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Editorial: Investment Protection in an Integrated Europe – The Non-Enforcement of Intra-EU Investment Arbitration Awards as the Ultimate Test Case for Strasbourg’s Deference Doctrines 社论:一体化欧洲的投资保护--不执行欧盟内部投资仲裁裁决是斯特拉斯堡尊重原则的终极测试案例
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2024001
J. Fahner
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引用次数: 0
The EU’s Anti-coercion Instrument: A Return of Unlawful Unilateral Trade Countermeasures in Disguise? 欧盟的反胁迫文书:非法单边贸易反措施的变相回归?
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2024003
Kornel Olsthoorn
The European Union (EU) adopted an Anti-Coercion Instrument (ACI) to counter economic coercion and weaponization of economic dependencies. This article analyses the potential application and interaction of the EU’s ACI with the World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) legal framework. In particular, the article examines the EU’s claim that the ACI is solely governed by general customary law, justifying countermeasures in response to unlawful economic coercion. A closer look reveals the legal complexities and challenges associated with implementing the ACI within the broader context of the WTO. Actions taken under the ACI that seek redress for WTO law violations could potentially be in violation of the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). Additionally, justifying a violation of WTO law based on the enforcement of general customary law on countermeasures is unlikely to be accepted. While it is difficult to evaluate the ACI’s application in theory, the article also questions the validity of public morals and national security as justifications for response measures under the ACI. The outcome of potential WTO litigation pertaining to the ACI is difficult to address in the abstract, yet future cases hold the potential to provide further clarity on the interplay between the WTO regime and general international law.Anti-Coercion Instrument, Open Strategic Autonomy, Economic Coercion, Countermeasures, WTO Dispute Settlement Mechanism
欧洲联盟(欧盟)通过了《反胁迫文书》(ACI),以打击经济胁迫和经济依赖武器化。本文分析了欧盟《反胁迫文书》与世界贸易组织 (WTO) 法律框架之间的潜在应用和互动关系。本文特别探讨了欧盟的主张,即《反倾销协定》只受一般习惯法的管辖,因此有理由对非法经济胁迫采取反措施。仔细研究后会发现,在更广泛的世贸组织背景下实施《反倾销协定》在法律上的复杂性和挑战。根据《反倾销倡议》采取的行动,如果是为了纠正违反世贸组织法律的行为,就有可能违反世贸组织的《争端解决谅解书》(DSU)。此外,以执行有关反措施的一般习惯法为由来证明违反世贸组织法律是合理的,这种做法不太可能被接受。虽然在理论上很难评价《反倾销协定》的适用性,但文章也对公共道德和国家安全作为《反倾销协定》下应对措施的正当性提出了质疑。与反胁迫文书有关的潜在世贸组织诉讼的结果很难抽象地加以论述,但未来的案例有可能进一步澄清世贸组织制度与一般国际法之间的相互作用。 反胁迫文书、开放战略自主权、经济胁迫、反措施、世贸组织争端解决机制
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引用次数: 0
Why Do (High-Income) Countries Wish to Green Their Trade Agreements? 为什么(高收入)国家希望绿化其贸易协定?
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2024004
Tamara Grigoras
In recent years, many states have undertaken to green their free trade agreements (FTA). As the pace of this evolution towards greener trade relations continues to accelerate, it has also been met with resistance. The inclusion of environmental commitments in FTAs has sometimes been dismissed as an attempt by high-income countries to level the playing field for their market actors by raising environmental standards abroad. Against this background, this article aims to investigate what underlying motive(s) (high-income) states pursue when they negotiate environmental provisions. Using the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) as a case study, it is argued that it is possible to rely on the legalization of these commitments to unravel treaty parties’ motives for negotiating such rules in the first place. In the case of the USMCA, it is found that the agreement’s environmental commitments could be interpreted as mirroring concern either for the environment or for unfair foreign competition. A closer look at the negotiation process leading to the adoption of the agreement suggests that it was mainly – although certainly not exclusively – out of environmental concerns that stringent environmental commitments were included in the USMCA.free trade agreements, US trade relations, economic integration, United States-Mexico- Canada Agreement, asymmetries of power, negotiation of treaties, environmental provisions, green protectionism, trade and sustainable development, legalization of international commitments
