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Oath Keepers: Patriotism and the Edge of Violence in a Right-Wing Antigovernment Group , by Sam Jackson 《誓言守护者:右翼反政府组织中的爱国主义和暴力边缘》,山姆·杰克逊著
0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10061
Shane Burley
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引用次数: 5
Latinism and Hispanism in the Hispano-American Right in Interwar Spain and Argentina 在两次世界大战之间的西班牙和阿根廷,西班牙裔美国人权利中的拉丁主义和西班牙语主义
0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10053
Maximiliano Fuentes Codera
Abstract During the first decades of the twentieth century conceptions about Latinism and Hispanism were fundamental to constructing transnational discourses at the service of national causes in Europe and Latin America. In this framework, both in Argentina and Spain the new Right emerged in the heat of the fin-de-siècle carrying new visions on Latinism and Hispanism. During the First World War Latinism and Hispanism were harshly confronted. After the conflict, a process of ‘cross-fertilization’ took place in both countries. In the interwar period, authoritarian movements and right-wing regimes shared a series of political objectives, a common vision, and the feeling of being part of a historical mission against communism in the name of a ‘Catholic civilization’. In the context of the Spanish Civil War a ‘Catholic renaissance’ unfolded: a Hispanism that included a Latinist dimension was projected both in Francisco Franco’s Spain and unstable pre-Perón’s Argentina.
在二十世纪的头几十年里,关于拉丁主义和西班牙语主义的概念是构建跨国话语的基础,为欧洲和拉丁美洲的民族事业服务。在这一框架下,在阿根廷和西班牙,新右翼在最后关头出现,对拉丁主义和西班牙语主义提出了新的看法。在第一次世界大战期间,拉丁主义和西班牙语主义遭到了严厉的对抗。冲突结束后,两国开始了“相互借鉴”的过程。在两次世界大战之间的时期,威权主义运动和右翼政权有着共同的政治目标,共同的愿景,以及以“天主教文明”的名义反对共产主义的历史使命的一部分的感觉。在西班牙内战的背景下,一场“天主教复兴”展开了:在弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥的西班牙和不稳定的pre-Perón的阿根廷,一种包括拉丁主义维度的西班牙语主义被投射出来。
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引用次数: 0
Building the European ‘New Order’ 构建欧洲“新秩序”
0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10058
António Costa Pinto
Abstract Military occupation is the maximum level of political intervention based on coercion, but even under Axis rule, the institutional design of dictatorships by their ‘collaborationist’ elites was influenced by different models and political families. Military occupation opened a window of opportunity for the takeover of power by different segments of authoritarian and fascist elites, and the tension and forced pacts between different projects of dictatorial institutionalizations were a clear sign of this dynamic process. This article examines how the complicated relationship between the radical right, authoritarian conservatives and fascists were present in the institutional crafting of new regimes.
军事占领为不同的独裁和法西斯精英阶层夺取权力打开了一扇机会之窗,不同的独裁制度化项目之间的紧张关系和强制协议是这一动态过程的明显标志。本文考察了激进右翼、专制保守派和法西斯主义者之间的复杂关系是如何在新政权的制度构建中呈现出来的。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Introduction: Re-assessing the Metaxas Dictatorship (1936–1941)—Greek Fascism or Old-Style Authoritarianism? 社论导言:重新评估梅塔克萨斯独裁(1936-1941)——希腊法西斯主义还是旧式威权主义?
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10047
Aristotle Kallis, George Souvlis

There are few more challenging tests of fascist core-periphery topographies than the case of interwar Greece. Greece can claim no significant fascist movement in the interwar years; no significant fascist political party; and no dictatorial regime inspired by a genuinely revolutionary ultranationalist vision. In the last category, the only possible candidate, the 4th of August dictatorial regime headed by the retired general Ioannis Metaxas, was established late (1936) and lasted only for a few short years until the death of the dictator (January 1941). The contributions to this special issue on interwar Greece feature not only diverse aspects of the Metaxas regime but also offer broader perspectives on the ideological and political dynamics of fascism across the 1920s and 1930s. This special issue intends to build bridges between historical and sociological approaches; between the study of ideas and the analysis of policies; between contextual specificities and international trends; and, in the end, between recent historiographies of generic fascism and of modern Greek history. Collectively, the contributions also evince a plea to take the fascist experience and the potential for radical ruptures in interwar Greece more seriously.

