Since 1970, as a consequence of Malaysia’s New Economic Policy (NEP) and its integration into the global economy, the development achievements and per capita GDP growth of the resource-rich state of Sarawak have been impressive—although not without problems. Since timber and petroleum resources are exhaustible, and there is a concern with finding new sources of growth and revenue, the federal and state governments advocated industrial diversification in 2008 via the development of a multibillion-ringgit regional development corridor called the Sarawak Corridor of Renewable Energy (SCORE). Central to the success of the huge developmental corridor was cheap hydroelectric power (HEP). For the Sarawak government, SCORE’s launch and eventual success were based on the availability of abundant water resources and suitable hydropower dam sites in the state. Yet, SCORE is likely to contribute to further environmental degradation and impact negatively upon the livelihoods and welfare of local communities. This paper examines this recent development trend and its consequences. Specifically, it examines the role of the Sarawak state government in advocating the construction of numerous HEP dams, the role of foreign and local investment in SCORE, and their collective impact upon the environment and local communities. What this paper reveals is the nexus of close relationships that binds key politicians in the state administration with crony businesses associated with foreign-linked contracts that has proven to be destructive socially and environmentally
{"title":"Economic development via dam building: The role of the state government in the sarawak corridor of renewable energy and the impact on environment and local communities","authors":"A. Aeria","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_373","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1970, as a consequence of Malaysia’s New Economic Policy (NEP) and its integration into the global economy, the development achievements and per capita GDP growth of the resource-rich state of Sarawak have been impressive—although not without problems. Since timber and petroleum resources are exhaustible, and there is a concern with finding new sources of growth and revenue, the federal and state governments advocated industrial diversification in 2008 via the development of a multibillion-ringgit regional development corridor called the Sarawak Corridor of Renewable Energy (SCORE). Central to the success of the huge developmental corridor was cheap hydroelectric power (HEP). For the Sarawak government, SCORE’s launch and eventual success were based on the availability of abundant water resources and suitable hydropower dam sites in the state. Yet, SCORE is likely to contribute to further environmental degradation and impact negatively upon the livelihoods and welfare of local communities. This paper examines this recent development trend and its consequences. Specifically, it examines the role of the Sarawak state government in advocating the construction of numerous HEP dams, the role of foreign and local investment in SCORE, and their collective impact upon the environment and local communities. What this paper reveals is the nexus of close relationships that binds key politicians in the state administration with crony businesses associated with foreign-linked contracts that has proven to be destructive socially and environmentally","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"373-412"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_373","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A Sarong for Clio: Essays on the Intellectual and Cultural History of Thailand, Inspired by Craig J. Reynolds Maurizio Peleggi, ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2015, 208p.When a stellar cast gathers for the festschrift, the result is both a thoughtful reflection on the past oeuvre by Craig J. Reynolds, who inspired the essays, and a peek into the various issues and debates that will characterize the future of Thai studies.If not directly mentioned, Reynolds' influence and carefully crafted concepts from his decadeslong career in Thai and Southeast Asian Studies pervade the book. This can partly be attributed to the contributors' association with Reynolds as his students, colleagues, and friends. However, it would be wrong to assume that the volume represents a closed academic circuit. Reynolds' opuses span from the 1970s to the 2010s and counting. His seminal works illuminate important aspects of these often turbulent decades, such as the analyses of Buddhist and Marxist writings in Thailand and beyond, the charting of previously under-explored terrain of historiography in Southeast Asia, the clearing of the ground for intellectual and social histories in the area, the probing of the ideas of national identity and globalization, and the meditation on varied aspects of power, including its unorthodox linkage with magic and local knowledge. All the while, he widely borrows conceptual tools from, inter alia, semiotics, feminism, structuralism, and post-structuralism, but always subjects them to scrutiny and test in the Southeast Asian weather. The editor Maurizio Peleggi's introductory chapter well captures this across-the-board and seasoned nature of Reynolds' works and thoughts.In the essays that follow, three Reynolds' leitmotifs emerge quite clearly, namely: (1) power in its multifarious manifestations, (2) an emphasis on the outcasts of Thai history, and (3) knowledge, especially in its written forms of manual and historiography. All three permeate the chapters, although some bring each of these themes out more evidently than others.One common ground of all authors is that power operates in many fields. It operates in art historiography, in artifact of museological practices, in Buddha statues, and in beauty. Rather than in the eye of the beholder, according to Peleggi in his own essay (Chapter 4), Thai art is a discursive field of power, an intense playground of national myth and colonial rule. Power also operates in the visual sense as art history (and arguably all histories) works "to make the past synoptically visible" (p. 92), especially through classifying and inscribing meaning in objects. In Chapter 7, Yoshinori Nishizaki argues along the same line, though in a different context, that visibility is a matter of power. In his analysis, it is inscribed in a grandiose observation tower in the provincial city of Suphanburi, the public work that has become a symbol, a source of collective pride and social identity
