 2006),3)以及公民社会组织的影响力和政治杠杆(Cornells 2010)。然而,这种现象仍然提出了重要的问题,特别是考虑到以下两个因素。首先,它发生在公众对政治日益不满的时期,在这个时期,各种民主机构——尤其是政党和议会——被认为表现不佳。4)其次,与印度尼西亚以前的志愿者运动相比,支持佐科维的运动涵盖了更大的深度和广度。这些志愿人员运动遍及印度尼西亚的城市和农村地区。他们跨越了阶级界限,也跨越了宗教和政治意识形态的界限。他们没有年龄界限,包括各个领域的人,从文化评论家到农民。此外,这些运动是不分性别的。本文并不打算讨论上述所有现象。相反,它仅限于在面临社会动荡的地区出现的两次志愿者运动。第一个是Korban Lapindo Menggugat (KLM, Lapindo指控的受害者),由东爪哇Sidoarjo的Lapindo泥石流的幸存者组成。第二个是Paguyuban Warga Stren Kali Surabaya (PWSS, Stren Kali Surabaya居民协会),它由东爪哇泗水Stren Kali河岸定居点被迫驱逐的幸存者组成。这篇文章源于作者于2014年11月开始的研究,当时当选总统佐科维就职后不久。本研究在东爪哇的两个地区进行:东爪哇Sidoarjo区受Sidoarjo泥石流影响的地区;在斯特伦卡利(Stren Kali),这是泗水贫穷居民沿贾吉尔河(Jagir River)河岸的飞地,面临着被强制驱逐的命运。研究进行了四个月,从2014年11月到2015年2月;这包括四周的实地调查。本文探讨了荷航和PWSS的背景,他们如何转变为支持佐科威的运动,以及他们作为佐科威志愿者的活动。本文分为六个部分。第一部分是引言。第二部分从实践和理论层面对志愿者运动的概念进行了简要概述。第三部分总结了Lapindo泥石流灾害的历史,第四部分讨论了Stren Kali的土地问题——分别是KLM和PWSS形成背后的问题。第五部分讨论了荷航和PWSS从倡导运动到亲佐科威志愿者运动的转变,以及他们在各自地区的活动。第六部分为结论。志愿服务是一种自由选择的行为,以促进公共利益。志愿服务的动机往往是浪漫的、理想主义的和利他的(Mowen and Sujan 2005)。志愿者在政治中的存在与志愿服务的抽象概念有关,Sidney Verba, Kay Schlozman和Henry Brady(1995)将其归类为公众参与的公民参与模式。他们借鉴了托克维尔(Alexis de Tocqueville)的经典著作《美国的民主》(Democracy in America, 2000),该书将成功的民主实践与高水平的自愿参与(定义为“公民生活中的公共联合”)联系起来。...
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引用次数: 5
Marie-Sybille de Vienne. Brunei: From the Age of Commerce to the 21st Century Marie Sybille de Vienne。文莱:从商业时代到21世纪
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_196
Kyoko Sakuma
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引用次数: 0
Brunei: From the Age of Commerce to the 21st Century 文莱:从商业时代到21世纪
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.192526
Sakuma Kyoko
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引用次数: 6
[Review of:] Michael Herzfeld: Siege of the spirits: community and polity in Bangkok 迈克尔·赫茨菲尔德:精神的围攻:曼谷的社区与政治
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.2_386
Sophorntavy Vorng
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引用次数: 0
Tharaphi Than. Women in Modern Burma Tharaphi比。现代缅甸的妇女
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.20495/SEAS.6.1_167
Yukako Iikuni
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Southeast Asian Studies
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