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Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte im Kontext Europas, written by Peter Landau, 2016
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P11
Stephan Dusil
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引用次数: 0
Literatura jurídica y censura. Fortuna de Vinnius en España, written by Laura Beck Varela, 2013 法律文献和审查制度。《Vinnius在西班牙的财富》,劳拉·贝克·瓦雷拉著,2013年
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P12
J. Hallebeek
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引用次数: 0
Thomas Craig on the origin and development of feudal law 托马斯·克雷格论封建法的起源和发展
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P04
Leslie Dodd
When Thomas Craig (c.1538-1608) wrote his great treatise on Scottish feudal practice, the Jus feudale, he devoted a considerable part of the first book to legal origins. This article deals with Craig’s treatment narrative on the origins of feudal law and tenure in the fourth and fifth titles of the first book. By close examination of the text, the detailed formulation of Craig’s argumentation and technique is uncovered as well as the myriad classical, mediaeval and humanist sources upon which his literary project was based. In this way, the deep relationship between Craig – and by extension Scots law – and the historico-legal product of the French legal humanists is explored.
当托马斯•克雷格(Thomas Craig, 1538-1608年)撰写他关于苏格兰封建制度的巨著《封建法》(Jus feudale)时,他在第一本书中用了相当大的篇幅来讨论法律渊源。本文涉及克雷格在第一本书的第四和第五标题中对封建法律和权属起源的处理叙述。通过对文本的仔细研究,克雷格的论证和技巧的详细表述,以及他的文学项目所依据的无数古典、中世纪和人文主义来源,都被揭示出来。通过这种方式,我们探索了克雷格——以及苏格兰法律——与法国法律人文主义者的历史法律产物之间的深刻关系。
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引用次数: 0
Le tribunal de l’officialité de Tournai et les comptes du scelleu, Introduction, édition et traduction française, written by Monique Vleeschouwers-Van Melkebeek, 2016 Le tribunal de l ' officialite de Tournai et les comptes du scelleu,介绍,编辑和法语翻译,由Monique vleeschouvers - van Melkebeek撰写,2016
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P10
Stephan Dusil
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引用次数: 0
Wat is recht? De receptie van Oudfries recht in de Groninger Ommelanden in de 15e en 16e eeuw, written by Henk D. Meijering en Han Nijdam, 2018 什么是权利?由Henk D. Meijering和Han Nijdam撰写的《15、16世纪格罗宁格Ommelanden的乌德弗里斯兰法招待会》,2018年
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P09
B. V. Dijk
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引用次数: 0
Procesgids. Hof van Utrecht. Hoofdlijnen van het procederen in civiele zaken, written by J.M. Milo & E.G.D. van Dongen, 2018) Procesgids。乌得勒支。j.m. Milo & e.g.d. van Dongen, 2018)
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P13
J. Hallebeek
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引用次数: 0
The legal foundations of post-mortem examinations in early modern Flanders. Princely legislation, custom, doctrine and judicial practice 近代早期法兰德斯验尸的法律基础。君主立法、习俗、学说和司法实践
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P05
Kevin Dekoster
Because of its manifold references to the consultation of medical experts in homicide and infanticide cases, the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V (1532) is often regarded as an important milestone in the development of early modern forensic medicine. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the County of Flanders, a principality within the Habsburg Netherlands, witnessed a similar upsurge in the production of normative and doctrinal texts aiming to regulate forensic activities. Drawing on princely legislation, local customary law and the writings of the jurists Filips Wielant and Joos de Damhouder, this contribution will compare the corpus of Flemish legal texts with its practical application by the myriad of law courts operating within the county. As the princely legislation only laid out a general framework, the regulation of the forensic post-mortem was essentially an issue of local governance. The local nature of forensic practices should however not be overestimated. Evidence from preserved post-mortem reports demonstrates that there were more similarities between towns and regions within the county than actual differences.
