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Reflections on Pennsylvania History and the Pennsylvania Historical Association 对宾夕法尼亚州历史和宾夕法尼亚州历史协会的反思
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0521
By Loyal Fans Everywhere
ABSTRACT Members of the Pennsylvania Historical Association offer their thoughts on the Association and its journal, Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies.
宾夕法尼亚历史协会的成员对该协会及其期刊《宾夕法尼亚历史:中大西洋研究期刊》发表了自己的看法。
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引用次数: 0
The Material Culture of Pennsylvania’s African American Cemeteries and Burial Grounds 宾夕法尼亚州非裔美国人墓地和墓地的物质文化
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0542
Steven Burg
abstract:Pennsylvania's historic African American cemeteries share common physical characteristics with Black cemeteries found in other regions of the United States. However, the Commonwealth's unique history, culture, and geography have influenced these sites' material culture and shaped them into unique landscapes with distinctive features. This article begins by examining the historical forces that contributed to the creation of more than 150 separate burial grounds across the state. It then considers five characteristics that together make Pennsylvania's African American cemeteries distinctive. These include: (1) the cemeteries' open spaces and significant number of unmarked graves; (2) grave marking traditions; (3) the presence of Pennsylvania state-issued veteran grave markers; (4) the existence of church buildings and ruins, and (5) the scars of indifference and racism that led to the abuse or destruction of many historic Black burial grounds. Collectively, these elements shaped Pennsylvania's unique African American funerary landscape.
宾夕法尼亚州历史悠久的非裔美国人墓地与美国其他地区的黑人墓地具有共同的物理特征。然而,英联邦独特的历史、文化和地理影响了这些遗址的物质文化,并将其塑造成具有鲜明特色的独特景观。本文首先考察了促成该州150多个独立墓地形成的历史力量。然后,它考虑了五个特征,共同使宾夕法尼亚州的非裔美国人墓地与众不同。这些因素包括:(1)墓地的开放空间和大量未标记的坟墓;(二)墓葬习俗;(3)宾夕法尼亚州颁发的退伍军人墓碑;(4)教堂建筑和废墟的存在;(5)冷漠和种族主义造成的伤痕,导致许多历史悠久的黑人墓地遭到滥用或破坏。这些因素共同塑造了宾夕法尼亚州独特的非裔美国人葬礼景观。
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引用次数: 0
Upon the Altar of Work: Child Labor and the Rise of a New American Sectionalism 在工作的祭坛上:童工和新美国地方主义的兴起
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0639
Charles L. Lumpkins
Betsy Wood (History, Hudson County Community College) contributes to the historiography of child labor reform in America, showing the ways reformers responded to shifts in North–South sectional ideological, political, social, and moral disputes of free labor versus unfree labor in an expanding, maturing industrial capitalist society from the 1850s to the 1930s. Stating interest “in what debates about child labor over time would reveal about the legacy of sectionalist conflict within an emerging capitalist society,” Wood adds an understanding of the hostile battles over child labor (2). She argues “that debates about children and their labor brought to the fore opposing visions of labor, freedom, morality, and the market in the modern industrial age. . . . [when] both sides were attempting to negotiate, materially and spiritually, the changes wrought by capitalism” (6). Wood penned