对于法西斯主义的核心和外围地形,几乎没有比两次世界大战之间的希腊更具有挑战性的考验了。在两次世界大战之间的年代里,希腊可以说没有发生过重大的法西斯运动;没有重要的法西斯政党;也没有由真正革命的极端民族主义愿景所激发的独裁政权。在最后一个类别中,唯一可能的候选人是由退休将军约阿尼斯·梅塔克萨斯领导的“8月4日独裁政权”,该政权建立于1936年晚期,仅持续了短短几年,直到独裁者去世(1941年1月)。这期关于两次世界大战之间希腊的特刊不仅以梅塔克萨斯政权的不同方面为特色,而且为法西斯主义在20世纪20年代和30年代的意识形态和政治动态提供了更广泛的视角。本期特刊旨在在历史和社会学方法之间架起桥梁;在思想研究和政策分析之间;背景特殊性与国际趋势之间的关系;最后,在最近的一般法西斯主义史学和现代希腊史学之间。总的来说,这些贡献也表明,人们呼吁更认真地对待法西斯主义的经历,以及两次世界大战之间希腊发生激进分裂的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
From the ‘Nobleman’s Sword’ to the ‘Flag of the Fascist Ideals’ 从“诺贝尔之剑”到“法西斯理想旗帜”
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10043
Vassilios A. Bogiatzis
This article examines the ideological trajectory of Ioannis Metaxas and his intellectual Weltanschauung. It argues that he was strongly influenced by several German developments, including the Kultur vs. Zivilisation debate. Furthermore, from the 1920s he explicitly transformed key fascist ideas and drew on those of the ‘Conservative Revolution’. It shows that Metaxas addressed all key historical developments, from the turn of the century, to the establishment of his dictatorship, to the Second World War, through his ideological and intellectual prism: national reconstruction and palingenesis and a new cultural orientation for the Greek nation. Metaxas’s thinking is examined from its formative period in Germany (1899–1903) to his dictatorship (1936–1941). The methodological framework draws on the work of Peter Wagner, who conceives the period from 1870 to 1940 as the heyday of the ‘first crisis of modernity’; the work of Roger Griffin, Aristotle Kallis, and António Costa Pinto centred around the palingenetic, modernist dynamic of fascism; and finally, the notion of ‘intellectual appropriation of technology’ developed by Mikael Hård and Andrew Jamison.
本文考察了梅塔克萨斯的思想轨迹及其思想世界观。该书认为,他受到了德国几项发展的强烈影响,包括文化与文明之争。此外,从20世纪20年代开始,他明确地转变了法西斯主义的关键思想,并借鉴了“保守革命”的思想。它表明,梅塔克萨斯通过他的意识形态和思想棱镜,论述了从世纪之交到独裁统治的建立,再到第二次世界大战的所有关键历史发展:国家重建和重生,以及希腊民族的新文化方向。本文考察了梅塔克萨斯的思想从其在德国的形成时期(1899-1903)到他的独裁统治时期(1936-1941)。方法论框架借鉴了彼得·瓦格纳(Peter Wagner)的作品,他认为1870年至1940年是“现代性第一次危机”的全盛时期;罗杰·格里芬(Roger Griffin)、亚里士多德·卡利斯(Aristotle Kallis)和António科斯塔·平托(Costa Pinto)的作品围绕着法西斯主义的古老遗传和现代主义动态展开;最后是Mikael ha和Andrew Jamison提出的“技术的智力占有”概念。
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引用次数: 0
Britain’s Contemporary Extreme Right in Context 当代英国的极右势力
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10049
Craig Fowlie
The scholarly literature on British fascism is not lacking in research monographs and edited collections examining every aspect of the subject—history, ideology, leaders, organisational developments, electoral support, discourse, social movements, subcultures, and transnational links.1 What has been missing until recently has been a more basic introduction aimed at readers, not steeped in the literature. The two titles under consideration here both draw on that rich seam of scholarship but are deliberately written to appeal to a nonspecialist audience.
