{"title":"How John Milton Was Lodged in the Curricula of U.S. Colleges after the Civil War","authors":"Dayton Haskin","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"223 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46548503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With regard to ‘Paradise Lost,’” Henry James mused in 1876, “some of the cargo must be thrown overboard to save the ship.”1 The problem for James is not the size, length, or volume of a poem that, as Samuel Johnson groused, “none ever wished . . . longer than it is.”2 It is instead, I will venture, a problem of reading John Milton after Charles Darwin, for whom, in precedent, Milton presented both a problem and a provisional solution. James’s remark was an elaboration upon the French intellectual Edmond Schérer’s estimation that Paradise Lost could be appreciated “only in fragments,” and it was a fragment of Milton’s epic that returned to Darwin as the HMS Beagle “drove before her bows two billows of liquid phosphorous” off the eastern coast of South America: “It is impossible to behold this plain of matter, as it were melted & consuming by heat, without being reminded of Milton’s description “
{"title":"\"Awful Doubt\": Milton and Darwin in the Land of Fire","authors":"Ian Bickford","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0006","url":null,"abstract":"With regard to ‘Paradise Lost,’” Henry James mused in 1876, “some of the cargo must be thrown overboard to save the ship.”1 The problem for James is not the size, length, or volume of a poem that, as Samuel Johnson groused, “none ever wished . . . longer than it is.”2 It is instead, I will venture, a problem of reading John Milton after Charles Darwin, for whom, in precedent, Milton presented both a problem and a provisional solution. James’s remark was an elaboration upon the French intellectual Edmond Schérer’s estimation that Paradise Lost could be appreciated “only in fragments,” and it was a fragment of Milton’s epic that returned to Darwin as the HMS Beagle “drove before her bows two billows of liquid phosphorous” off the eastern coast of South America: “It is impossible to behold this plain of matter, as it were melted & consuming by heat, without being reminded of Milton’s description “","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"103 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41752089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gordon Campbell and Thomas Corns are merely two of the most recent defenders of the idea that “in intellectual terms, Milton is one of the founding fathers of America.”1 Here they are speaking — like George Sensabaugh, Lydia Dittler Schulman, and R. P. Van Anglen before them — of Milton’s obvious influence on the republicanism of such figures as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and John Adams.2 The adjective “intellectual” in their introductory prepositional phrase is crucial, however, for it registers simultaneously the authors’ agreement with what has become a commonplace in writings on John Milton and America, and qualifies the broader implications of the main clause. Campbell and Corns go on, after all, to assert that Milton is not our contemporary: “He was certainly no democrat,” they remind us, nor
{"title":"Temptations in the Wilderness: Freedom and Tyranny in Peter Ackroyd's Milton in America","authors":"G. Semenza","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Gordon Campbell and Thomas Corns are merely two of the most recent defenders of the idea that “in intellectual terms, Milton is one of the founding fathers of America.”1 Here they are speaking — like George Sensabaugh, Lydia Dittler Schulman, and R. P. Van Anglen before them — of Milton’s obvious influence on the republicanism of such figures as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and John Adams.2 The adjective “intellectual” in their introductory prepositional phrase is crucial, however, for it registers simultaneously the authors’ agreement with what has become a commonplace in writings on John Milton and America, and qualifies the broader implications of the main clause. Campbell and Corns go on, after all, to assert that Milton is not our contemporary: “He was certainly no democrat,” they remind us, nor","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"27 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46162656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In There’s No Such Thing as Free Speech . . . and It’s a Good Thing Too (1994), Stanley Fish observes that “the Miltonic corpus, rather than being autonomous, is intertextual, the product of not a single voice but of multiple voices,” and that “we are already blessed (if that is the word) by studies of Milton and Virgil, Milton and Plato, Milton and the pastoral, Milton and warfare, Milton and science, Milton and opera . . . and on and on and on.”1 His argument suggests an exhaustion of Milton studies that many other critics may have felt at that time. Fish’s position in the 1990s was that there were “no new directions in Milton studies.” One underexplored direction, however, is south, for the subject of Milton and South American voices has not been part of the larger conversation. International literary criticism rightly refers to Milton’s presence as a major figure in English, German, and French Romanticism; this point is also true for Brazilian Romanticism, even though the reception of the English poet and his oeuvre in Brazil cannot be considered to be widespread at this time.2 One prominent contributor to Milton’s pan-American reputation is Brazil’s most widely read and studied writer, Joaquim Maria