five chapters on the history of the child labor reform movement that illustrates Americans struggling over child labor in relation to notions of freedom and unfreedom and the role of the state and capitalism.Chapter 1 features the Children’s Aid Society (CAS) as a major force for child labor reform in the 1850s. CAS praised the superiority of Northern values of free labor republicanism as key to individuals lifting themselves out of poverty and exercising personal independence while vilifying Southern defense of slavery for perpetuating moral depravity, dependency, and lack of individual initiative and responsibility. The CAS fostered free labor republicanism by placing vagrant urban children—boys from petty crime and girls from prostitution—with Midwestern (Michigan, Illinois, etc.) farming families where boys learned the value and dignity of work as future independent skilled tradesmen and girls acquired “domestic skills and thereby become ‘useful members of society’ as future wives and mothers” (18).Highlighted in chapter 2, in the several decades after the Civil War, CAS and other child labor reform advocates adjusted their notions of free labor republicanism in response to substantive challenges and transformations caused by industrialization, urbanization, and mass immigration. Some reformers worried about ex-slaveholders coercing ex-slave children into apprenticeship programs that black Southerners vehemently denounced as slavery by another name. Others shuddered at the expanding numbers of white native-born and European immigrant children toiling in factories and other worksites, and at seeing the Italian immigrants’ padrone children system as a “new form of child slavery” (33). Reformers generally agreed the pivotal problem was who had authority over child labor, not the organization and conditions of work because they believed free labor benefited children.North-South sectionalism that divided child labor reformers is the topic of chapter 3. Sectionalism disrupted child labor reform as industrialization and the factory system absorbed increasing numbers of whi
第五章戏剧性地呈现了联邦童工立法的各种支持者和反对者重塑了地区分歧,他们重新阐述了他们的道德论点,要么支持北方人提出的现代世俗国家政府,要么支持南方人提出的放松管制的商业和劳动力市场中的自由劳动力制度。精英和基层的支持者和反对者就国家权力在拟议中的童工宪法修正案中的作用发生了冲突。虽然国家没有批准童工修正案,但当1916年的反童工基廷-欧文法案成为1938年的公平劳动标准法案的一部分时,联邦童工立法的倡导者们感到高兴。伍德开辟了新的观点,并对部门纠纷对童工纠纷的影响方式进行了令人兴奋的比较和对比,这些纠纷产生于或受自由劳动和奴隶劳动讨论的影响。由于资本主义和奴隶制有着截然相反的基础,也许在续集中,伍德将着眼于,例如,依赖,负债,债务奴隶制,公司商店和公司城镇的形式,这些形式出现在自由劳动工业资本主义中,并威胁到自由劳动的意识形态。对于那些对美国童工问题感兴趣的人来说,这本书很有价值,对于高级学生来说,了解伍德对童工改革史学的贡献是必读的。参考书目是第一手资料和二手文献的宝库,尾注占全书的近三分之一,为学者提供了有用的参考。读者们都知道,改革者把孩子放在祭坛上,要么作为牺牲,要么作为工作的神圣理想。
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引用次数: 0
Thirteen Clocks: How Race United the Colonies and Made the Declaration of Independence 《十三只钟:种族如何联合各殖民地并发表独立宣言》
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0647
Evan Turiano