神圣罗马帝国皇帝查理五世(1532年)的《卡罗莱纳犯罪法》(Constitutio Criminalis Carolina)在杀人案和杀婴案中多次引用医学专家的意见,因此常被视为早期现代法医学发展的一个重要里程碑。在16世纪和17世纪,佛兰德斯郡,哈布斯堡荷兰的一个公国,见证了旨在规范法医活动的规范性和教义文本生产的类似热潮。借鉴王公立法、地方习惯法和法学家菲利浦·威朗(Filips Wielant)和乔斯·德·达姆霍德(Joos de Damhouder)的著作,本书将比较佛兰德法律文本的语料库及其在该县内无数法院的实际应用。由于王公立法只是制定了一个总体框架,法医验尸的监管本质上是一个地方治理的问题。然而,不应过高估计法医做法的地方性。保存下来的验尸报告的证据表明,县内城镇和地区之间的相似之处多于实际差异。
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引用次数: 0
The emperor of law, The emergence of Roman imperial adjudication, written by K. Tuori, 2016 《法律的皇帝》,罗马帝国审判的出现,K. Tuori著,2016
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-18 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P08
A. Sirks
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引用次数: 0
Residual value and assessement of damages under the lex Aquilia 《海底法》规定的残值和损害评估
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08712P01
H. Dondorp
Nowadays it is generally held, that the owner who brought an actio legis Aquiliae usually claimed no more than his loss, perhaps already in Ulpian’s time, for certain in Justinian’s. For the sum of condemnation based upon the estimation-clauses of the lex Aquilia would only then exceed his damages, if either the injured object’s value had decreased in the last year or 30 days (Inst. 4,3,9) or the wrongdoer had denied having caused the damage (C. 3,35,4). There is, however, a third reason, which the Roman texts fail to mention: a possible residual value of killed lifestock, wounded slaves, and damaged objects, which benefitted the owner. Only a few later jurists took this into account: in medieval times Jacques de Révigny and Pierre Jacobi, Johann Oldendorp in the Early Modern era. The notion prevailed that the lex Aquilia obliged to pay at least the object’s full value.
现在一般认为,提起阿基里亚法律诉讼的船主,通常只要求赔偿他的损失,这也许早在乌尔比安时代就有了,在查士丁尼时代就有了。因为,只有在受害物体的价值在过去一年或30天内有所下降(第4、3、9条),或者违法者否认造成了损害(第3、35、4条)的情况下,根据《海上法》估计条款所定的定罪总额才会超过他的损害赔偿。然而,还有第三个原因,罗马文本没有提到:被杀死的牲畜、受伤的奴隶和损坏的物品可能有剩余价值,这使主人受益。只有少数后来的法学家考虑到了这一点:中世纪的雅克·德·雷姆萨尼和皮埃尔·雅可比,近代早期的约翰·奥尔登多普。当时盛行的观念是,《阿奎里亚法》至少有义务支付物品的全部价值。
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引用次数: 0
Local traditions v. academic law: collateral rights on movables in Holland (c. 1300-c. 1700) 地方传统与学术法:荷兰动产的附随权(约1300-c)1700)
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-12-14 DOI: 10.1163/15718190-08634P04
D. D. Ruysscher, Ilya A. Kotlyar
In the County of Holland, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the rules regarding security interests in movables changed fundamentally. Rules of doctrine came to be combined with rules found in local law, that is the bylaws of cities and regions. This went together with the re-interpreting of fragments of older bylaws. In 1631 Grotius’ Inleidinghe categorized the lien of the unpaid seller after delivery of the merchandise sold as entailing a reivindicatio. This new rule was adopted in cities in Holland, even though it ran counter the earlier approach that third-party effects of sales in this regard were very limited. Also, the new line of thought that holders with a legitimate title did not respond to pledgees pushed out older conceptions on tracing for some special pledges. In their legal writings Dutch authors after Grotius attempted to construe consistent solutions; in the legislative practice of cities, older rules could be preferred over new ones. Bylaws of cities, to which authors of Roman-Dutch doctrine referred as well, stipulated limits on tracing by unpaid sellers. All the mentioned developments were not determined by changes in the market, even though they could be incited by them. Legal change in Holland, even in the Golden Age of the seventeenth century, was due more to the embracing of academic ideas than to responsiveness to economic conditions.
在荷兰郡,在16和17世纪关于动产担保权益的规则发生了根本性的变化。学说的规则与地方法律的规则相结合,也就是城市和地区的规章制度。这与重新解释旧章程的片段是一起进行的。1631年,格劳秀斯的《法典》将未付款的卖方在交付商品后的留置权归类为需要重新购买。荷兰的城市采用了这一新规则,尽管它与之前的做法背道而驰,即在这方面第三方销售的影响非常有限。此外,拥有合法所有权的人对质权人没有反应的新思路,推翻了对某些特殊质押的追索的旧观念。在他们的法律著作中,格劳秀斯之后的荷兰作家试图解释一致的解决方案;在城市的立法实践中,旧的规则可能比新的更受欢迎。罗马-荷兰学说的作者也参考了城市的章程,其中规定了对未付款卖家追踪的限制。所有这些发展都不是由市场的变化决定的,尽管它们可能受到市场变化的煽动。即使在17世纪的黄金时代,荷兰的法律变革也更多地是由于对学术思想的接受,而不是对经济状况的反应。
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引用次数: 0
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Tijdschrift Voor Rechtsgeschiedenis-Revue D Histoire Du Droit-The Legal History Review
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