Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10038
Bàrbara Molas
This article recounts the neglected story of a group of radical-right intellectuals based in Montreal, who mobilized during the 1930s for the establishment of a new Canadian state. Inspired by Ukrainian ultraconservative thought, the Italian School of Elitism, and fascist corporatism, this diverse group founded an interwar movement called the Classocracy League of Canada. Their vision framed Canadian identity in Christian and European supremacist terms, while its leading members were engaged with other Canadian and transnational fascistic organizations, such as the Christian National Social Party and the Friends of National Spain. Although the Classocracy League of Canada remained ultimately marginal, its vision of racially restricted pluralism represented a novel form of exclusionary politics at the basis of which was fascist ideology.
这篇文章讲述了一群在蒙特利尔的极右翼知识分子的故事，他们在20世纪30年代为建立一个新的加拿大国家而动员起来。受乌克兰极端保守主义思想、意大利精英主义学派和法西斯社团主义的启发，这个多元化的团体在两次世界大战之间发起了一场名为加拿大古典政治联盟(classsocracy League of Canada)的运动。他们的愿景以基督教和欧洲至上主义的方式塑造了加拿大的身份，而其主要成员则与其他加拿大和跨国法西斯组织有联系，如基督教国家社会党和西班牙国家之友。尽管加拿大古典政治联盟最终仍然处于边缘地位，但其种族限制多元化的愿景代表了一种新的排他性政治形式，其基础是法西斯意识形态。
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Pub Date : 2022-03-11DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10036
Aron Brouwer
To better understand cross-border fascist solidarity, this article suggests a new conceptual framework revolving around the term ‘pan-fascism’ and its ‘paradox’. It argues that the existence or non-existence of a pan-fascist ‘paradox’ in the minds of historical fascists is a matter of optics, as it all depends on who is mobilizing the notion of fascist transnationalism. Because of such optical issues, which all must be unpacked historically, the conceptual framework of ‘pan-fascism’ does not offer a simple solution. It, rather, puts emphasis on a key question: how did certain fascists, at various moments in their lives, think about the possibility of fascist transnationalism? To demonstrate the effectiveness of this approach, this paper takes the work, thought, and practices of the French editors of Je suis partout as a case study, and demonstrates how they attempted to reconcile their commitment to French nationalism with fascist transnationalism.
{"title":"The Pan-Fascist Paradox","authors":"Aron Brouwer","doi":"10.1163/22116257-bja10036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10036","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 To better understand cross-border fascist solidarity, this article suggests a new conceptual framework revolving around the term ‘pan-fascism’ and its ‘paradox’. It argues that the existence or non-existence of a pan-fascist ‘paradox’ in the minds of historical fascists is a matter of optics, as it all depends on who is mobilizing the notion of fascist transnationalism. Because of such optical issues, which all must be unpacked historically, the conceptual framework of ‘pan-fascism’ does not offer a simple solution. It, rather, puts emphasis on a key question: how did certain fascists, at various moments in their lives, think about the possibility of fascist transnationalism? To demonstrate the effectiveness of this approach, this paper takes the work, thought, and practices of the French editors of Je suis partout as a case study, and demonstrates how they attempted to reconcile their commitment to French nationalism with fascist transnationalism.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45925909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-21DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10025
Fredrik Wilhelmsen
While much academic effort has been devoted to exploring various aspects of right-wing extremist lone-actor terrorism, little attention has been devoted to establishing how the terrorists create meaning by locating themselves within a larger narration of history. This article tries to fill this gap, by analysing the conceptions of history and the historical narratives evoked in the manifestos that the right-wing extremist perpetrators uploaded online in relation to the terrorist attacks in Norway on July 22, 2011 and in Christchurch, New Zealand March 15, 2019. Employing a combination of discourse and narrative analysis, the article argues that a shared fascist ‘regime of historicity’ may be identified in the manifestos. Furthermore, it places the narratives found in the manifestos in relation to different right-wing extremist virtual communities.
{"title":"When the Medium Is Not the Message","authors":"Fredrik Wilhelmsen","doi":"10.1163/22116257-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"While much academic effort has been devoted to exploring various aspects of right-wing extremist lone-actor terrorism, little attention has been devoted to establishing how the terrorists create meaning by locating themselves within a larger narration of history. This article tries to fill this gap, by analysing the conceptions of history and the historical narratives evoked in the manifestos that the right-wing extremist perpetrators uploaded online in relation to the terrorist attacks in Norway on July 22, 2011 and in Christchurch, New Zealand March 15, 2019. Employing a combination of discourse and narrative analysis, the article argues that a shared fascist ‘regime of historicity’ may be identified in the manifestos. Furthermore, it places the narratives found in the manifestos in relation to different right-wing extremist virtual communities.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47832508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10003
Nicolai von Eggers
This article analyses the New Right’s understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames ‘Jacobinism’ as the New Right’s main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls ‘federalism’—a project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. In this article, the author shows how the New Right creates a mythical counter-tradition of federalism. We should understand this as a ‘federalist fascism’: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will supposedly realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.