Robert G. Parkinson describes his sophomore effort as “sort of” an abridgment of his influential 2016 monograph The Common Cause: Creating Race and Nation in the American Revolution (vii). Indeed, Thirteen Clocks: How Race United the Colonies and Made the Declaration of Independence offers students a concise, readable entry into the main arguments and takeaways from Parkinson’s 700-page debut. However, by reconsidering The Common Cause’s themes in a new chronology, Parkinson also makes a fresh contribution to the field. Homing in on the fifteen months between the “shot heard ’round the world” and the signing of the Declaration of Independence, this book shows that, yes, ideas united the North American British colonies at that critical juncture. But those ideas, Parkinson argues, were not enlightened notions of liberty and republicanism but instead were about the exclusion of Indigenous and Black people. In the wake of the fighting at Lexington and Concord, patriot leaders used newspapers to propagate stories of British alliances with enslaved people and Native Americans to unite colonists and “hammer home the idea that the British were treacherous and dangerous enemies” (2).A key premise of Thirteen Clocks is that nothing was particularly foreordained about intercolonial unity in the years and months leading up to the Declaration of Independence. The divisions that cut through the colonies were numerous. No camaraderie existed between easterners and backcountry localists, Quakers and the descendants of Puritans, “Regulators” and elites, enslavers and a growing but “largely inconsequential” cadre of antislavery dissidents, and, of course, patriots and the persistent bloc of colonists who supported the crown (52). Where historians have identified economic and cultural continuities across British North America in recent decades, Parkinson carefully demonstrates that the perception of difference among colonists remained present and powerful.1 The author does not deny that patriot leaders had some success papering over these divisions with appeals to heady Enlightenment values. But those sorts of arguments—which held purchase in the 1760s and early 1770s—rang hollow when the gun smoke settled after the Lexington and Concord. Fearful stories of British-fomented slave rebellions and Native American raiders, Parkinson explains, represented a site of consensus for colonists and helped sever dearly held feelings of British national identity.Parkinson sets out to show that these racist, exclusionary ideas did not just float organically through the colonies, but instead were the product of an intentional, carefully calculated patriot messaging campaign. A great service of this book is showing students and specialists exactly how that operation worked. Parkinson has mastered the confusing, intersected world of colonial newspapers, which included four competing titles all named Virginia Gazette and no fewer than eight different Pennsylvania organs. Parkinson p
罗伯特·g·帕金森(Robert G. Parkinson)将其大二的作品描述为他2016年颇具影响力的专著《共同的事业:在美国革命中创造种族和国家》(vii)的“某种程度上”的删节。事实上,《13个时钟:种族如何联合殖民地并制定独立宣言》为学生提供了一个简洁、易读的入口,让他们了解帕金森700页的首作的主要论点和要点。然而,通过在一个新的年表中重新思考《共同事业》的主题,帕金森也为这个领域做出了新的贡献。这本书着眼于从“响彻世界的枪声”到《独立宣言》签署之间的15个月,表明,是的,在那个关键时刻,思想团结了北美英属殖民地。但帕金森认为,这些思想并不是自由和共和主义的开明观念,而是排斥土著和黑人的思想。在列克星敦和康科德战役之后,爱国领袖们利用报纸宣传英国与被奴役的人民和印第安人结盟的故事,以团结殖民地居民,并“反复强调英国人是奸诈危险的敌人”(2)《十三个时钟》的一个关键前提是,在《独立宣言》发表前的几年或几个月里,殖民地间的团结并没有什么特别的注定。分裂殖民地的分裂不计其数。