《Clio的围裙:泰国的知识和文化史论文集》，作者:Craig J. Reynolds Maurizio Peleggi，伊萨卡，纽约:康奈尔东南亚项目出版社，2015年，第208页。当一群明星演员聚集在一起参加这场盛宴时，结果既是对克雷格·j·雷诺兹(Craig J. Reynolds)过去作品的深思熟虑，也是对泰国研究未来特征的各种问题和辩论的一瞥。如果没有直接提到，雷诺兹在泰国和东南亚研究领域长达数十年的职业生涯中所产生的影响和精心构思的概念贯穿了全书。这在一定程度上可以归因于作者将雷诺兹视为他的学生、同事和朋友。然而，如果认为这本书代表了一个封闭的学术圈子，那就错了。雷诺兹的作品跨越了20世纪70年代到2010年代，而且还在不断增加。他的开创性作品阐明了这动荡的几十年的重要方面，如对泰国及其他地区佛教和马克思主义著作的分析，对东南亚以前未被探索的史学领域的绘制，为该地区的思想史和社会史扫清了道路，对国家认同和全球化思想的探索，以及对权力各个方面的思考。包括它与魔法和当地知识的非正统联系。一直以来，他广泛地借用符号学、女权主义、结构主义和后结构主义等概念工具，但总是在东南亚的天气下对它们进行审视和检验。编辑毛里齐奥·佩莱吉(Maurizio Peleggi)的引言很好地抓住了雷诺兹作品和思想的全面和丰富的本质。在接下来的文章中，雷诺兹的三个主题清晰地显现出来，即:(1)权力的多种表现形式，(2)对泰国历史上被遗弃者的强调，以及(3)知识，特别是以书面形式的手工和历史记录。这三个主题贯穿了全书的各个章节，尽管有些章节比其他章节更能突出这些主题。所有作者的一个共同点是，权力在许多领域发挥作用。它在艺术史学、博物馆学实践、佛像和美学中发挥作用。根据佩莱吉在他自己的文章(第4章)中所说，泰国艺术是一个权力的话语场域，是民族神话和殖民统治的激烈游乐场，而不是旁观者的眼中。权力在视觉意义上也起作用，因为艺术史(可以说是所有历史)的工作是“使过去在视觉上可见”(第92页)，特别是通过对物体进行分类和铭刻意义。在第7章中，西崎吉典(Yoshinori Nishizaki)在不同的背景下提出了同样的观点，即可见性是权力的问题。在他的分析中，这幅画被刻在素番武里(Suphanburi)省城一座宏伟的瞭望塔上，这是一项公共工程，已成为一种象征，是集体自豪感和社会身份的来源。我们也可以通过符号学和翻译政治来接近权力，正如Kasian Tejapira在第9章中所阐述的那样，他在那里讨论了1997年金融危机之后泰国的“治理”一词和新自由主义的“冲击主义”。Kasian巧妙地追溯了国际货币基金组织的“善治”概念的转变，作为其强加给危机经济体的自由化和私有化计划的一部分，到它的泰语翻译为thammarat，它被几个有着不同意图的团体所接受和使用，无论是自由主义的，社群主义的，甚至是威权主义的。这本文集还表明，权力存在于社会的各个阶层:权力集中在精英手中，但也由下层民众行使。当这些形式的权力发生冲突时，各种机制被召唤来解决紧张关系，它们可以是野蛮的、霸权的、话语的或情感的。这本书中的一些文章概括了权力的这种表述。…
{"title":"Maurizio Peleggi, ed. A Sarong for Clio: Essays on the Intellectual and Cultural History of Thailand, Inspired by Craig J. Reynolds","authors":"Sing Suwannakij","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_556","url":null,"abstract":"A Sarong for Clio: Essays on the Intellectual and Cultural History of Thailand, Inspired by Craig J. Reynolds Maurizio Peleggi, ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2015, 208p.When a stellar cast gathers for the festschrift, the result is both a thoughtful reflection on the past oeuvre by Craig J. Reynolds, who inspired the essays, and a peek into the various issues and debates that will characterize the future of Thai studies.If not directly mentioned, Reynolds' influence and carefully crafted concepts from his decadeslong career in Thai and Southeast Asian Studies pervade the book. This can partly be attributed to the contributors' association with Reynolds as his students, colleagues, and friends. However, it would be wrong to assume that the volume represents a closed academic circuit. Reynolds' opuses span from the 1970s to the 2010s and counting. His seminal works illuminate important aspects of these often turbulent decades, such as the analyses of Buddhist and Marxist writings in Thailand and beyond, the charting of previously under-explored terrain of historiography in Southeast Asia, the clearing of the ground for intellectual and social histories in the area, the probing of the ideas of national identity and globalization, and the meditation on varied aspects of power, including its unorthodox linkage with magic and local knowledge. All the while, he widely borrows conceptual tools from, inter alia, semiotics, feminism, structuralism, and post-structuralism, but always subjects them to scrutiny and test in the Southeast Asian weather. The editor Maurizio Peleggi's introductory chapter well captures this across-the-board and seasoned nature of Reynolds' works and thoughts.In the essays that follow, three Reynolds' leitmotifs emerge quite clearly, namely: (1) power in its multifarious manifestations, (2) an emphasis on the outcasts of Thai history, and (3) knowledge, especially in its written forms of manual and historiography. All three permeate the chapters, although some bring each of these themes out more evidently than others.One common ground of all authors is that power operates in many fields. It operates in art historiography, in artifact of museological practices, in Buddha statues, and in beauty. Rather than in the eye of the beholder, according to Peleggi in his own essay (Chapter 4), Thai art is a discursive field of power, an intense playground of national myth and colonial rule. Power also operates in the visual sense as art history (and arguably all histories) works \"to make the past synoptically visible\" (p. 92), especially through classifying and inscribing meaning in objects. In Chapter 7, Yoshinori Nishizaki argues along the same line, though in a different context, that visibility is a matter of power. In his analysis, it is inscribed in a grandiose observation tower in the provincial city of Suphanburi, the public work that has become a symbol, a source of collective pride and social identity","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"556-560"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luzon at War: Contradictions in Philippine Society, 1898-1902 (with an introduction by Vicente L. Rafael) Milagros Camayon Guerrero Quezon City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 2015, 295p.Luzon at War has been long in coming. As a dissertation at the University of Michigan in 1977, it has eluded Filipino historians for years; that it is finally out as a book is a happy occasion. Prior to the writing of Luzon at War, its author-Milagros Guerrero-has co-written with the celebrated Filipino historian Teodoro Agoncillo the highly influential History of the Filipino People, and has also worked with renowned historian Renato