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Constituency systems, election proximity, special interests and a free trade agreement: the case of the Trans-Pacific Partnership in Japan 选区制度、选举临近、特殊利益和自由贸易协定:日本的《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》(tpp)
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-04-10 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00463-5
Koichi Kagitani, Kozo Harimaya
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引用次数: 1
The effects of trade deficit on output and employment: evidence from the U.S.’s economy 贸易逆差对产出和就业的影响:来自美国经济的证据
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00464-4
T. Le, W. Baker
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引用次数: 0
Export product diversification and tax performance quality in developing countries 发展中国家出口产品多样化和税收绩效质量
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-03-13 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00462-6
S. Gnangnon
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引用次数: 7
Examining the asymmetric monetary policy response to foreign exchange market conditions in emerging and developing economies 研究新兴和发展中经济体对外汇市场状况的不对称货币政策反应
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-02-19 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00460-8
H. Keefe, Hedieh Shadmani
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引用次数: 3
EU-US trade post-trump perspectives: TTIP aspects related to foreign direct investment and innovation 后特朗普时代的欧盟-美国贸易视角:TTIP方面涉及外国直接投资和创新
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-02-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00459-1
Andre Jungmittag, P. Welfens
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引用次数: 11
Credit market conditions and impact of monetary policy in a developing economy context 信贷市场状况和货币政策在发展中经济体背景下的影响
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-01-21 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00461-7
Rozina Shaheen
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引用次数: 8
Volatility transmission between commodities and Ibovespa in the period 2000–2016: Is there a possibility of diversification? 2000-2016年期间大宗商品与Ibovespa之间的波动传导:是否存在多元化的可能性?
IF 1.7 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-01-06 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-019-00458-x
P. Vartanian
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引用次数: 1
Trump's Trade Policy, BREXIT, Corona Dynamics, EU Crisis and Declining Multilateralism. 特朗普的贸易政策、英国脱欧、科罗纳动态、欧盟危机和多边主义衰落
IF 1.5 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 Epub Date: 2020-08-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00479-x
Paul J J Welfens

Since 1991 there has been a reinforcement of the World Market Economy, not least since China and the, then new Russian Federation have joined the World Trade Organization and because of EU Eastern enlargement and ASEAN integration deepening, while the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations seemed to indicate stronger regional integration dynamics. With the Trump Administration, the situation has changed dramatically as President Trump is supportive of neither multilateralism in general nor of the EU, which is weakened through BREXIT, in particular. Trump's focus on the US merchandise trade balance deficit is ill-placed and import tariffs imposed on China seem to be excessive as the optimum tariff rate is miscalculated on the basis of the traditional formula - while a new adequate formula would include the role of sectoral US outward FDI stocks. Asia, the EU and the US could define fighting the Corona World Recession as a global public good, but the United States is weakened in the corona pandemic crisis; the EU is facing serious problems in avoiding a Euro Crisis 2 problem and the €750 billion EU loan package could undermine the Eurozone's stability while being inadequate to minimize the risk of a Euro Crisis 2. At the same time, the prospects for EU cooperation are declining due to political disappointment concerning the national corona pandemic policy in some member countries. An effective anti-corona pandemic policy would mean to organize a consistent EU-ASEAN cooperation or a G20 cooperation with a later extension to UN Organizations, including the IMF, the World Bank and the WHO. Post-corona, global governance could change strongly because of the long-term political scarring effects of the pandemic shock which could undermine EU and Western stability. Networked international leadership in support of multilateralism is an innovative - but difficult - option for EU-ASEAN-Mercosur.

自1991年以来,世界市场经济得到了加强,尤其是自从中国和当时新成立的俄罗斯联邦加入世界贸易组织以来,以及由于欧盟东扩和东盟一体化的深化,而跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系(TTIP)和跨太平洋伙伴关系(TPP)谈判似乎表明了更强的区域一体化动力。特朗普政府上台后,情况发生了巨大变化,特朗普总统既不支持多边主义,也不支持因英国脱欧而被削弱的欧盟。特朗普对美国商品贸易逆差的关注是不恰当的,对中国征收的进口关税似乎过高,因为根据传统公式错误地计算了最优关税税率——而一个新的适当公式将包括美国部门对外直接投资存量的作用。亚洲、欧盟和美国可以将抗击冠状病毒世界衰退定义为一项全球公益事业,但美国在冠状病毒大流行危机中被削弱了;欧盟在避免第二次欧元危机方面面临着严重的问题,欧盟7500亿欧元的贷款计划可能会破坏欧元区的稳定,同时也不足以将第二次欧元危机的风险降到最低。与此同时,由于一些成员国对国家冠状病毒大流行政策的政治失望,欧盟合作的前景正在下降。有效的抗冠状病毒大流行政策将意味着组织一致的欧盟-东盟合作或20国集团合作,并在以后扩展到联合国组织,包括国际货币基金组织、世界银行和世界卫生组织。冠状病毒后,全球治理可能会发生巨大变化,因为大流行冲击的长期政治疤痕效应可能会破坏欧盟和西方的稳定。对欧盟-东盟-南方共同市场来说,支持多边主义的网络化国际领导力是一个创新但困难的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Regional integration in the EU and ASEAN in the period of declining multilateralism and corona shocks. 多边主义衰落和日冕冲击时期欧盟和东盟的区域一体化
IF 1.5 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 Epub Date: 2020-08-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00480-4
Suthiphand Chirathivat, Natthanan Kunnamas, Paul Jj Welfens
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引用次数: 0
EU-ASEAN relations in the 2020s: pragmatic inter-regionalism? 21世纪20年代的欧盟-东盟关系:务实的跨地区主义?
IF 1.5 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2020-01-01 Epub Date: 2020-06-13 DOI: 10.1007/s10368-020-00474-2
Julie Gilson

The world in the late 1990s and early 2000s witnessed a proliferation of region-to-region institutional frameworks. There was a recognition that scale and leverage could create an advantage for economic relations, that security could benefit from cross-region dialogue and initiatives, and that some of the many global challenges, from global climate change to resource depletion, could be addressed more effectively at regional and even inter-regional levels. The EU-ASEAN dialogue itself presents an important model for inter-regional cooperation at the heart of these tangled institutional webs. This article assesses the ways in which the changing multilateral landscape and intra-regional crises within ASEAN and the EU have altered the relevance of inter-regional dialogue and initiatives.

20世纪90年代末和21世纪初,世界见证了区域间制度框架的激增。人们认识到,规模和影响力可以为经济关系创造优势,安全可以从跨区域对话和倡议中受益,从全球气候变化到资源枯竭等许多全球挑战中的一些可以在区域甚至区域间一级得到更有效的解决。欧盟-东盟对话本身就为这些错综复杂的机构网络的核心提供了一个重要的区域间合作模式。本文评估了东盟和欧盟内部不断变化的多边格局和区域内危机如何改变了区域间对话和倡议的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
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INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS AND ECONOMIC POLICY
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