东部人与边远地区的当地人、贵格会教徒与清教徒后裔、“监管者”与精英、奴隶贩子与不断壮大但“基本上无关紧要”的反奴隶制异见分子、爱国者与支持英王的顽固殖民者集团之间没有同志情谊(52)。近几十年来,历史学家已经确定了英属北美地区的经济和文化连续性,而帕金森则仔细地证明,殖民者之间的差异感知仍然存在,而且很强大作者并不否认,爱国领袖们通过诉诸令人兴奋的启蒙价值观,成功地掩盖了这些分歧。但是,这些在18世纪60年代和70年代初支持购买的争论,在莱克星顿号和康科德号之后硝烟散去之后,变得空洞起来。帕金森解释说,关于英国人煽动的奴隶叛乱和印第安人掠夺者的可怕故事,代表了殖民者达成共识的场所,并有助于切断英国民族认同的根深蒂固的感情。帕金森试图表明,这些种族主义的、排他性的思想并不是在殖民地自然地漂浮起来的,而是一场有意的、精心策划的爱国信息运动的产物。这本书的一大优点是向学生和专家们展示了这种操作是如何运作的。帕金森氏掌握了殖民地报纸纷繁复杂的世界,其中包括四份相互竞争的报纸,都叫《弗吉尼亚公报》,还有不少于八份不同的宾夕法尼亚报纸。帕金森为我们提供了一段引人入胜的殖民时期报纸生命周期之旅,从版面设计到印刷,再到关键的“交换系统”,通过这个系统,爱国者的信息被联合起来(28)。爱国者们成了有选择地转载促成共识的材料的专家,有时还通过这种交流把彻头彻尾的谎言当作严肃的新闻报道。通过交换系统获得殖民地间的信息、经验和戏剧,缩小了北美殖民者的世界,并帮助培养了一种社区认同。爱国者领袖们推断,当时出现的具体信息和戏剧性事件,是围绕着对英国将动员被奴役的人民和印第安人发动战争的担忧。第二届大陆会议(The Second Continental Congress),为了让公众了解最新的信息,重点关注黑人和美洲原住民作为英国人的“代理人”(123)。读者会惊讶地发现,他们宣扬的许多“阴谋论”其实并不完全是阴谋论。正如帕金森所说,英国的军事官员和政治领导人确实把美洲原住民和被奴役的人视为可以打败叛乱的联盟的一部分。虽然策划这些代理人在战争中扮演的角色的英国官员确实“团结了美国殖民地”,但帕金森断言,真正的功劳属于那些积极收集、放大、政治化和传播这些故事以证明殖民地团结并最终证明革命的爱国领袖(99)。这场历时15个月的战役,塑造了美国的独立和宣布独立的文件。《宣言》对国王的指控,帕金森说,“开始缓慢,情绪高涨”,最终指控他煽动了“无情的野蛮人”、“国内叛乱”和“外国雇佣军”(155页)。根据这份文件和起草这份文件的政治家的说法,这些团体和国王本人一样,对新的美国国家共同体怀有敌意。 《十三个钟》的结尾回顾了爱国主义宣传的遗产。帕金森将爱国者讲述的故事与北方各州废除的极限划清了界限。例如,宾夕法尼亚州1780年逐步废除法律的批评者援引了国王的代理人,就像在战争期间击败了贵格会废除法律的新泽西州人一样。总之,帕金森认为,“代理故事在战争结束后取消了替代方案”(178)。这或许有些言过其实。从同一场革命中产生了一个与之相反的遗产,一个不符合帕金森描述的遗产。在独立战争之后,非裔美国人积极分子和他们的盟友利用公民身份和民族主义等工具——在《十三个时钟》中基本上是排他的——在新美国争取自由。当然,他们在每一个转折点上都面临着很大的困难。但早期废奴运动对革命遗产的拥抱表明,尽管对英国代理人的恐惧可能在那有限的15个月里创造了一个共识时刻,但它并没有持续下去。尽管如此,《十三个钟》还是以热情和清晰的方式证明,将爱国领袖理解为战时的政治操纵者——而不是我们的民族神话把他们塑造成永恒的普遍主义哲学家——有助于解释革命为何展开,以及它如何为一个陷入困境的新国家奠定基础。
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引用次数: 2
Professional Hockey in Philadelphia 费城的职业冰球
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0633
Michael Karpyn
Philadelphia is a passionate sports city, and its deep roots in professional football, baseball, and basketball are well known and long established. When it comes to Philadelphia and professional ice hockey, the story is a little more complex. The conventional wisdom holds that the city was a barren hockey wasteland until the arrival of the National Hockey League’s (NHL) Philadelphia Flyers in 1967. The meteoric rise of the Flyers from expansion lightweights to Stanley Cup champions in a mere seven years transformed this hockey wasteland into a hockey hotbed, with fan support on the level of the other three major sports.Alan Bass argues convincingly in Professional Ice Hockey in Philadelphia that the true story of the relationship between the city and the sport is far more complex and long reaching than this conventional wisdom believes. Reaching as far back as the turn of the twentieth century, Bass details Philadelphia’s various forays and flirtations with the sport, uncovering some occasional successes and hints of promise but mostly failures, some on a historically epic scale.From the outset, the author makes an interesting choice with the organization of the book. Instead of a chronological, decade by decade approach, he instead focuses each chapter of the book on each Philadelphia professional hockey franchise in order of their founding, starting with the Quaker City Hockey Club of 1900–1901 and ending with the minor league Philadelphia Phantoms of 1996–2009. Bass concedes