近年来,许多国家已着手绿化其自由贸易协定(FTA)。随着向绿色贸易关系演变的步伐不断加快,这种演变也遇到了阻力。将环境承诺纳入自由贸易协定有时被认为是高收入国家试图通过提高国外的环境标准来为其市场参与者创造公平的竞争环境。在此背景下,本文旨在研究(高收入)国家在谈判环境条款时所追求的根本动机。本文以《美国-墨西哥-加拿大协定》(USMCA)为案例,认为可以依靠这些承诺的法律化来揭示条约缔约方首先谈判此类规则的动机。就《美国与墨西哥关于建立更紧密经贸关系的协定》而言,该协定的环境承诺可被解释为反映了对环境或外国不公平竞争的担忧。对导致该协定通过的谈判过程的深入研究表明,将严格的环境承诺纳入《美国墨西哥加拿大协定》主要是出于对环境的担忧,当然也不完全是出于这种担忧。自由贸易协定、美国贸易关系、经济一体化、美国墨西哥加拿大协定、权力不对称、条约谈判、环境条款、绿色保护主义、贸易与可持续发展、国际承诺的合法化
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引用次数: 0
The EU’s Strategy for More ‘Rules-Based Trade’ and the EU’s Withdrawal from the Energy Charter Treaty 欧盟的“基于规则的贸易”战略和欧盟退出《能源宪章条约》
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2023006
L. Ankersmit
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引用次数: 0
The ESM Reform and Its Missing Legitimacy in Non-Euro Area Member States 非欧元区成员国的ESM改革及其合法性缺失
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2023009
O. Žáček
The goal of this article is to analyse whether the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and its current reform have been subjected to sufficient legal and democratic approval in non-euro area Member States. It is argued that the establishment of the ESM and the consequential obligation to accede to it after entering the euro area is at least to a certain extent legally and democratically underpinned by Article 136(3) Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The establishment of the prospective euro area entrants’ obligation to join the ESM after adopting the euro is a manifestation of the normative value of Article 136(3) TFEU. However, the 2021 ESM reform has not been accompanied by a similar Treaty amendment and thus lacks legal and democratic legitimacy in non-euro area countries. This may have legal and political consequences for the obligation to adopt the euro in the affected countries.ESM, European Stability Mechanism Reform, ESM Treaty, Economic and Monetary Union, euro adoption, euro area entry criteria, Article 136 TFEU, democratic legitimacy
本文的目的是分析欧洲稳定机制(ESM)及其目前的改革是否在非欧元区成员国获得了足够的法律和民主批准。本文认为,欧洲稳定机制的建立以及在加入欧元区后加入该机制的相应义务,至少在一定程度上得到了《欧盟运作条约》(TFEU)第136(3)条的法律和民主支持。确立未来欧元区加入国在采用欧元后加入ESM的义务,是TFEU第136(3)条规范价值的体现。然而,2021年的ESM改革并没有伴随着类似的条约修正案,因此在非欧元区国家缺乏法律和民主合法性。这可能会对受影响国家采用欧元的义务产生法律和政治后果。欧洲稳定机制,欧洲稳定机制改革,欧洲稳定机制条约,经济和货币联盟,采用欧元,欧元区加入标准,第136条TFEU,民主合法性
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引用次数: 0
Writing for ‘Brexiternity’? Reflections on Legal Scholarship on a Moving Target 为“脱欧主义”写作?对移动目标下的法学研究的思考
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2023008
J. Larik
The United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union was supposed to be definitively settled several times during the past decade – yet it was not. The 2016 referendum brought about a surge in interest in legal questions, especially of EU law and international economic law. This presented scholars with a questionable gift: on the one hand, countless new opportunities for research, publications, and public visibility; on the other, the curse of chasing a rapidly and at times erratically moving target. Therefore, this essay reflects on the continued relevance of Brexit scholarship and different strategies for extending its shelf-life. It argues that the relevance of this scholarship may indeed extend into the future when foresighted and innovative approaches are being put forward. Looking ahead, the essay observes that the Windsor Framework to overhaul the Northern Ireland Protocol likely marks the end point of the frenzied and fraught EU-UK relationship between 2016 and 2023. The essay concludes that, while disagreements will continue, the EU-UK relationship as a topic is entering a period of normalization. Rigorous legal and innovative interdisciplinary scholarship will remain necessary both to develop EU-UK relations as a sub-topic of its own and to embed it into wider discourses of EU and international law.Brexit, EU–UK Relations, Legal Scholarship, Northern Ireland, Trade and Cooperation Agreement, Withdrawal Agreement
