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The Production of ‘Socialist Civilized’ Urban Space in the Kim Jong-un Era: Lefebvre’s Space Production Theory 金正恩时代“社会主义文明”城市空间的生产——列斐伏尔的空间生产理论
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.9
Sujin Lim
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引用次数: 0
Science of the Twilight Empire: British Atomic Diplomacy in the Era of Decolonization 暮光帝国的科学:非殖民化时代的英国原子外交
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2206741
Tomotsugu Shinsuke
This article discusses the British version of the Atoms for Peace campaign between the mid-1950s and the mid-1960s that aimed at maintaining, reorganizing, or strengthening its ties with countries in the traditional Briton sphere of influence as a scientific diplomacy tool for enhancing its soft power. The Conference of Commonwealth Atomic Scientists and the Harwell Reactor School were consistent with this objective. Notably, the United Kingdom prioritized its geopolitical interests in its Atoms for Peace overseas campaign. Desiring to maintain the British influence in the vast region from Ankara to Karachi, the United Kingdom also founded the regional nuclear center attached to the Baghdad Pact (or CENTO in later years). For creating an attractive magnetic force attached to Britain throughout the Middle East, the UK considered a regional nuclear center necessary to demonstrate the power of science and technology in practice.
本文讨论了20世纪50年代中期至60年代中期的英国版“原子能促进和平”运动,旨在维持、重组或加强其与传统英国势力范围内国家的关系,作为增强其软实力的科学外交工具。英联邦原子科学家会议和哈维尔反应堆学校符合这一目标。值得注意的是,联合王国在其“原子能促进和平”海外活动中优先考虑了其地缘政治利益。为了保持英国在从安卡拉到卡拉奇的广大地区的影响力,英国还建立了附属于《巴格达公约》的地区核中心(或后来的CENTO)。为了在整个中东地区为英国创造一种有吸引力的磁力,英国认为有必要建立一个区域核中心,以在实践中展示科学技术的力量。
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引用次数: 0
No Space to be Complacent: Three Whys and Three Musts 没有自满的空间:三个为什么和三个必须
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2193098
Fujisaki Ichiro
We recently see more and more news about space. While participation by private companies is certainly welcome, space exploration and development, in principle, has been and will have to remain a national project. Huge amounts of resources, human as well as financial, are required. The author declares that Japan must engage in space exploration now and provides three reasons and three responsibilities that Japan should take on in participating in international space projects.
我们最近看到越来越多关于太空的新闻。虽然私营公司的参与当然是受欢迎的,但太空探索和开发原则上一直是并将继续是一个国家项目。需要大量的人力和财力资源。作者宣布,日本现在必须从事太空探索,并提出了日本在参与国际太空项目时应承担的三个理由和三项责任。
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引用次数: 0
US Politics and Foreign Policy After the 2022 Midterm Elections: Perspective from Japan 2022年中期选举后的美国政治与外交政策:日本视角
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2198856
Maeshima Kazuhiro
This article analyzes the results of the 2022 US midterm elections and looks ahead to the trends in US political diplomacy after the elections. Results from the midterm elections were more successful than expected for the Democratic Party, and there appears to be a tailwind for the Joe Biden administration. However, the international situation remains difficult to navigate due to the ongoing divisions in the US, the situation in Ukraine, and tensions in the Taiwan Strait. It then discusses how Japan should respond to the worsening security environment after the elections, including some long-term perspectives. Japan and the US need to transform the mindset from mere alliance maintenance of the past to develop ways to fully utilize the alliance (alliance projection), and to cooperate in preventing moves to change the status quo in the Indo-Pacific region. The Kishida Fumio administration issued three revised security documents, including the National Security Strategy, in December 2022, and Japan is now moving toward having not only a “shield” but also a “spear.” In order to deepen the Japan-US alliance and to work with the Indo-Pacific nations, it is essential to gain strong support from the public.
本文分析了2022年美国中期选举的结果,并展望了选举后美国政治外交的趋势。中期选举的结果对民主党来说比预期的要成功,拜登政府似乎有了顺风。然而,由于美国内部的持续分裂、乌克兰局势和台湾海峡的紧张局势,国际形势仍然难以驾驭。然后讨论了日本应如何应对选举后日益恶化的安全环境,包括一些长期观点。日美两国应转变过去维持同盟关系的思维方式,研究充分利用同盟关系(同盟投射)的方法,并合作防止改变印太地区现状的举动。岸田文雄政府于2022年12月发布了《国家安全保障战略》等3个安全保障文件修订案,日本正朝着不仅拥有“盾牌”,而且拥有“矛”的方向发展。为了深化日美同盟,与印太国家合作,必须得到公众的大力支持。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Changing Perception of Japan: A 2022 Review of the “1972 System” Discourse and the “New Thinking on Japan” Debate 中国对日观念的转变——2022年“1972体制”话语与“对日新思维”之争述评
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2206740
Eto Naoko
What is the structure of the political framework that defines the relationship between Japan and China? In the early 2000s, a little before the thirtieth-year anniversary of normalization of the bilateral relationship, experts from the two countries argued over the importance of issues regarding history in the framework of bilateral relations. By discussing the formation of the debate on the so-called “1972 system,” and its background and subsequent development, this article indicates that China’s argument is transforming from rational to more nationalistic. The two consistent features of China’s strategic theory toward Japan are (1) China shares with Japan an understanding of where the issues in Sino-Japanese relations lie; and (2) China differs in many respects from Japan in its political interpretation of the issues and seeks setbacks from Japan in a manner consistent with guiding domestic public opinion in China. This implies that Japan and China can potentially share a common understanding of the issues at stake, despite political friction on the surface.