本文分析了新右派对法国大革命的理解。由于新右派中最杰出的知识分子阿兰·德·贝诺斯特(Alain de Benoist)将“雅各宾主义”定义为新右派的主要敌人，新右派可以被理解为它所理解的雅各宾主义的反传统。德贝诺斯特将雅各宾主义定义为一种通过国家手段使人们在本质上平等和相同的意识形态。与此相反，他提出了他所谓的“联邦制”——一个旨在促进和捍卫种族、文化和其他差异的项目。在这篇文章中，作者展示了新右派如何创造了一个神话般的反联邦主义传统。我们应该将其理解为“联邦主义法西斯主义”:新右翼寻求的不是群众政党和专制的民族国家，而是一个由不同地区民族组成的印欧共同体的神话般的重生，这些民族有望通过由欧洲范围内的联邦制管理的种族净化社会实现其真正的本质。
{"title":"Federalist Fascism","authors":"Nicolai von Eggers","doi":"10.1163/22116257-bja10003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article analyses the New Right’s understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames ‘Jacobinism’ as the New Right’s main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls ‘federalism’—a project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. In this article, the author shows how the New Right creates a mythical counter-tradition of federalism. We should understand this as a ‘federalist fascism’: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will supposedly realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47001660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10039
Liam John Liburd, P. Jackson
The drive to decolonise is of central importance to the study of fascism, which after all was and remains a politics rooted in specific conceptions of colonialism and race. In this article, we have invited both leading academics and early career scholars to reflect on how we might ‘decolonise’ fascist studies. Their comments approach fascism in a range of contexts, and offer reflections on how to frame future research questions, approach methodological issues, and consider how fascism studies might develop a more overt and clear stance on the problems posed by decolonising the subject area more broadly. It is hoped that these commentaries will enrich the field of fascist studies and, in turn, do more to relate it to the work of scholars in other relevant areas of study, particularly those working on critical theories of race and racism. Contributors to this debate are: Leslie James, Raul Carstocea, Daniel Hedinger, Liam J. Liburd, Cathy Bergin, Benjamin Bland, Evan Smith, Jonathan Hyslop, Benjamin Zachariah, and Caroline Campbell.
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Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10005
M. Camilleri
Prior to the Second World War, Malta appeared vulnerable to fascist influence due to the connections between the Italian Fascist regime and Malta’s irredentist political movement, then led by Nerik Mizzi. In part this Fascist influence was present in cultural propaganda promoting irredentist ideas such as the ‘Mare Nostrum’, which Mizzi and his conservative political party, the Partito Nazionalista, helped propagate. However, previously unseen British documents also reveal significant financial support by the Italian government to Mizzi and his political activities. Mizzi never disclosed this, including the financial support he was granted by Mussolini after having met him personally in Rome on 30 November 1936. Mizzi never openly expounded fascist views, although he consistently supported an irredentist vision of Malta and openly campaigned for Malta to fall under Italy’s jurisdiction. Meanwhile, support for domestic fascist organisations was negligible. At the onset of the War, the Imperial Government started to clamp down on the irredentists, eventually exiling Mizzi and most of his collaborators. The author argues that Mizzi’s dalliance with fascism was not just a convenient relationship for a greater cause, but also a direct acceptance of fascist politics given that making Malta part of Italy’s jurisdiction would also have meant accepting fascist rule.