Constantino in the edition of the five-volume compendium The Philippine Insurgent Records. As such, when she arrived in the United States for her graduate studies, wrote Vicente Rafael, she "was already known" as a scholar of the Philippines (p. 3). She has delved into the genre of "history from below" and studied the tumultuous period of the Philippine Revolution and the nascent republic from the perspective of the periphery and the marginalized. She has looked beyond the political developments in social and political centers of Malolos and Manila, examining the social realities of the Revolution among the masses in the provinces instead. Using declassified sources on the Filipino state, taxation, landownership, and popular movements in particular, Luzon at War illustrates the variegated discord in society from 1898 to 1902, as the Spanish colonizers exited and the republic fought for its existence by warding off the onslaught of the American imperialists on the islands and its people.Five chapters comprise the book. Guerrero painstakingly provides a "serious and realistic analysis of the mechanisms of political and social change outside Manila and Malolos" and introduces her readers to the difficulties of both the government and the governed during the birth of the Philippine nation state (p. 23). She claims that in 1898 the Tagalog provinces of Luzon welcomed the Revolutionary Government by Emilio Aguinaldo. Townsmen organized militias, which attacked Spanish outposts and welcomed state envoys and other insurgent troops. To underline the country's independence and prove that Filipinos could govern, Aguinaldo called for a nationwide reorganization. In response Manila, still at a quandary from the occupation of American and Filipino forces and nearby provinces elected prominent members from the cacique ilustrado or principalia (landowning, educated or privileged) class. Conflict characterized the transfer of power-civilian appointees contended with military commanders, who were uneasy to share powers or refused to accept their subservience to civilians. Free from the constraints of the outgoing colonial regime, which they also served, and far from the central Aguinaldo government in Malolos, new provincial officials collected taxes and rents and maintained peace and internal security with impunity. Longentrenched ruling families used their
《战争中的吕宋岛:菲律宾社会的矛盾，1898-1902》(由Vicente L. Rafael介绍)。吕宋岛的战争已经到来很久了。作为1977年密歇根大学(University of Michigan)的一篇论文，菲律宾历史学家多年来一直没有看到它;它终于以一本书的形式出版了，这是一个令人高兴的时刻。在撰写《战争中的吕宋岛》之前，作者米拉格罗斯·格雷罗曾与著名的菲律宾历史学家特奥多罗·阿贡西略共同撰写了极具影响力的《菲律宾人民的历史》，并与著名历史学家Renato Constantino合作编写了五卷本的《菲律宾叛乱记录》简编。因此，维森特·拉斐尔(Vicente Rafael)写道，当她到美国攻读研究生时，她“已经以菲律宾学者的身份而闻名”(第3页)。她深入研究了“下层历史”的流派，并从边缘和边缘化的角度研究了菲律宾革命和新生共和国的动荡时期。她的目光超越了马洛洛斯和马尼拉等社会和政治中心的政治发展，而是审视了革命在各省群众中的社会现实。《战争中的吕宋岛》使用了有关菲律宾国家、税收、土地所有权和民众运动的解密资料，展示了1898年至1902年期间社会上各种各样的不和谐，当时西班牙殖民者离开了，共和国为生存而战，抵御了美帝国主义者对岛屿和人民的冲击。这本书共有五章。格雷罗煞费苦心地提供了“对马尼拉和马洛洛斯以外的政治和社会变革机制的严肃而现实的分析”，并向读者介绍了菲律宾民族国家诞生期间政府和被统治者的困难(第23页)。她声称，1898年吕宋岛的塔加禄省欢迎埃米利奥·阿吉纳尔多领导的革命政府。市民们组织了民兵组织，袭击西班牙的前哨，并欢迎国家使节和其他叛乱部队。为了强调国家的独立，并证明菲律宾人可以治理国家，阿吉纳多呼吁进行全国性的重组。作为回应，由于美国和菲律宾军队以及附近省份的占领，仍处于两难境地的马尼拉从cacique illustrado or principalia(地主、受过教育的或享有特权的)阶层中选出了杰出的成员。冲突的特点是权力的转移——文职人员与军事指挥官发生冲突，后者不愿分享权力或拒绝接受他们对文职人员的服从。新的省级官员摆脱了他们也为之服务的即将离任的殖民政权的限制，远离马洛洛斯的阿吉纳尔多中央政府，他们收取税收和租金，并维持和平与国内安全而不受惩罚。根深蒂固的统治家族利用他们的新地位要求个人服务，勒索旧税和新税，并挪用公共资金，这引起了群众的愤怒，他们希望在西班牙殖民者之后发生真正和持久的变化。根据格雷罗的说法，吕宋岛对革命的支持是建立在人们反对殖民税收和修士对政治和社会生活的控制以及大片可耕地的基础上的。相应地，在掌权后，阿吉纳尔多政府废除了强迫劳动，并控制了修士的土地。为了维持政府和与美国人的持续战争，阿吉纳尔多政府对每个公民征收战争税，要求那些无力支付的人在民事或军事公共工程中服务，并要求使用农业用地的租金。它解散了民兵，并鼓励公民重返农业。尽管如此，经济仍然停滞不前。从1898年到1902年，台风、洪水以及疟疾和牛瘟等流行病不断袭击吕宋岛中部、人民和动物资源。…
{"title":"Milagros Camayon Guerrero. Luzon at War: Contradictions in Philippine Society, 1898–1902 (with an introduction by Vicente L. Rafael)","authors":"P. Reyes","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_560","url":null,"abstract":"Luzon at War: Contradictions in Philippine Society, 1898-1902 (with an introduction by Vicente L. Rafael) Milagros Camayon Guerrero Quezon City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 2015, 295p.Luzon at War has been long in coming. As a dissertation at the University of Michigan in 1977, it has eluded Filipino historians for years; that it is finally out as a book is a happy occasion. Prior to the writing of Luzon at War, its author-Milagros Guerrero-has co-written with the celebrated Filipino historian Teodoro Agoncillo the highly influential History of the Filipino People, and has also worked with renowned historian Renato Constantino in the edition of the five-volume compendium The Philippine Insurgent Records. As such, when she arrived in the United States for her graduate studies, wrote Vicente Rafael, she \"was already known\" as a scholar of the Philippines (p. 3). She has delved into the genre of \"history from below\" and studied the tumultuous period of the Philippine Revolution and the nascent republic from the perspective of the periphery and the marginalized. She has looked beyond the political developments in social and political centers of Malolos and Manila, examining the social realities of the Revolution among the masses in the provinces instead. Using declassified sources on the Filipino state, taxation, landownership, and popular movements in particular, Luzon at War illustrates the variegated discord in society from 1898 to 1902, as the Spanish colonizers exited and the republic fought for its existence by warding off the onslaught of the American imperialists on the islands and its people.Five chapters comprise the book. Guerrero painstakingly provides a \"serious and realistic analysis of the mechanisms of political and social change outside Manila and Malolos\" and introduces her readers to the difficulties of both the government and the governed during the birth of the Philippine nation state (p. 23). She claims that in 1898 the Tagalog provinces of Luzon welcomed the Revolutionary Government by Emilio