关于英国法西斯主义的学术文献并不缺乏研究专著和编辑集,研究了这个主题的各个方面——历史、意识形态、领导人、组织发展、选举支持、话语、社会运动、亚文化和跨国联系直到最近,一直缺少的是针对读者的更基本的介绍,而不是沉浸在文学作品中。这里考虑的两个标题都利用了丰富的学术知识,但都是为了吸引非专业读者而故意写的。
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引用次数: 0
Women and Femininity under the Metaxas Regime in Greece 希腊梅塔克萨斯政权下的妇女和女性气质
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10050
Rosa Vasilaki
Authoritarian regimes place significant emphasis on gender roles as part of their ‘imagined communities’, where everyone has their place attributed through evocation of the nation’s ‘history’ and ‘mission’. By placing gender at the core of historical analysis, this article examines the antinomies related to the role of women, and the shifting perceptions of femininity, under the Metaxas regime. It examines the female branch of the National Youth Organisation (EON), a laboratory of a ‘new femininity’, analyses the regime’s discourses and idealised representations of femininity and masculinity, and offers critical exploration of affinities between the Metaxist understanding of womanhood and pre-existing aspects of Greek interwar feminism. The article interprets from these fields the oscillations and contradictions marking Metaxist ideology and practices via-à-vis the role of women, and in doing so sheds new light upon the character of the regime itself.
威权政权非常重视性别角色,将其作为“想象中的社区”的一部分,通过唤起国家的“历史”和“使命”,每个人都有自己的位置。通过将性别置于历史分析的核心,本文考察了在Metaxas政权下,与女性角色和女性气质观念转变有关的矛盾。它考察了国家青年组织(EON)的女性分支,这是一个“新女性气质”的实验室,分析了该政权的话语和对女性气质和男性气质的理想化表述,并对Metaxist对女性身份的理解与希腊两次世界大战女权主义先前存在的方面之间的密切关系进行了批判性探索。文章从这些领域通过女性的角色来解释标志着Metaxist意识形态和实践的振荡和矛盾,并在这样做的过程中为政权本身的特征提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 1
International Fascism and the Allure of the ‘Third Way’ in Interwar Greece 国际法西斯主义和“第三条道路”在两次世界大战之间的希腊的诱惑
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10048
Aristotle Kallis
The rise and victory of Italian Fascism in the first half of the 1920s passed Greece by. Yet soon afterwards the international experience of ‘fascism’ found more receptive audiences within the prodigious dissident ‘third spaces’ where more and more mainstream Greek political actors chose to operate in the interwar period. This article explores the dynamics of the ideological and political formation of ‘third ways’ in interwar Greece, paying attention to the interplay between international stimuli and local contextual singularities. In these thirding spaces ‘fascism’ was understood and operationalised in very different, subjective, and ever-shifting ways by each of these actors. It was regarded mostly as a potential component of diverse thirding processes/solutions and rarely as the desired outcome thereof. This explains why fascism came to inform a range of very different thirding projects in interwar Greece—from pursuing rupture and renewal to aspiring to status quo-affirmation; from liberal to conservative to authoritarian visions; from searching for a short-term ‘remedy’ to envisioning a long-term radical transformation.
20世纪20年代上半叶,意大利法西斯主义的崛起和胜利与希腊擦肩而过。然而,不久之后,“法西斯主义”的国际经验在巨大的持不同政见的“第三空间”中找到了更容易接受的受众,越来越多的主流希腊政治行动者选择在两次世界大战之间的时期运作。本文探讨了两次世界大战之间希腊“第三条道路”的意识形态和政治形成的动态,关注国际刺激和当地背景奇点之间的相互作用。在这些第三空间中,“法西斯主义”被这些参与者以非常不同的、主观的、不断变化的方式理解和运作。它主要被视为各种第三方流程/解决方案的潜在组成部分,而很少被视为其期望的结果。这就解释了为什么法西斯主义在两次世界大战之间的希腊出现了一系列截然不同的第三个项目——从追求分裂和复兴到渴望维持现状;从自由主义到保守主义再到威权主义;从寻找短期的“补救措施”到设想长期的彻底转变。
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引用次数: 0
What’s in a Name? 名字里有什么?