{"title":"Machado de Assis and Milton: Possible Dialogues","authors":"M. Mansur","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0009","url":null,"abstract":"In There’s No Such Thing as Free Speech . . . and It’s a Good Thing Too (1994), Stanley Fish observes that “the Miltonic corpus, rather than being autonomous, is intertextual, the product of not a single voice but of multiple voices,” and that “we are already blessed (if that is the word) by studies of Milton and Virgil, Milton and Plato, Milton and the pastoral, Milton and warfare, Milton and science, Milton and opera . . . and on and on and on.”1 His argument suggests an exhaustion of Milton studies that many other critics may have felt at that time. Fish’s position in the 1990s was that there were “no new directions in Milton studies.” One underexplored direction, however, is south, for the subject of Milton and South American voices has not been part of the larger conversation. International literary criticism rightly refers to Milton’s presence as a major figure in English, German, and French Romanticism; this point is also true for Brazilian Romanticism, even though the reception of the English poet and his oeuvre in Brazil cannot be considered to be widespread at this time.2 One prominent contributor to Milton’s pan-American reputation is Brazil’s most widely read and studied writer, Joaquim Maria","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"167 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48360641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In “Blueprint for Negro Writing,” twentieth century novelist Richard Wright explains that black writers “must have in their consciousness the foreshortened picture of the whole, nourishing culture from which they were torn in Africa and of the long, complex . . . struggle to regain in some form and under alien conditions of life a whole culture again.”1 His assessment of black writers’ struggles in literary tradition points toward the Middle Passage and its linguistic terrors as a salient feature of African American writing. This assessment also brings John Milton’s Paradise Lost to mind. African American writers invoke Milton’s epic by contributing to a literary blueprint drafted by generations of artists in the black tradition whose writings attest to a cultural project of regaining an African paradise that was plundered by colonialist practices of enslavement. On the basis of their forced migration to the Americas and their colonized status, transplanted African writers and their African American descendants produce writings that mark colonialist civilizations as fallen and separated from God. Select writers in the early African American tradition articulate this Miltonic subtext directly in their works. Alluding
{"title":"Phillis Wheatley and the \"Miracle\" of Miltonic Influence","authors":"Ron Wilburn","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0008","url":null,"abstract":"In “Blueprint for Negro Writing,” twentieth century novelist Richard Wright explains that black writers “must have in their consciousness the foreshortened picture of the whole, nourishing culture from which they were torn in Africa and of the long, complex . . . struggle to regain in some form and under alien conditions of life a whole culture again.”1 His assessment of black writers’ struggles in literary tradition points toward the Middle Passage and its linguistic terrors as a salient feature of African American writing. This assessment also brings John Milton’s Paradise Lost to mind. African American writers invoke Milton’s epic by contributing to a literary blueprint drafted by generations of artists in the black tradition whose writings attest to a cultural project of regaining an African paradise that was plundered by colonialist practices of enslavement. On the basis of their forced migration to the Americas and their colonized status, transplanted African writers and their African American descendants produce writings that mark colonialist civilizations as fallen and separated from God. Select writers in the early African American tradition articulate this Miltonic subtext directly in their works. Alluding","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"145 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49406659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In an investigation of the nineteenth century appropriation of Shakespeare for the causes and values of U.S. nationhood, including its staunch anti-Englishness, Kim Sturgess points out that the English playwright’s works “were embraced by citizens throughout the United States and the stories contained within the plays are today accepted as part of American cultural heritage.”1 A few years later, Nigel Smith made a shrewd and controversial case for Milton speaking through his polemical and visionary writings, more powerfully than even Shakespeare to “Anglo-Americans” across the political and cultural spectrum about the terms of liberty.2 The present collection of original essays takes up this argument and explores it further in the new terrains mapped by critics from across the Americas. But Milton in the Americas also includes a number of the essays that could be designated as revisionist insofar as they register what some of Milton’s readers see as the English poet-polemicist’s un-Americanness.