Aguinaldo. Townsmen organized militias, which attacked Spanish outposts and welcomed state envoys and other insurgent troops. To underline the country's independence and prove that Filipinos could govern, Aguinaldo called for a nationwide reorganization. In response Manila, still at a quandary from the occupation of American and Filipino forces and nearby provinces elected prominent members from the cacique ilustrado or principalia (landowning, educated or privileged) class. Conflict characterized the transfer of power-civilian appointees contended with military commanders, who were uneasy to share powers or refused to accept their subservience to civilians. Free from the constraints of the outgoing colonial regime, which they also served, and far from the central Aguinaldo government in Malolos, new provincial officials collected taxes and rents and maintained peace and internal security with impunity. Longentrenched ruling families used their","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"560-563"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I IntroductionI-1 BackgroundThe 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) started cooperating on disaster management under the framework of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER), signed in 2005 and in force since 2009. Cooperation under AADMER is an institutionalized expression of the member states' joint efforts. Previously, ASEAN worked in an ad hoc manner to deal with major natural disasters, especially the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami of 2004 and Myanmar's 2008 Cyclone Nargis.ASEAN now has two operating arms for disaster management. To facilitate the institutionalization of regional cooperation, the ASEAN Secretariat established a division responsible for Disaster Management and Humanitarian Assistance (DMHA). This division works to help the 10 member states discuss the agreement, facilitate meetings to formulate standard operating procedure, and assist the parties in building a working plan for future development several years ahead. In addition, for executing mandated works such as dispatching emergency response and survey teams, coordinating aid from different member states, and delivering such aid to the field, the 10 member states established the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (the AHA Centre) in November 2011, headquartered in Jakarta. The AHA Centre has been involved in some major humanitarian operations, such as in Thailand's floods of 2011-12, the Philippines' Typhoon Bopha in December 2012, response preparation on the eve of Myanmar's Cyclone Mahasen in May 2013, the Aceh's Bener Meuria earthquake in July 2013, and Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines in November 2013.1 This development is considered relatively progressive for ASEAN, which was originally established in 1967 as a political effort to contain Communism.I-2 Significance of the StudyThe development of ASEAN is not a unique phenomenon in the contemporary world. Within the last decade there have been many other intergovernmental arrangements established by different actors. The international community has agreed to further support the Hyogo Framework of Action (HFA) of2005 as the basis for strengthening global, regional, and local empowerment to tackle disasters. Hence, the growing trend of empowering intergovernmental cooperation in disaster management is interesting to examine from the perspective of international relations.In accordance with the HFA 2005, regional organizations are also strongly urged to establish their own frameworks for disaster management cooperation. According to Elizabeth Ferris and Daniel Petz (2013), there are 13 regional organizations working on their own frameworks for disaster risk reduction and management. International disas1) ter management involves a large number of nations, including ASEAN members.One motive seems to be positive: in today's international politics, regionalism plays an important role in effectively bridgin
{"title":"The Case of Regional Disaster Management Cooperation in ASEAN: A Constructivist Approach to Understanding How International Norms Travel","authors":"M. Rum","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_491","url":null,"abstract":"I IntroductionI-1 BackgroundThe 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) started cooperating on disaster management under the framework of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER), signed in 2005 and in force since 2009. Cooperation under AADMER is an institutionalized expression of the member states' joint efforts. Previously, ASEAN worked in an ad hoc manner to deal with major natural disasters, especially the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami of 2004 and Myanmar's 2008 Cyclone Nargis.ASEAN now has two operating arms for disaster management. To facilitate the institutionalization of regional cooperation, the ASEAN Secretariat established a division responsible for Disaster Management and Humanitarian Assistance (DMHA). This division works to help the 10 member states discuss the agreement, facilitate meetings to formulate standard operating procedure, and assist the parties in building a working plan for future development several years ahead. In addition, for executing mandated works such as dispatching emergency response and survey teams, coordinating aid from different member states, and delivering such aid to the field, the 10 member states established the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (the AHA Centre) in November 2011, headquartered in Jakarta. The AHA Centre has been involved in some major humanitarian operations, such as in Thailand's floods of 2011-12, the Philippines' Typhoon Bopha in December 2012, response preparation on the eve of Myanmar's Cyclone Mahasen in May 2013, the Aceh's Bener Meuria earthquake in July 2013, and Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines in November 2013.1 This development is considered relatively progressive for ASEAN, which was originally established in 1967 as a political effort to contain Communism.I-2 Significance of the StudyThe development of ASEAN is not a unique phenomenon in the contemporary world. Within the last decade there have been many other intergovernmental arrangements established by different actors. The international community has agreed to further support the Hyogo Framework of Action (HFA) of2005 as the basis for strengthening global, regional, and local empowerment to tackle disasters. Hence, the growing trend of empowering intergovernmental cooperation in disaster management is interesting to examine from the perspective of international relations.In accordance with the HFA 2005, regional organizations are also strongly urged to establish their own frameworks for disaster management cooperation. According to Elizabeth Ferris and Daniel Petz (2013), there are 13 regional organizations working on their own frameworks for disaster risk reduction and management. International disas1) ter management involves a large number of nations, including ASEAN members.One motive seems to be positive: in today's international politics, regionalism plays an important role in effectively bridgin","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"491-514"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_491","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IntroductionIn the studies of highland societies of mainland Southeast Asia, it is somewhat rare to get a glimpse of chiefs as a significant component of regional networks of relations. When anthropologists studied Thailand's hill tribes since the 1965 founding of the Tribal Research Center, their mandate was to examine the socio-economic characteristics of the six main tribes: Akha, Hmong, Karen, Lahu, Lisu, and Mien (Geddes 1967; 1983). The resulting works described for the most part egalitarian village societies that had no links to lowland national society (Walker 1975; McKinnon and Wanat 1983; McKinnon and Vienne 1989). It was primarily the research of Ronald D. Renard (1980; 1986; 2002) with the Karen, independent of the Tribal Research Center since he was a historian and they were all ethnographers, that has insisted on the importance of long-standing connections between upland and lowland regions, and on the positive role of chiefs.But recent work on upland-lowland relations in Laos, Burma, and southern China flows in a similar direction to Renard's research and suggests that interethnic uplandlowland networks may have been historically the predominant form of political organization in this region (Badenoch and Tomita 2013; Boute 2011; 2015; Chen 2015; Evrard 2006; 2007; Hayami 2004; 2011; Ikeda 2012; Jonsson 2005; 2014a; Kojima and Badenoch 2013; Sprenger 2006; 2010). Other recent work suggests that the attribution of statelessness to highland peoples may express recent dynamics of dispossession, rather than any intrinsic feature of highland societies over the last millennia (Scott 2009; Kataoka 2013). Both issues encourage a move away from the ethnographic focus on ethnic groups as distinct from one another and toward an ethnological focus on patterns and variations that transcend ethnic labels and leave questions with the state/non-state binary.The main text of this article is a Mien history that was recorded in 1972 and centers on the life of a particular Mien chief (Le and Cushman 1972). His name was Tang Tsan Khwoen, and he later received the Thai title Phaya Khiri ("mountain chief") from the king of Nan, and the family name Srisombat which many of his descendants still carry. The story was told by Le Jiem Tsan to researcher Richard D. Cushman in the village of Khun Haeng, Ngao District of Lampang Province, on June 1, 1972. Most of Cushman's recordings with Le Jiem Tsan and others are in the Mien ritual language, but the chief's life-story and a few other recordings are in the everyday language. Le Jiem Tsan died before 1980 and Richard Cushman in 1991. Because I (HJ) was somewhat familiar with the individual chief from ethnographic research among his descendants (Jonsson 1999; 2001; 2005) I am able to check some of the information against other sources. The Mien story shows the ease and normalcy with which relations between hill peoples and lowland rulers were established, and I situate the story against the general trend in northe
在对东南亚大陆高地社会的研究中，很少看到酋长作为区域关系网络的重要组成部分。自1965年部落研究中心成立以来，当人类学家研究泰国的山地部落时，他们的任务是检查六个主要部落的社会经济特征:阿卡、苗族、克伦、拉祜族、傈僳族和米恩族(Geddes 1967;1983)。由此产生的作品主要描述了与低地国家社会没有联系的平等主义乡村社会(Walker 1975;McKinnon and Wanat 1983;McKinnon and Vienne 1989)。这主要是Ronald D. Renard (1980;1986;2002年)和克伦人，独立于部落研究中心，因为他是一名历史学家，他们都是民族志学家，坚持高地和低地地区之间长期联系的重要性，以及酋长的积极作用。但最近对老挝、缅甸和中国南部高地-低地关系的研究与雷纳德的研究方向相似，并表明种族间高地网络在历史上可能是该地区政治组织的主要形式(Badenoch and Tomita 2013;Boute 2011;2015;陈2015;分离2006;2007;Hayami 2004;2011;Ikeda 2012;琼森2005;2014年;Kojima and Badenoch 2013;斯派格2006;2010)。最近的其他研究表明，将无国籍归属于高地人民可能表达了最近剥夺的动态，而不是过去千年高地社会的任何内在特征(Scott 2009;Kataoka 2013)。这两个问题都鼓励人们从人种学上把重点从不同的民族群体转移到人种学上，把重点放在超越种族标签的模式和变化上，把问题留给国家/非国家二元论。这篇文章的主要文本是1972年记录的一段米恩人的历史，并以一位特殊的米恩酋长的生活为中心(Le and Cushman 1972)。他的名字是唐赞克文，后来他从南国王那里得到了泰语称号Phaya Khiri(“山头”)，他的许多后代仍然沿用着他的姓氏Srisombat。这个故事是1972年6月1日，在南邦省昂高区Khun Haeng村，由Le jem Tsan向研究员Richard D. Cushman讲述的。库什曼与勒杰姆·赞和其他人的录音大多是用曼人的仪式语言录制的，但酋长的生活故事和其他一些录音是用日常语言录制的。曾志坚于1980年去世，Richard Cushman于1991年去世。因为我(HJ)在某种程度上熟悉民族志研究中酋长的后代(Jonsson 1999;2001;2005年)我能够核对一些信息与其他来源。米恩的故事显示了山区人民与低地统治者之间建立关系的轻松和正常，我把这个故事置于泰国北部断绝与高地人民关系并剥夺他们定居和生计权利的大趋势之下。虽然关于高地人在20世纪早期被剥夺土地的证据已经发表，而且很久以前就有了，但泰国的人类学家似乎对高地人与低地邻居的分离并不特别好奇，相反，他们认为种族分裂是重要的。民族志传统鼓励寻找与其他民族截然不同的民族群体，人类学理论预计国家人口和无国家人口之间存在明显差异。20世纪泰国历史的独特性和关于高地民族的研究传统可能不太明显，因为在上个世纪的大部分时间里，由于战争和其他政治动荡，邻国无法进行研究。部落文化和社会组织是过去遗留下来的濒危传统，这一观点似乎阻碍了对泰国高地人民的孤立和剥夺进行地域比较和批判性的历史审查。…