{"title":"A Root Which Never Grew","authors":"M. Camilleri","doi":"10.1163/22116257-bja10005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Prior to the Second World War, Malta appeared vulnerable to fascist influence due to the connections between the Italian Fascist regime and Malta’s irredentist political movement, then led by Nerik Mizzi. In part this Fascist influence was present in cultural propaganda promoting irredentist ideas such as the ‘Mare Nostrum’, which Mizzi and his conservative political party, the Partito Nazionalista, helped propagate. However, previously unseen British documents also reveal significant financial support by the Italian government to Mizzi and his political activities. Mizzi never disclosed this, including the financial support he was granted by Mussolini after having met him personally in Rome on 30 November 1936. Mizzi never openly expounded fascist views, although he consistently supported an irredentist vision of Malta and openly campaigned for Malta to fall under Italy’s jurisdiction. Meanwhile, support for domestic fascist organisations was negligible. At the onset of the War, the Imperial Government started to clamp down on the irredentists, eventually exiling Mizzi and most of his collaborators. The author argues that Mizzi’s dalliance with fascism was not just a convenient relationship for a greater cause, but also a direct acceptance of fascist politics given that making Malta part of Italy’s jurisdiction would also have meant accepting fascist rule.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48016755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1163/22116257-bja10032
A. Hruboň
Despite its official Catholic nature, Jozef Tiso’s Slovak State apparatus adopted not only the teachings of the eugenic movement but also the racial-hygiene ideology of National Socialist Germany, which it gradually implemented into its political culture. This study presents how eugenic and racial-hygiene thinking was introduced into the structures of Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana (HSĽS; Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party), the self-governing party of independent Slovakia during the Second World War, against the backdrop of developmental trends in Europe. What is emphasized here is the gradual formation of the racial paradigm in the spirit of a eugenic and racial-hygiene framework, as well as the formation of a ‘pure Aryan Slovak nation’ cult, physically and mentally contrasting with racially-hygienically ‘unclean and degenerate’ Jews and Roma.
尽管其官方的天主教性质，但Jozef Tiso的斯洛伐克国家机器不仅采用了优生运动的教义，而且还采用了国家社会主义德国的种族卫生意识形态，并逐渐将其纳入其政治文化。本研究展示了优生和种族卫生思想是如何被引入到Hlinkova slovensk ľudová strana (HSĽS;在欧洲发展趋势的背景下，Hlinka的斯洛伐克人民党(Slovak People 's Party)是第二次世界大战期间独立的斯洛伐克的自治政党。这里强调的是在优生学和种族卫生框架的精神下逐渐形成的种族范式，以及“纯粹雅利安斯洛伐克民族”邪教的形成，与种族卫生“不洁和堕落”的犹太人和罗姆人形成鲜明的身心对比。
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Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1163/22116257-10010013
Norman Simms, Thomas Klikauer
{"title":"Niklas Frank, Dunkle Seele, feiges Maul: Wie absurd, komisch und skandalös sich die Deutschen beim Entnazifizieren reinwaschen","authors":"Norman Simms, Thomas Klikauer","doi":"10.1163/22116257-10010013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46375002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1163/22116257-10010004
M. Gardell
Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth.
{"title":"‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction","authors":"M. Gardell","doi":"10.1163/22116257-10010004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns how to be a man or meets her hero, and is introduced to fascist ideology and the art of killing. Fascist literature identifies aggression and ethnical cleansing as altruistic acts of love. With its passionate celebration of violence, fascism hails the productivity of destructivity, and the life-bequeathing aspects of death, which is at the core of fascism’s urge for national rebirth.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49213973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1163/22116257-10010002
Diego Navarro-Bonilla, Jesús Robledano-Arillo
This article analyses the role of ‘Skogler’ (Ángel Cortés Gracia), a photographer who worked for the insurgent Falangist forces in the city of Zaragoza, the capital of Aragón, from the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Skogler’s strong and early ties to the fascist movement, going back years before the war, suggest a special profile of an individual who supported the Falangist party by means of visual propaganda and printed photographs. Most of the photographs selected for study here have never been published before. They were shot in the early days of the military uprising against the Republic and help give us a more accurate understanding of armed fascism in the Aragonese capital, which ultimately fell to the rebels. This paper is part of an ongoing research project and exhibition to analyse and describe the contents and physical characteristics of the Skogler Archive, composed of more than 3,500 negatives recovered in diverse chronological phases.
{"title":"Skogler: Photography at the Service of Falangism (Zaragoza, July 1936)","authors":"Diego Navarro-Bonilla, Jesús Robledano-Arillo","doi":"10.1163/22116257-10010002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyses the role of ‘Skogler’ (Ángel Cortés Gracia), a photographer who worked for the insurgent Falangist forces in the city of Zaragoza, the capital of Aragón, from the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Skogler’s strong and early ties to the fascist movement, going back years before the war, suggest a special profile of an individual who supported the Falangist party by means of visual propaganda and printed photographs. Most of the photographs selected for study here have never been published before. They were shot in the early days of the military uprising against the Republic and help give us a more accurate understanding of armed fascism in the Aragonese capital, which ultimately fell to the rebels. This paper is part of an ongoing research project and exhibition to analyse and describe the contents and physical characteristics of the Skogler Archive, composed of more than 3,500 negatives recovered in diverse chronological phases.","PeriodicalId":42586,"journal":{"name":"Fascism","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46942081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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