that this organizational approach does create some chronological overlaps between the chapters, but it also allows for each of the city’s various major and minor league franchises to stand alone and tell their own unique stories. I fully agree; Bass has clearly undertaken considerable research, and his exhaustive mining of the available primary sources on Philadelphia’s different professional hockey franchises produces a rich and cohesive tale, full of interesting and colorful characters from all eras of Philadelphia’s hockey history.All of the chapters have their own strengths and bring life to the numerous black and white photos, newspaper headlines, and memorabilia found throughout the book. Chapter 3, for example, highlights the short-lived Philadelphia Quakers, the city’s first attempt at an NHL franchise in 1930. Despite the initial promise and the ample hype generated by its owner, a larger than life retired professional boxer, the Quakers that hit the ice were an unmitigated disaster. They took three games to score their first goal and nearly a month to notch their first win. The always-demanding fans of Philadelphia quickly lost interest, especially when the more successful minor league Philadelphia Arrows (chapter 2) were playing in the same arena but with lower ticket prices. When the 1930–31 season mercifully concluded, the Quakers had won four games, tied four games, and lost a staggering 34—a winning percentage of .131 that would remain an inglorious NHL rec
在20世纪70年代,当第二支大联盟球队——费城开拓者队(第9章)和小联盟火鸟队(第10章)被加入到这座城市的曲棍球景观中时,这本书加速到了高潮。今天,开拓者队只是这座城市曲棍球历史上一个模糊的注脚,但巴斯关于这支球队的章节本身就值回票价。尽管飞人队采取了正确的步骤来建立一支可行的、有竞争力的NHL球队,但开拓者队却恰恰相反,他们开始在NHL的竞争对手世界冰球协会(World Hockey Association)打球。从糟糕的财务决策,比如让他们的明星球员成为世界上收入最高的运动员(甚至比巴西足球巨星pelpele还要高),到在陈旧的费城市民中心建造主场溜冰场,再到13号星期五灾难性的开幕之夜,开拓者队的故事有时近乎闹剧。对于任何冒着经营职业体育特许经营风险的企业家来说,这本书都是必读的。如果说这本书有什么小缺点的话,那就是它没有触及费城地区体育发展带来的更大的文化影响。正如巴斯在书的前几章所记载的那样,早在20世纪30年代,孩子们就在费城的街道上玩着类似曲棍球的游戏。然而,他们并没有模仿他们最喜欢的职业冰球运动员,也没有梦想成为NHL的明星,而今天的街头和冰球运动员却在梦想。1967年第一支费城飞人队在冰上比赛时,所有队员都是加拿大出生的。今天,大约25%的NHL球员来自美国,而且不仅仅来自传统的曲棍球温床纽约、新英格兰和中西部北部。在飞人队诞生50年后,费城地区的溜冰场已经饱和,有机会参加有组织的冰球比赛,来自费城地区的球员正在NHL中成为明星。然而,这只是一个小小的诡辩,并没有减损这本书的众多优点。专业曲棍球在费城是一个奇妙的研究,组织严密,高度娱乐看冰球的历史在兄弟之爱的城市。
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引用次数: 0
Playing Politics with Natural Disaster: Hurricane Agnes, the 1972 Election, and the Origins of FEMA 自然灾害中的政治博弈:飓风艾格尼丝,1972年大选,以及联邦应急管理局的起源
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.1.0139
Megan C. McGee Yinger
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引用次数: 0
Grassroots Leviathan: Agricultural Reform and the Rural North in the Slaveholding Republic 草根利维坦:蓄奴共和国的农业改革与北方农村
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0624
Camden Burd