{"title":"Highland Chiefs and Regional Networks in Mainland Southeast Asia: Mien Perspectives","authors":"Jiem Tsan Le, Rich Cushman, H. Jonsson","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_515","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionIn the studies of highland societies of mainland Southeast Asia, it is somewhat rare to get a glimpse of chiefs as a significant component of regional networks of relations. When anthropologists studied Thailand's hill tribes since the 1965 founding of the Tribal Research Center, their mandate was to examine the socio-economic characteristics of the six main tribes: Akha, Hmong, Karen, Lahu, Lisu, and Mien (Geddes 1967; 1983). The resulting works described for the most part egalitarian village societies that had no links to lowland national society (Walker 1975; McKinnon and Wanat 1983; McKinnon and Vienne 1989). It was primarily the research of Ronald D. Renard (1980; 1986; 2002) with the Karen, independent of the Tribal Research Center since he was a historian and they were all ethnographers, that has insisted on the importance of long-standing connections between upland and lowland regions, and on the positive role of chiefs.But recent work on upland-lowland relations in Laos, Burma, and southern China flows in a similar direction to Renard's research and suggests that interethnic uplandlowland networks may have been historically the predominant form of political organization in this region (Badenoch and Tomita 2013; Boute 2011; 2015; Chen 2015; Evrard 2006; 2007; Hayami 2004; 2011; Ikeda 2012; Jonsson 2005; 2014a; Kojima and Badenoch 2013; Sprenger 2006; 2010). Other recent work suggests that the attribution of statelessness to highland peoples may express recent dynamics of dispossession, rather than any intrinsic feature of highland societies over the last millennia (Scott 2009; Kataoka 2013). Both issues encourage a move away from the ethnographic focus on ethnic groups as distinct from one another and toward an ethnological focus on patterns and variations that transcend ethnic labels and leave questions with the state/non-state binary.The main text of this article is a Mien history that was recorded in 1972 and centers on the life of a particular Mien chief (Le and Cushman 1972). His name was Tang Tsan Khwoen, and he later received the Thai title Phaya Khiri (\"mountain chief\") from the king of Nan, and the family name Srisombat which many of his descendants still carry. The story was told by Le Jiem Tsan to researcher Richard D. Cushman in the village of Khun Haeng, Ngao District of Lampang Province, on June 1, 1972. Most of Cushman's recordings with Le Jiem Tsan and others are in the Mien ritual language, but the chief's life-story and a few other recordings are in the everyday language. Le Jiem Tsan died before 1980 and Richard Cushman in 1991. Because I (HJ) was somewhat familiar with the individual chief from ethnographic research among his descendants (Jonsson 1999; 2001; 2005) I am able to check some of the information against other sources. The Mien story shows the ease and normalcy with which relations between hill peoples and lowland rulers were established, and I situate the story against the general trend in northe","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"515-551"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflicting attitudes toward, and the moral dilemmas surrounding, the Vietnam War are recorded extensively in Vietnamese, Vietnamese American, and American histories and literatures. Each side interprets the war from its own partisan perspective, creating a plethora of opinions and well-argued positions on the political and military conflict. The year 2015 marked the 40th anniversary of Vietnam's reunification, and although nearly half a century has elapsed, the Vietnam War remains actual in the socio-political determinants, literary productions, and cultural memories of both Vietnam and the United States. Viet Thanh Nguyen notes, "So much is told about Viet Nam, and so little is understood" (V. T. Nguyen 2006, 13), and Neil L. Jamieson advises the Americans to "learn more about Vietnamese culture and Vietnamese paradigms in order to untangle the muddled debates about our own," because the Vietnam War is an important event that Americans must excogitate in their attempt to understand the Vietnamese and them· selves (Jamieson 1993, x). Discourses on the Vietnam War, in the West and particularly in the American cultural memory, have been criticized for their exclusion of the Vietnamese experience and suffering, and even if the Vietnamese are present in U.S. films and books, they tend to be presented as "shadowy cardboard figures, merely onedimensional stage props for the inner workings of the American psyche" (ibid.). Thus, in order to gain a multidimensional understanding of the war, Edward Miller and Tuong Vu suggest a new critical approach, dubbed "The Vietnamization of Vietnam War Studies" (Miller and Vu 2009, 2) that accentuates "Vietnamese agency and the sociocultural dimensions of the event as lived and experienced by Vietnamese" (ibid., 5). This approach facilitates examinations of how the war exercises perennial effects upon Vietnamese society and its postwar mentality and how it enriches our knowledge about this conflict. In this article, I respond to the appeal made by Miller and Vu above by highlighting several problems occurring in representations of the war in both U.S. and Vietnamese literature in order to challenge or debunk certain misconceptions about the Vietnamese experience. My analysis of Bao Ninh's The Sorrow of War and Dang Thuy Tram's Last Night I Dreamed of Peace will indicate that these two Vietnamese literary texts function to humanize victims and pay due respect to the wounded and the dead on the Vietnamese side, thus challenging the way U.S. and Vietnamese American cultural politics funnel "all of these histories into the single story" that serves a narrow ideological agenda (Nguyen-Vo 2005, 171). The nameless faces and the faceless names of the Vietnamese victims of the war that Bao and Dang lament demand questioning the "narcissistic myths of the war as a US tragedy" (Schwenkel 2009, 39).Epic Heroism in Vietnamese Literature about the Vietnam War, 1960 to 1975Prior to considering the two literary texts selected f