{"title":"Introduction: Milton's Pan-American Life and Afterlife","authors":"Elizabeth Sauer, Angelica Duran","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0000","url":null,"abstract":"In an investigation of the nineteenth century appropriation of Shakespeare for the causes and values of U.S. nationhood, including its staunch anti-Englishness, Kim Sturgess points out that the English playwright’s works “were embraced by citizens throughout the United States and the stories contained within the plays are today accepted as part of American cultural heritage.”1 A few years later, Nigel Smith made a shrewd and controversial case for Milton speaking through his polemical and visionary writings, more powerfully than even Shakespeare to “Anglo-Americans” across the political and cultural spectrum about the terms of liberty.2 The present collection of original essays takes up this argument and explores it further in the new terrains mapped by critics from across the Americas. But Milton in the Americas also includes a number of the essays that could be designated as revisionist insofar as they register what some of Milton’s readers see as the English poet-polemicist’s un-Americanness.","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"vii - xvii"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46531866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tzvetan Todorov applied the descriptors “astonishing,” “intense,” “extreme,” and “exemplary” to characterize early modern Europeans’ first reported encounters with the alterity of the Americas and the indigenous peoples. Over the centuries Europeans demonstrated an awareness of Africa, India, and China; “some memory of these places was always there already — from the beginning,” Todorov confirms.1 As for the Americas, given the belated public record of a European contact, this alien, captivating place still required comprehension and possession. Literary works enabled and instantiated some of these efforts — intellectual and territorial. “Of late / Columbus found the American,” Milton declares in recounting the immediate aftermath of human disobedience in Paradise Lost.2 Two books later, in a long, globeconsuming epic catalog (PL 11.383–411), Milton’s prophetic narrator, Michael, directs Adam’s gaze slowly westward, while
{"title":"Milton and the \"Savage Deserts of America\"","authors":"Elizabeth Sauer","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Tzvetan Todorov applied the descriptors “astonishing,” “intense,” “extreme,” and “exemplary” to characterize early modern Europeans’ first reported encounters with the alterity of the Americas and the indigenous peoples. Over the centuries Europeans demonstrated an awareness of Africa, India, and China; “some memory of these places was always there already — from the beginning,” Todorov confirms.1 As for the Americas, given the belated public record of a European contact, this alien, captivating place still required comprehension and possession. Literary works enabled and instantiated some of these efforts — intellectual and territorial. “Of late / Columbus found the American,” Milton declares in recounting the immediate aftermath of human disobedience in Paradise Lost.2 Two books later, in a long, globeconsuming epic catalog (PL 11.383–411), Milton’s prophetic narrator, Michael, directs Adam’s gaze slowly westward, while","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"26 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47797418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1905, five years before the onset of the Mexican Revolution (ca. 1910–20), the Chilean historian and bibliographer José Toribio Medina Zavala published his Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en México (A history of the tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Mexico), which he dedicated to the Mexican president Porfirio Díaz as a token of friendship and admiration.1 Medina devotes an entire chapter of his lengthy account of the life and deeds of this American branch of the Spanish Inquisition to the matter of prohibited books. In chapter 23, the historian relates how, given an evident growth in (illegal) book commerce between the Iberian Peninsula and the Viceroyalty of New Spain, and Mexico in particular, the Inquisition eventually found itself struggling to exert efficient control over the overseas book trade.2 The situation became so troublesome in the second half of the eighteenth century that, according to Medina, “los Inquisidores no lograban echar mano á ninguno que tuviese los libros que diariamente iban anatemizando” (Inquisitors did not manage to lay their hands on those who possessed the books that they anathemized on a daily basis).3
1905年，墨西哥革命爆发前五年（约1910-20年），智利历史学家和目录学家JoséToribio Medina Zavala出版了他的《墨西哥宗教裁判所圣法庭历史》（Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en México），麦地那将其献给墨西哥总统波菲里奥·迪亚斯，以示友谊和钦佩。在第23章中，历史学家讲述了鉴于伊比利亚半岛与新西班牙总督府，特别是墨西哥之间（非法）图书贸易的明显增长，宗教裁判所最终发现自己难以有效控制海外图书贸易，“检察官们没有日志记录”（检察官们没能找到那些拥有他们每天都要解剖的书籍的人）。3
{"title":"Milton in Revolutionary Hispanoamerica","authors":"Mario Murgia","doi":"10.1353/MLT.2017.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/MLT.2017.0011","url":null,"abstract":"In 1905, five years before the onset of the Mexican Revolution (ca. 1910–20), the Chilean historian and bibliographer José Toribio Medina Zavala published his Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en México (A history of the tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Mexico), which he dedicated to the Mexican president Porfirio Díaz as a token of friendship and admiration.1 Medina devotes an entire chapter of his lengthy account of the life and deeds of this American branch of the Spanish Inquisition to the matter of prohibited books. In chapter 23, the historian relates how, given an evident growth in (illegal) book commerce between the Iberian Peninsula and the Viceroyalty of New Spain, and Mexico in particular, the Inquisition eventually found itself struggling to exert efficient control over the overseas book trade.2 The situation became so troublesome in the second half of the eighteenth century that, according to Medina, “los Inquisidores no lograban echar mano á ninguno que tuviese los libros que diariamente iban anatemizando” (Inquisitors did not manage to lay their hands on those who possessed the books that they anathemized on a daily basis).3","PeriodicalId":42710,"journal":{"name":"Milton Studies","volume":"58 1","pages":"203 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/MLT.2017.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49309228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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