In Grassroots Leviathan: Agricultural Reform and the Rural North in the Slaveholding Republic, author Ariel Ron reexamines the rise of the Republican Party in the 1850s by turning his scholarly attention to the agricultural communities of the North. It is there, Ron argues, that historians can better understand the Republican Party coalition and its ability to surpass the entrenched powers that made up the slaveholding republic in the decades that predated the Civil War.Ron argues that too much historiographical weight has been given to the “free labor” ideology—a political philosophy that has placed far more significance on the concerns of industrial workers over those of the agriculturists. Such arguments might make sense a few decades later in the midst of the Gilded Age but not in the 1850s. Afterall, the American population in the antebellum era was overwhelming rural and decidedly agricultural. Grassroots Leviathan outlines how agriculturists in the rural north shaped the political landscape of the 1850s through—of all things—agricultural reform movements. Ron states, “This book shifts attention from industrialization to agricultural development. It shows how northern, middle-class farmers and rural businessmen built an enormous agricultural reform movement, keyed to the slogan of ‘scientific agriculture,’ that they used to institutionalize their presence in a reimagined state apparatus” (5). Look to northern farms, Ron argues, that is where historians can best understand the rapid rise of the Republican Party as well as the foundational legislation that defines the Civil War–era party.The agricultural reform movement of the 1850s may seem like an unlikely place to track political developments at first glance. Farmers formed societies, they subscribed to agricultural journals, and began meeting at state and local conventions. Though these may not seem like explicitly political acts, the collective power of these novel and organizational actions bound rural northerners together to form what Ron identifies as nonpartisan anti-politics. Ron writes, “Agricultural reformers insisted that farmers had a uniquely legitimate claim on the collective resources of the republic but shunned the partisan arena that contemporaries equated with politics itself” (7). Rarely did these societies, presses, or conventions endorse specific parties or candidates; however, the collective message across the venues provided agriculturalists a clear vision of their role in the republic. As the 1850s progressed, agriculturists in the rural north expressed a clear political imperative that ultimately pressed the Republican Party, and the federal government, to enact particular policies that embodied the reforming impulses of the preceding decade. The influence of these nonpartisan anti-politics can best be seen with the passage of the first, major federal policies enacted during the Civil War—the creation of the United States Department of Agriculture and the passage of
在《草根利维坦:蓄奴共和国的农业改革和北方农村》一书中,作者阿里尔·罗恩将他的学术注意力转向北方的农业社区,重新审视了19世纪50年代共和党的崛起。罗恩认为,只有在那里,历史学家才能更好地理解共和党联盟,以及它超越那些在内战前几十年里构成奴隶制共和国的根深蒂固的权力的能力。罗恩认为,“自由劳动”意识形态在史学上被赋予了太多的分量——这种政治哲学更重视产业工人的利益,而不是农民的利益。在几十年后的镀金时代(Gilded Age)中期,这样的观点或许有道理,但在19世纪50年代就没有道理了。毕竟,南北战争前的美国人口绝大多数是农村人口,而且绝对是农业人口。《草根利维坦》概述了北方农村的农学家如何通过农业改革运动塑造了19世纪50年代的政治格局。罗恩说:“这本书把人们的注意力从工业化转向了农业发展。它展示了北方的中产阶级农民和农村商人如何建立了一个巨大的农业改革运动,关键是‘科学农业’的口号,他们用来将他们的存在制度化,在一个重新想象的国家机器中”(5)。罗恩认为,看看北方的农场,历史学家可以最好地理解共和党的迅速崛起,以及定义内战时期政党的基本立法。乍一看,19世纪50年代的农业改革运动似乎不太可能是追踪政治发展的地方。农民们成立社团,订阅农业杂志,并开始在州和地方会议上开会。虽然这些看起来不像是明确的政治行为,但这些新颖的、有组织的行动的集体力量将北方农村人团结在一起,形成了罗恩所认为的无党派反政治。