越南人、越南裔美国人和美国人的历史和文学中广泛记录了对越南战争的冲突态度和围绕越南战争的道德困境。每一方都从自己的党派角度来解释这场战争，在政治和军事冲突上产生了大量的观点和充分论证的立场。2015年是越南统一40周年，尽管近半个世纪过去了，越南战争在越南和美国的社会政治决定因素、文学作品和文化记忆中仍然存在。Viet Thanh Nguyen指出，“人们对越南的描述太多了，但对越南的了解却太少了”(V. T. Nguyen 2006,13)， Neil L. Jamieson建议美国人“更多地了解越南文化和越南模式，以便理清关于我们自己的混乱辩论。”因为越南战争是美国人在试图理解越南人及其自我时必须深思的重要事件(Jamieson 1993, x)。关于越南战争的论述，在西方，尤其是在美国文化记忆中，因其排斥越南人的经历和痛苦而受到批评，即使越南人出现在美国的电影和书籍中，他们也倾向于被呈现为“模糊的纸板人物”。只不过是美国人内心活动的一维舞台道具”(同上)。因此，为了获得对战争的多维理解，Edward Miller和Tuong Vu提出了一种新的批评方法，被称为“越南战争研究的越南化”(Miller and Vu 2009, 2)，强调“越南的代理和越南人生活和经历的事件的社会文化维度”(同上)。这种方法有助于研究战争如何对越南社会及其战后心态产生长期影响，以及它如何丰富我们对这场冲突的认识。在这篇文章中，我通过强调美国和越南文学中对战争的表现中出现的几个问题来回应米勒和吴的呼吁，以挑战或揭穿对越南经历的某些误解。我对鲍宁的《战争的悲哀》和党Thuy Tram的《昨晚我梦想和平》的分析将表明，这两个越南文学文本的功能是将受害者人性化，并对越南一方的伤者和死者给予应有的尊重，从而挑战美国和越南裔美国文化政治将“所有这些历史都纳入单一故事”的方式，这种方式服务于狭隘的意识形态议程(Nguyen-Vo 2005, 171)。Bao和Dang所哀叹的越南战争受害者的无名面孔和无名姓名要求质疑“战争作为美国悲剧的自恋神话”(Schwenkel 2009, 39)。关于越南战争的越南文学中的史诗英雄主义，1960 - 1975在考虑为本文选择的两个文学文本之前，读者有必要了解在河内政府规定的指导方针下，越南文学是如何处理与战争有关的创伤和痛苦的:作家被要求“通过创作具有典型人物和主题的刻板作品来支持国家的努力，并关注集体斗争的目标”(Schafer 2000, 13)。如果一个人在不了解其历史和政治背景的情况下研究战时文学语料库，他可能会错误地得出结论，认为越南人在战争中没有遭受过多的损失和痛苦，因为战争在文学中被浪漫化了，作为一种宣传权能，以激励人民与敌人(美国人和反共的南越军队)作斗争。Vuong Trl nh回顾道:“‘强调积极的一面，掩盖消极的一面’——这种思维方式已经深入越南人的心灵，默默地引导着社会”(Vuong 2008, 182)。…
{"title":"When Memory Speaks: Transnational Remembrances in Vietnam War Literature","authors":"Q. Ha","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.3_463","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_463","url":null,"abstract":"The conflicting attitudes toward, and the moral dilemmas surrounding, the Vietnam War are recorded extensively in Vietnamese, Vietnamese American, and American histories and literatures. Each side interprets the war from its own partisan perspective, creating a plethora of opinions and well-argued positions on the political and military conflict. The year 2015 marked the 40th anniversary of Vietnam's reunification, and although nearly half a century has elapsed, the Vietnam War remains actual in the socio-political determinants, literary productions, and cultural memories of both Vietnam and the United States. Viet Thanh Nguyen notes, \"So much is told about Viet Nam, and so little is understood\" (V. T. Nguyen 2006, 13), and Neil L. Jamieson advises the Americans to \"learn more about Vietnamese culture and Vietnamese paradigms in order to untangle the muddled debates about our own,\" because the Vietnam War is an important event that Americans must excogitate in their attempt to understand the Vietnamese and them· selves (Jamieson 1993, x). Discourses on the Vietnam War, in the West and particularly in the American cultural memory, have been criticized for their exclusion of the Vietnamese experience and suffering, and even if the Vietnamese are present in U.S. films and books, they tend to be presented as \"shadowy cardboard figures, merely onedimensional stage props for the inner workings of the American psyche\" (ibid.). Thus, in order to gain a multidimensional understanding of the war, Edward Miller and Tuong Vu suggest a new critical approach, dubbed \"The Vietnamization of Vietnam War Studies\" (Miller and Vu 2009, 2) that accentuates \"Vietnamese agency and the sociocultural dimensions of the event as lived and experienced by Vietnamese\" (ibid., 5). This approach facilitates examinations of how the war exercises perennial effects upon Vietnamese society and its postwar mentality and how it enriches our knowledge about this conflict. In this article, I respond to the appeal made by Miller and Vu above by highlighting several problems occurring in representations of the war in both U.S. and Vietnamese literature in order to challenge or debunk certain misconceptions about the Vietnamese experience. My analysis of Bao Ninh's The Sorrow of War and Dang Thuy Tram's Last Night I Dreamed of Peace will indicate that these two Vietnamese literary texts function to humanize victims and pay due respect to the wounded and the dead on the Vietnamese side, thus challenging the way U.S. and Vietnamese American cultural politics funnel \"all of these histories into the single story\" that serves a narrow ideological agenda (Nguyen-Vo 2005, 171). The nameless faces and the faceless names of the Vietnamese victims of the war that Bao and Dang lament demand questioning the \"narcissistic myths of the war as a US tragedy\" (Schwenkel 2009, 39).Epic Heroism in Vietnamese Literature about the Vietnam War, 1960 to 1975Prior to considering the two literary texts selected f","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"463-489"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.20495/SEAS.5.3_463","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, eds. Unequal Thailand: Aspects of Income, Wealth and Power","authors":"T. Rhoden","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.2_350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.2_350","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"350-353"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices: Explorations through Java Albertus Bagus Laksana Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, xiii+252p.Albertus Bagus Laksana's Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices: Explorations through Java is a rich, intricately textured comparative ethnography of Muslim and Catholic pilgrimage traditions in south central Java. The empirical data-derived from participant observation, direct-interview, discourse analysis, and archival research-is organized into two balanced sections, while a concluding analysis discusses the culturally-specific aspects that condition religious pluralism in Java. What is most interesting is that Laksana confronts