在过去的十年中,英国与欧盟的关系曾多次被认为得到了明确的解决,但事实并非如此。2016年的公投引发了人们对法律问题的兴趣激增,尤其是欧盟法和国际经济法。这给学者们带来了一个可疑的礼物:一方面,无数的研究、出版和公众知名度的新机会;另一方面,追逐一个快速且有时不稳定移动的目标的诅咒。因此,本文反映了英国脱欧奖学金的持续相关性和延长其保质期的不同策略。它认为,当有远见和创新的方法被提出时,这种学术的相关性可能确实会延伸到未来。展望未来,这篇文章指出,修订《北爱尔兰议定书》的温莎框架可能标志着2016年至2023年间疯狂而令人担忧的欧盟与英国关系的终结。这篇文章的结论是,尽管分歧将继续存在,但欧盟与英国的关系作为一个主题正在进入正常化时期。严格的法律和创新的跨学科学术研究,对于将欧英关系发展为一个独立的子主题,并将其嵌入更广泛的欧盟和国际法话语,仍将是必要的。英国脱欧,欧盟与英国关系,法律奖学金,北爱尔兰,贸易与合作协议,脱欧协议
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引用次数: 1
The Application of Regulation 452/2019 in Response to Chinese Foreign Direct Investment 《关于应对中国外商直接投资的第452/2019号条例
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2023007
Wouter van Zon
The Regulation establishing a framework for screening of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) into the European Union (EU) represents a new chapter for the EU’s foreign policy. FDI is a divisive topic within the EU, particularly FDI originating from China. This article seeks to add to the existing literature by assessing the effectiveness of the Screening Regulation towards this Chinese FDI. This assessment shall elucidate the interplay of this Regulation with the internal market, the free movement of capital, freedom of establishment, and the duty of sincere cooperation in response to Chinese FDI. Whilst the Regulation has proven its effectiveness, several deficiencies still exist, brought to light by recent developments such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). By framing this article against the backdrop of the golden shares case law, these deficiencies are highlighted and addressed. Allowing EU Member States (MS) to safeguard their public order and security considerations in screening through national measures would allow for a better control over their markets in conjunction with the Regulation, although further development is needed.Foreign direct investment, Chinese State-Owned Enterprises, Chinese economic statecraft, European External Trade Policy, EU trade policy, EU foreign policy, Bilateral Investment Treaties (BIT), Freedom of establishment, Free movement of capital, Golden shares
该条例建立了对进入欧盟的外国直接投资(FDI)进行筛选的框架,代表了欧盟外交政策的新篇章。外国直接投资在欧盟内部是一个存在分歧的话题,尤其是来自中国的外国直接投资。本文试图通过评估审查规定对中国外国直接投资的有效性来补充现有文献。该评估应阐明本条例与内部市场、资本自由流动、设立自由以及应对中国FDI的真诚合作义务的相互作用。虽然《条例》已经证明了其有效性,但最近的事态发展,如COVID-19大流行和“一带一路”倡议,暴露了一些不足之处。通过将本文置于黄金股判例法的背景下,突出并解决了这些缺陷。允许欧盟成员国通过国家措施来维护其公共秩序和安全考虑因素,将有助于与该规例一起更好地控制其市场,尽管需要进一步发展。外国直接投资,中国国有企业,中国经济治国之道,欧洲对外贸易政策,欧盟贸易政策,欧盟外交政策,双边投资协定(BIT),设立自由,资本自由流动,黄金股
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引用次数: 0
Do Revisions to the Harmonized System Lead to Distortions in Rules of Origin? A Case Study of India’s Selected Free Trade Agreements 协调制度的修订会导致原产地规则的扭曲吗?印度自由贸易协定选择案例研究
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2023010
R. Cornejo, Surendar Singh, Jeremy T. Harris
Revision in Harmonized System (HS) and its impact of rules of origin (RoO) are matters of immense importance in international trade policy discourse due to its far reaching economic and trade implications. In this article, we analyse the impact of HS amendments on RoO, based on the change in tariff classification (CTC) by examining India’s trade agreements with South Korea and Japan. Findings of the article show that the revision in HS impacts 42% of subheadings with CTC rules in case of India- South Korea Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) and 28% in case of India- Japan CEPA, thereby potentially affecting up to 48% and 16% share of their total trade, respectively.Harmonized System, Rules of Origin, Trade Policy, Free Trade Agreements, WCO