罗恩写道:“农业改革者坚持认为,农民对共和国的集体资源有独特的合法要求,但他们避开了当代人等同于政治本身的党派舞台”(7)。这些社会、媒体或大会很少支持特定的政党或候选人;然而,通过场地的集体信息为农学家提供了他们在共和国中的角色的清晰愿景。随着19世纪50年代的发展,北方农村的农民表达了一种明确的政治要求,最终迫使共和党和联邦政府制定具体的政策,体现了前十年的改革冲动。这些无党派的反政治势力的影响可以从内战期间颁布的第一批主要联邦政策——美国农业部的成立和《莫里尔土地赠予法》的通过——的通过中得到最好的体现。这些钞票并不反常。罗恩说,“他们是由大规模农业改革运动推动的长达十年的运动的高潮,该运动自建国初期以来一直在北方建立起来”(5)。《草根利维坦》将吸引那些对宾夕法尼亚州农业改革历史感兴趣的人,以及对基石州如何融入19世纪中期更大的文化、环境和政治运动感兴趣的人。像其他州的同行一样,宾夕法尼亚州的农业和农业倡导者成立了社团,出版了地区性期刊,并推动州议员认真对待他们的利益。事实上,宾夕法尼亚农业学院(后来被称为宾夕法尼亚州立大学)就是在19世纪50年代的这种冲动中诞生的。农业改革者敦促州政府采取更积极的立场来保护和促进宾夕法尼亚州农民的利益。正如罗恩所指出的,“宾夕法尼亚农业学院将自己定义为一所‘教育性的’、‘实践性的’和‘实验性的’机构”,它接受了改革者的愿望。该制度的明确目的是保护“国家的工业利益,尤其是农业利益”(140)。通过无党派的反政治运动,宾夕法尼亚州的农民们把同样的能量输送到北部农村地区,让他们的政府明白,他们希望以非常特殊的方式扩大国家的作用。《草根利维坦》的意义不仅在于它重构了19世纪50年代,还在于我们应该如何理解战后时期的政治动态。罗恩证明了农业改革立法的首要地位,而不是奴隶制问题,是农村选民的主要激励因素。 在这样做的过程中,他清楚地发现了农业赞助人、农民联盟和内战后新成立的全国白人农业主义者联盟的历史根源。“内战的讽刺之处在于,通过摧毁奴隶制,它消除了白人团结的一个基本障碍,”罗恩观察到。“似乎至少有可能的是,随着重建的结束,并伴随着美国农业部作为联邦行政州的典范而出现的新的种族主义中心,是基于农业组织的组成和地理中心的变化,这是由于内战摧毁了主阶级而成为可能的”(226)。通过对19世纪50年代农业改革家提出的无党派观点进行深思熟虑的考察,阿里尔·罗恩挑战了关于内战前美国政治发展的史学假设,同时也提出了关于镀金时代美国农村联盟政治本质的新问题。
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引用次数: 2
Homestead Steel Mill: The Final Ten Years—USWA Local 1397 and the Fight for Union Democracy 宅地钢铁厂:最后的十年- uswa当地1397和争取联邦民主的斗争
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0619
Emiliano Aguilar
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引用次数: 1
The Fabric of Empire: Material and Literary Cultures of the Global Atlantic, 1650–1850 帝国的结构:全球大西洋的物质和文学文化,1650-1850
Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.4.0636
Thomas G. Lannon
Danielle C. Skeehan’s The Fabric of Empire is an important contribution to the field of literary studies that combines emerging currents from material culture studies and book history to analyze and examine lesser-known artifacts and sources held in antiquarian and historical societies, museums, and library collections. As a title in the important series Studies in Early American Economy and Society from the Library Company of Philadelphia, edited by Cathy Matson, Skeehan opens new avenues for the interdisciplinary study of text and textile production across two centuries of global capitalism. These sources, often on cotton and silk, lie beyond the availability and classification of printed texts and remain outside the reach of traditional library catalogs and databases. Skeehan incorporates a range of theoretical frameworks into the book’s three major sections to view texts and textiles created and consumed within early Atlantic communities, including African Americans, Native populations, servants and women laborers, and other less visible historical actors and agents whose lived experience are not always evident in available print sources.In establishing textiles as a technology of record, Skeehan ascribes her research with the meaningful possibility of upending the history of the book in America. To understand this challenge, it may help if the reader is aware of advances in the field since the multivolume A History of the Book in America, edited by David D. Hall, published 2000–2010 by the University of North Carolina Press. This previous history of the book included topics on book