the reality of this pluralism through a methodology of "double visiting," moving "back and forth between my own tradition of Catholic Christianity and the tradition I visit, Islam" (p. 191). In tackling multiple sites of investigation, Laksana's work demonstrates a remarkable kind of empirical cavalier not commonly seen in a single piece of indepth ethnographic work.There would still be many in the social sciences who would harbor some misgivings about this multi-sited methodology, which carries with it the inherent risk of compromising ethnographic depth, attenuating the empirical potency of fieldwork, and undervaluing the voices of the subaltern. Laksana's rationale for comparison, however, is not analytic breadth per se, but his own theological formation in which multi-sited research is "a real religious pilgrimage to God and His saints where on various levels I learn more about God, my own self, and my religious tradition, from the richness of the Muslim tradition . . ." (p. 191). This work is a deliberate and explicit deployment of the new comparative theology, promulgated by Francis X. Clooney (2010), in which the close exposure to and study of the religious other is coterminous with the pursuit of personal theological edification. In this way, the multi-sidedness of Laksana's empirical purview cannot be evaluated solely by the standards set in the social science academy.The main argument of this book resonates strongly with its author's personal theological journey: that "complex religious identity" in Java is characterized by an intimate embrace of religious alterity, one that occurs through the medium of indigenous, sub-religious concepts. The persuasiveness of this argument is contingent upon the acceptance of two assumptions: firstly, that there is a largely unproblematic fluidity between culture and religion, and secondly, that there exists an autochthonous, inclusive Javanese religio-cultural sensibility that remains as the basis of intersubjective Javanese humanness, regardless of centuries of religious formation. Each of the two main sections that frame the analysis explore the theological and empirical elasticity of this central theme.Part I, which comprises of three chapters, draws momentum from an examination of how Javano-Muslim "sacred history" is animated by the Arabic conc
{"title":"Albertus Bagus Laksana. Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices: Explorations through Java","authors":"Julius Bautista","doi":"10.20495/SEAS.5.2_356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20495/SEAS.5.2_356","url":null,"abstract":"Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices: Explorations through Java Albertus Bagus Laksana Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, xiii+252p.Albertus Bagus Laksana's Muslim and Catholic Pilgrimage Practices: Explorations through Java is a rich, intricately textured comparative ethnography of Muslim and Catholic pilgrimage traditions in south central Java. The empirical data-derived from participant observation, direct-interview, discourse analysis, and archival research-is organized into two balanced sections, while a concluding analysis discusses the culturally-specific aspects that condition religious pluralism in Java. What is most interesting is that Laksana confronts the reality of this pluralism through a methodology of \"double visiting,\" moving \"back and forth between my own tradition of Catholic Christianity and the tradition I visit, Islam\" (p. 191). In tackling multiple sites of investigation, Laksana's work demonstrates a remarkable kind of empirical cavalier not commonly seen in a single piece of indepth ethnographic work.There would still be many in the social sciences who would harbor some misgivings about this multi-sited methodology, which carries with it the inherent risk of compromising ethnographic depth, attenuating the empirical potency of fieldwork, and undervaluing the voices of the subaltern. Laksana's rationale for comparison, however, is not analytic breadth per se, but his own theological formation in which multi-sited research is \"a real religious pilgrimage to God and His saints where on various levels I learn more about God, my own self, and my religious tradition, from the richness of the Muslim tradition . . .\" (p. 191). This work is a deliberate and explicit deployment of the new comparative theology, promulgated by Francis X. Clooney (2010), in which the close exposure to and study of the religious other is coterminous with the pursuit of personal theological edification. In this way, the multi-sidedness of Laksana's empirical purview cannot be evaluated solely by the standards set in the social science academy.The main argument of this book resonates strongly with its author's personal theological journey: that \"complex religious identity\" in Java is characterized by an intimate embrace of religious alterity, one that occurs through the medium of indigenous, sub-religious concepts. The persuasiveness of this argument is contingent upon the acceptance of two assumptions: firstly, that there is a largely unproblematic fluidity between culture and religion, and secondly, that there exists an autochthonous, inclusive Javanese religio-cultural sensibility that remains as the basis of intersubjective Javanese humanness, regardless of centuries of religious formation. Each of the two main sections that frame the analysis explore the theological and empirical elasticity of this central theme.Part I, which comprises of three chapters, draws momentum from an examination of how Javano-Muslim \"sacred history\" is animated by the Arabic conc","PeriodicalId":42525,"journal":{"name":"Southeast Asian Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"356-359"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.20495/SEAS.5.2_356","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67626359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：