界定中日关系的政治框架结构是什么?21世纪初,在两国关系正常化30周年前夕,两国专家就历史问题在两国关系框架内的重要性展开了争论。本文通过对所谓“1972体制”争论的形成、背景和后续发展的探讨,表明中国的争论正在从理性转向民族主义。中国对日战略理论的两个一贯特征是:(1)中国对中日关系问题所在的认识与日本一致;(2)中国对这些问题的政治解释在许多方面与日本不同,并以与引导中国国内舆论一致的方式寻求日本的挫折。这意味着,尽管表面上存在政治摩擦,但日本和中国可能在利害攸关的问题上有共同的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Strongman Politics and the Military: Xi Jinping and Party-Military Relations in China
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2193102
Jaehwan Lim
This study examines how CCP-PLA relations have evolved in the Xi Jinping era. It explores how the norms and institutions governing the party-military relations have enabled and constrained Xi to consolidate personal power and authority in the military. Specifically, this study focuses on military reforms initiated and implemented under Xi’s strong leadership, evaluating the extent to which the reform efforts have delivered the initial goal of enhancing the PLA’s operational capability and reinforcing the military’s political loyalty. This study argues that Xi’s increased personal power in the military has somewhat compromised the Party’s control of the military and, over the long-term, may have negative implications for China’s warfighting capability.
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引用次数: 0
Utopian Unarmed Pacifism Is Coming to An End 乌托邦式的非武装和平主义正在走向终结
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2193096
Kitaoka Shinichi
The Kishida administration adopted a set of three new national security and defense strategy documents at a Cabinet meeting in December 2022. They included the decision to possess counterstrike capabilities, something the author had advocated for many years. This article reviews the evolution of Japan’s security policy from the postwar era to today and discusses how the Russian invasion of Ukraine has clarified the national security strategy that Japan should pursue.
岸田文雄政府在2022年12月的内阁会议上通过了一套三份新的国家安全和国防战略文件。其中包括拥有反击能力的决定,这是作者多年来一直倡导的。本文回顾了日本从战后到今天的安全政策演变,并讨论了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰如何阐明了日本应该奉行的国家安全战略。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of US Russia Policy on Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine 美俄政策对俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的影响
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2198855
Hirose Yoko
One year has passed since Russia invaded Ukraine. Significant incongruity is apparent in Russia’s actions, such as changing the purpose of the war and attempting to gain public support by positioning the war as a fight against the West. Russia’s actions appear to be opportunistic. However, considering Russia’s actions after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, it appears that Russia heightened its anti-Western awareness in response to the actions of the West and escalated its responses to the countries of the former Soviet Union. Therefore, this article focuses on US moves toward the countries of the former Soviet Union after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and examines what provoked Russia. It then analyzes whether Russia’s actions are reactive or proactive and provides indications for understanding future developments in Russia.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰一年过去了。俄罗斯的行动明显不协调,例如改变战争目的,并试图通过将战争定位为对抗西方来获得公众支持。俄罗斯的行动似乎是机会主义的。然而,考虑到俄罗斯在苏联解体后的行动,俄罗斯似乎提高了对西方行动的反西方意识,并升级了对前苏联国家的反应。因此,本文关注的是苏联解体后美国对前苏联国家的举动,并考察是什么激怒了俄罗斯。然后,它分析了俄罗斯的行动是被动的还是主动的,并为了解俄罗斯未来的发展提供了指示。
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引用次数: 0
Reading Japan’s National Security Strategy 解读日本国家安全战略
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2198854
Kanehara Nobukatsu
In December 2022, Prime Minister KISHIDA Fumio announced a new defense posture of Japan and published the National Security Strategy, the National Defense Strategy, and the Defense Buildup Program. He startled many by declaring that Japan would double its defense budget. It will make Japan’s defense budget the biggest in the world only after the United States and China. He also announced that Japan will acquire serious counter offensive capabilities, namely intermediate range missiles. This big shift was not a choice, but a necessity, seeing China’s tremendous and surprisingly speedy military buildup. China, oppressing not only Uighurs, Tibetans, and inner Mongolians domestically, but also suppressing freedom in Hong Kong and changing the status quo in the East and China Seas, took on the US allies by taking Scarborough Reef from the Philippines and sending Haijing patrol boats regularly to violate the territorial sea of the Senkaku Islands of Japan in 2012. This article explains the main points and background of the new Japanese strategic thinking.
2022年12月,日本首相岸田文雄宣布了日本的新防御态势,并发表了《国家安全战略》、《国防战略》和《国防建设计划》。他宣布日本将把国防预算增加一倍,这让许多人感到震惊。这将使日本的国防预算成为仅次于美国和中国的世界上最大的国防预算。他还宣布,日本将获得强大的反攻能力,即中程导弹。这一重大转变不是一种选择,而是必要的,因为中国的军事建设速度惊人。中国不仅在国内压迫维吾尔人、西藏人和内蒙古人,还压制香港的自由,改变东海和中国海的现状。2012年,中国从菲律宾夺取斯卡伯勒礁,并定期派遣海京巡逻艇侵犯日本尖阁列岛领海,以此对抗美国盟友。本文阐述了日本新战略思想的主要观点和产生的背景。
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引用次数: 0
Transnational Network and Identity of Bukharan Jews: Focusing on Analysis of Diasporic Media 跨国网络与布哈拉犹太人的身份认同:基于流散媒体的分析
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.3.81
A. Choi
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引用次数: 0
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Asia-Pacific Review
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