selling, printing, publishing, reading, and other aspects of print culture. However, gender, race, and archival theory were often missing as evaluative lenses through which bibliography and the study of print could progress.1 Skeehan succeeds in bridging disciplines to inform her version of the history of the book with syntheses drawn out of new global histories and material culture studies. Textiles created via forms of resistance by women, native populations, and enslaved persons appear as material texts. There are interesting and informative passages on the production and sale of textiles ranging from guinea cloth, a British textile produced for export, to fine cottons and silks upon which popular narratives were printed. The American consumption of Chinese commodities is explained alongside a reading of how indigenous material culture in Peru reflected the colonization process. Positioning the research into the global manufacture and commerce in textiles ultimately allows for deeper historical rendering of the feminization of New World colonial spaces including British cities, New World frontiers, and the American interior.Developments in textual studies presented in The Fabric of Empire will allow historians and literary scholars to contend with a rich and complex conception of textuality beyond print sources. This also addresses the need to view texts and te
丹尼尔·c·斯基汉的《帝国的结构》是文学研究领域的重要贡献,它结合了物质文化研究和书籍历史的新兴潮流,分析和研究了古物学家和历史协会、博物馆和图书馆收藏的鲜为人知的文物和资料。作为费城图书馆公司出版的重要丛书《早期美国经济与社会研究》中的一个书名,斯基汉为跨越两个世纪的全球资本主义的文本和纺织品生产的跨学科研究开辟了新的途径。这些资料来源通常是棉花和丝绸,超出了印刷文本的可用性和分类范围,也超出了传统图书馆目录和数据库的范围。斯基汉在书的三个主要部分中纳入了一系列理论框架,以查看早期大西洋社区创造和消费的文本和纺织品,包括非洲裔美国人、土著居民、仆人和女工,以及其他不太显眼的历史演员和代理人,他们的生活经历在现有的印刷资料中并不总是很明显。通过将纺织品确立为一种记录在案的技术,斯基汉认为她的研究有可能颠覆美国书籍的历史。为了理解这一挑战,如果读者了解自大卫·d·霍尔编辑的多卷本《美国图书史》(2000-2010年由北卡罗来纳大学出版社出版)以来该领域的进展,可能会有所帮助。这本书以前的历史包括书籍销售、印刷、出版、阅读和印刷文化的其他方面的主题。然而,性别、种族和档案理论常常被忽略,作为目录学和印刷研究可以进步的评估镜头斯基汉成功地在学科之间架起了桥梁,用新的全球历史和物质文化研究的综合来讲述这本书的历史。通过妇女、土著居民和被奴役的人的抵抗形式创造的纺织品以物质文本的形式出现。书中有关于纺织品的生产和销售的有趣而翔实的段落,从几内亚布(一种用于出口的英国纺织品)到精美的棉花和丝绸,这些都是流行叙事的基础。美国对中国商品的消费与秘鲁本土物质文化如何反映殖民过程的阅读一起得到了解释。将研究定位到纺织品的全球制造和商业中,最终允许对新世界殖民空间(包括英国城市,新世界边界和美国内陆)的女性化进行更深入的历史渲染。在《帝国的结构》一书中呈现的文本研究的发展将使历史学家和文学学者能够与超越印刷来源的丰富而复杂的文本概念作斗争。这也解决了在被剥夺权利的工人与特权精英紧密结合的经济和社会范式的中心观察文本和纺织品的需要。这项工作对宾夕法尼亚州的历史学家也很重要,因为费城一直被认为是美国国家历史上印刷史的重要地点。斯基汉认为,她的作品将美国理解为“一种现象,一种全球过程,一种通过一系列相互纠缠的关系产生的世界体系”(7)。费城被置于全球视角中,作为数百万码进口的英国和爱尔兰亚麻布被接收并最终成为附近造纸厂劳动力的地方。在这一时期,由于纺织品和相关的奴隶贸易,这座城市的发展与美洲种族差异的编纂类似。本书的三个主要部分将广泛的时间顺序与适合英语国家和全球主要来源的理论类别结合起来,然后仔细观察和解释。这本书成功地将大西洋研究的局限性框定为地缘政治框架,更直接地展示了16世纪后欧洲殖民努力开始时非洲、中国和印度在全球网络中的存在。这本书的第一部分涵盖了从1651年第一个航海法案开始的时期,该法案规定英国船只必须携带运往英国的进口货物,直到1721年《棉布法案》(Calico Act),该法案完全禁止向英国进口棉织品。在这些英国更严格的经济保护主义之间,斯基汉着眼于大西洋世界传播和共享的印刷文化。这种方法,基于直接接触材料文本的细节和证据,被证明是这本书的真正吸引力。读者可以间接地感受到阅览室发现和近距离档案研究的快感。
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引用次数: 0
Against Sex: Identities of Sexual Restraint in Early America 反对性:美国早期性约束的身份
IF 0.2 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/pennhistory.90.3.0506
J. Lindman
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Pennsylvania History-A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies
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