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10051
Yannis Stamos
The ‘Third Hellenic Civilisation’ was the principal propaganda innovation of the 4th of August regime and the core myth underpinning its ideological hegemony. Though regularly referred to as the central ideological slogan of the regime, there are no extensive discussions of its meaning and uses. This article attempts a comprehensive analysis of the term and the ways this futural discourse was employed as an instrument of legitimacy. By declaring the connection of the Third Hellenic Civilisation to art, literature, and culture in general, and granting the cultural field relative independence, Metaxas enabled intellectuals to assay their own interpretations of its meaning and proposals for its attainment. The article approaches the Third Hellenic Civilisation as a compound construct that was intended to act as a new ‘sacred canopy’, presenting the dialogue between official and intellectual discourses on its central aspects.
“第三次希腊文明”是八月四日政权的主要宣传创新,也是支撑其意识形态霸权的核心神话。尽管经常被称为该政权的核心意识形态口号,但对其含义和用途没有进行广泛的讨论。本文试图全面分析这个术语,以及这种未来话语作为合法性工具的使用方式。通过宣布第三次希腊文明与艺术、文学和文化的普遍联系,并赋予文化领域相对独立性,Metaxas使知识分子能够分析他们自己对其意义的解释和实现它的建议。文章将第三次希腊文明视为一个复合结构,旨在充当一个新的“神圣的遮篷”,呈现官方话语和知识分子话语之间关于其核心方面的对话。
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引用次数: 0
Libido, Psychic Eugenics and Abnormality 性欲,精神优生学和异常
IF 0.3 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10044
Demetra Tzanaki
This article attempts to resituate the Greek regime of 4th of August 1936 within the wider context of interwar fascism in Europe and address it as fascist ideology and practice. It does so by pointing to the ways in which the biomedical discourse on gender and sexuality was pivotal in Ioannis Metaxas’s project in terms of playing a crucial role in normalising ideas of racial, class, sexual and gender hierarchy. The article has two areas of focus. The first approaches the eugenic discourse developed in Greece and Europe under liberal governments. This relied on the premise that the mental or psychic disorders it accounted for, identified mainly among the lower classes, were diagnosed as diseases of the ‘libidinous libido’ when it came to criminality, poverty, strikes, psychic diseases and brutal deaths. The second area of focus reveals how, once trained to detect biological and psychical anomalies, Metaxas’s regime managed to perform something that now gives the impression of a magic trick: by waving the wand of psychiatric technocracy over a scene of profound economic inequality, it cultivated an authoritarian, patriarchal, biomedical discourse on psychic normality.
本文试图将1936年8月4日的希腊政权置于两次世界大战之间欧洲法西斯主义的大背景下,并将其视为法西斯主义的意识形态和实践。通过指出关于性别和性行为的生物医学论述在Ioannis Metaxas的项目中发挥关键作用的方式来做到这一点,因为它在使种族,阶级,性和性别等级观念正常化方面发挥了关键作用。本文有两个重点领域。第一种方法是在希腊和自由政府统治下的欧洲发展起来的优生话语。这一理论的前提是,当涉及到犯罪、贫穷、罢工、精神疾病和残忍的死亡时,它所解释的精神或精神障碍(主要发生在下层阶级中)被诊断为"性欲失调"的疾病。第二个重点领域揭示了,梅塔克萨斯政权曾经受过检测生物和精神异常的训练,如今却成功地表演了一种魔术:通过在深刻的经济不平等的场景上挥舞精神病学技术官僚的魔杖,它培养了一种专制的、男权的、关于精神正常的生物医学话语。
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引用次数: 0
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Fascism
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