协调制度(HS)的修订及其对原产地规则(RoO)的影响,由于其深远的经济和贸易影响,在国际贸易政策讨论中具有极其重要的意义。在本文中,我们通过分析印度与韩国和日本的贸易协定,分析了基于关税分类(CTC)变化的HS修正案对RoO的影响。文章的研究结果显示,在印度-韩国全面经济伙伴关系协定(CEPA)的情况下,HS的修订影响了42%的CTC规则小标题,在印度-日本CEPA的情况下影响了28%,从而可能分别影响其贸易总额的48%和16%。协调制度,原产地规则,贸易政策,自由贸易协定,世界海关组织
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引用次数: 0
Turkey–Pharmaceuticals: The First WTO Arbitration for Appellate Review 土耳其制药:第一个WTO上诉复审仲裁
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2022020
Julia Ya Qin
On 25 July 2022, the World Trade Organization (WTO) issued an arbitration award under Article 25 of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) on the appeal from the Panel Report in Turkey–Pharmaceuticals. This is the first use of the DSU Article 25 arbitration proceedings for the review of a WTO panel decision. As such, the case is highly significant in that it demonstrates how this alternative dispute settlement method can be successfully utilized to fulfil the function of appellate review after the Appellate Body (AB) became paralysed. Moreover, this innovative use of Article 25 arbitration may suggest a long-term solution in the reform of WTO dispute settlement. With respect to substantive legal issues, this case is also noteworthy, for it dealt with the question of public health and WTO law, a particularly sensitive topic in the post-pandemic era. This essay provides a critical review of the findings of the Panel and the Arbitrators on the substantive issues, while appraising the systemic significance of this first appeal arbitration.WTO Dispute Settlement, DSU Article 25 Arbitration, WTO Reform, Appellate Review, GATT Article XX(b), public health, localization measure
2022年7月25日,世界贸易组织(WTO)根据《争端解决谅解》(DSU)第25条,就专家组报告在土耳其制药一案中的上诉作出仲裁裁决。这是第一次使用DSU第25条仲裁程序来复审WTO专家组的决定。因此,该案件非常重要,因为它表明在上诉机构瘫痪后,如何能够成功地利用这种替代性争端解决方法来履行上诉审查的职能。此外,这种对第25条仲裁的创新使用可能为世贸组织争端解决改革提供长期解决方案。关于实质性法律问题,这一案件也值得注意,因为它涉及公共卫生和世贸组织法律问题,这是大流行病后时代一个特别敏感的问题。本文对专家组和仲裁员在实质性问题上的调查结果进行了批判性回顾,同时评估了首次上诉仲裁的系统意义。WTO争端解决、DSU第25条仲裁、WTO改革、上诉审查、GATT第20 (b)条、公共卫生、本地化措施
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引用次数: 0
The Time Factor in the MFN Obligation in Services Trade: Will the Lion Ever Roar? 服务贸易最惠国义务中的时间因素:狮子还会咆哮吗?
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.54648/leie2022017
Rudolf Adlung, Bregt Natens
Trade disciplines under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) apply to the treatment of products (i.e., services) and to that of producers (i.e., service suppliers). Unlike rules on merchandise trade, the GATS thus covers the conditions governing a producer’s commercial establishment and, hence, its competitive position. That raises the question whether Members are free to modify these conditions over time or, instead, whether they are required under the GATS Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) obligation to provide newly arriving producers with the most attractive conditions they accorded in the past. In the latter case, Members might shy away from launching trade-promoting initiatives beyond their existing GATS commitments, which have remained quite modest overall. As a way forward, Members could consider an informal understanding, possibly inspired by recent regional trade agreements (RTAs), to clarify the application of the GATS MFN obligation over time.services, trade in services, GATS, RTAs, most-favoured nation, MFN, discrimination, time factor, temporal effect
《服务贸易总协定》(GATS)下的贸易纪律适用于产品(即服务)和生产者(即服务提供者)的待遇。因此,与商品贸易规则不同,《服务贸易总协定》涵盖了管理生产商商业机构的条件,从而影响其竞争地位。这就提出了一个问题,即成员是否可以随时间自由修改这些条件,或者,根据《服务贸易总协定》最惠国义务,他们是否需要向新到达的生产者提供他们过去给予的最具吸引力的条件。在后一种情况下,成员可能会回避在其现有的服务贸易总协定承诺之外发起促进贸易的倡议,这些承诺总体上仍然相当有限。作为前进的道路,各成员可以考虑一项非正式谅解,可能受到最近的区域贸易协定的启发,以澄清在一段时间内服务贸易总协定最惠国义务的适用。服务,服务贸易,服务贸易总协定,区域贸易协定,最惠国待遇,最惠国待遇,歧视,时间因素,时间效应
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引用次数: 0
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Legal Issues of Economic Integration
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