Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2248781
Kitaoka Shinichi
AbstractThe new challenge facing the G7 is how to elicit support and cooperation from developing and emerging countries for Ukraine—a challenge that can be addressed particularly by initiative from Japan, which has worked together with all countries on an equal footing. Based on the outcomes from the G7 Hiroshima Summit, we look ahead to Japan’s next move. AcknowledgementThis article is a translation of an article originally published in Japanese in Gaiko, Vol 29, dated May/June 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsKitaoka ShinichiKitaoka Shinichi is Special Advisor to the President (2022–present) and former President (2015–2022) of Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Professor of Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Chief Research Adviser at Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI), and Emeritus Professor at the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. He studied at the University of Tokyo (Ph.D. 1976), taught at Rikkyo University (1976–1997) and his alma mater (1997–2004; 2006–2012), and served as Ambassador to the United Nations (2004–2006) and President of International University of Japan (IUJ) (2012–2015). Dr. Kitaoka has served on advisory panels for many foreign ministers and prime ministers. He was Acting Chair of the Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and the World Order in the 21st Century (2015), the Acting Chair of the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for National Security (2013–2014) and the Chair of the Advisory Panel on National Security and Defense Capabilities (2013). Previous appointments include Chairman of the Japanese scholars in the Japan-China joint study of history (2006–2009) and Chairman of the Committee to investigate the so-called Secret Pacts in the Japan-US Security Treaty (2009–2010). He has published many books and articles in English and Japanese on Japan’s military, diplomacy, party politics, and intellectuals. He received the Imperial Medal with Purple Ribbon in 2011.
{"title":"Building a World Order in Solidarity with Developing and Emerging Countries","authors":"Kitaoka Shinichi","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2248781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2248781","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe new challenge facing the G7 is how to elicit support and cooperation from developing and emerging countries for Ukraine—a challenge that can be addressed particularly by initiative from Japan, which has worked together with all countries on an equal footing. Based on the outcomes from the G7 Hiroshima Summit, we look ahead to Japan’s next move. AcknowledgementThis article is a translation of an article originally published in Japanese in Gaiko, Vol 29, dated May/June 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsKitaoka ShinichiKitaoka Shinichi is Special Advisor to the President (2022–present) and former President (2015–2022) of Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Professor of Modern Japanese Politics and Diplomacy at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Chief Research Adviser at Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI), and Emeritus Professor at the University of Tokyo and Rikkyo University. He studied at the University of Tokyo (Ph.D. 1976), taught at Rikkyo University (1976–1997) and his alma mater (1997–2004; 2006–2012), and served as Ambassador to the United Nations (2004–2006) and President of International University of Japan (IUJ) (2012–2015). Dr. Kitaoka has served on advisory panels for many foreign ministers and prime ministers. He was Acting Chair of the Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and the World Order in the 21st Century (2015), the Acting Chair of the Advisory Panel on Reconstruction of the Legal Basis for National Security (2013–2014) and the Chair of the Advisory Panel on National Security and Defense Capabilities (2013). Previous appointments include Chairman of the Japanese scholars in the Japan-China joint study of history (2006–2009) and Chairman of the Committee to investigate the so-called Secret Pacts in the Japan-US Security Treaty (2009–2010). He has published many books and articles in English and Japanese on Japan’s military, diplomacy, party politics, and intellectuals. He received the Imperial Medal with Purple Ribbon in 2011.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2254636
Oba Mie, Endo Tamaki, Jimbo Ken, Mieno Fumiharu
AbstractThe establishment of the ASEAN-Japan Forum on Synthetic Rubber in 1973 is said to be the beginning of the partnership between ASEAN and Japan. Half a century has passed since then, and the politics, economics, and societies of Japan and ASEAN countries have dramatically changed. Furthermore, the international and regional circumstances surrounding them are also significantly transforming. They are facing new challenges, such as the escalation of great power rivalry between the United States and China, the rise of protectionism and economic statecraft, the retreat of democracy, the middle-income trap, widening economic and social disparity, aging societies, growing environmental problems, and so on. How can these challenges be overcome through the new partnership between ASEAN and Japan? What should be specifically considered and implemented? With these issues in mind, four specialists exchanged their views at a roundtable discussion held at the International House of Japan on May 2, 2023. Additional informationNotes on contributorsOba MiePanel Chair and Report EditorOba Mie, Professor in the Faculty of Law, Kanagawa University. She obtained her M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Tokyo. Her major is International Relations and politics in East Asia and Asia-Pacific, with a focus on the development of regionalism and Japan’s policy in terms of regionalism and relationship between Japan and Southeast Asia. She has published multiple articles and books both in Japanese and English, including “Further development of Asian regionalism: institutional hedging in an uncertain era” Journal of Contemporary East Asian Studies (2019), Jusoteki-Chiiki toshiteno Ajia: Tairitsu to Kyozon no Kozu [Asia as a Multi-layered Region: Co-existence in Conflicts], Yuhikaku (2014), Ajia Taiheiyo Chiiki Keisei heno Dotei: Kyokai-Kokka Nichi-Go no Aidentiti Mosaku to Chiiki-Shyugi [The Invention of the Asia Pacific Region: A History of Regionalism and Search for Identity by Japan and Australia as Liminal Nations], Minerva Shobo (2004). She received The 21st Ohira Masayoshi Memorial Prize (2005) and the 11th Nakasone Yasuhiro Incentive Award (2015). She was the Chairperson, Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation (until February 2023).Endo TamakiEndo Tamaki, Professor at Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences at Saitama University. Her research interests include the informal economy, urban development, inequality, and the global value chain. She received her Ph.D. in Economics (2007) from Kyoto University. Main publications are Living with Risks: Precarity & Bangkok’s Urban Poor (NUS Press association with Kyoto University Press, 2014), Goto, Endo and Ito [eds], The Asian Economy: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (Routledge, 2020) and Urban Risk and Well-Being in Asian Mega Cities: Urban lower and middle classes in Bangkok, Shanghai, and Tokyo, (Endo and Shibuya [eds], Routledge, 2023). She has received several awards
{"title":"50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation: Roundtable Discussion of Track Record and Future Prospects","authors":"Oba Mie, Endo Tamaki, Jimbo Ken, Mieno Fumiharu","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2254636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2254636","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe establishment of the ASEAN-Japan Forum on Synthetic Rubber in 1973 is said to be the beginning of the partnership between ASEAN and Japan. Half a century has passed since then, and the politics, economics, and societies of Japan and ASEAN countries have dramatically changed. Furthermore, the international and regional circumstances surrounding them are also significantly transforming. They are facing new challenges, such as the escalation of great power rivalry between the United States and China, the rise of protectionism and economic statecraft, the retreat of democracy, the middle-income trap, widening economic and social disparity, aging societies, growing environmental problems, and so on. How can these challenges be overcome through the new partnership between ASEAN and Japan? What should be specifically considered and implemented? With these issues in mind, four specialists exchanged their views at a roundtable discussion held at the International House of Japan on May 2, 2023. Additional informationNotes on contributorsOba MiePanel Chair and Report EditorOba Mie, Professor in the Faculty of Law, Kanagawa University. She obtained her M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Tokyo. Her major is International Relations and politics in East Asia and Asia-Pacific, with a focus on the development of regionalism and Japan’s policy in terms of regionalism and relationship between Japan and Southeast Asia. She has published multiple articles and books both in Japanese and English, including “Further development of Asian regionalism: institutional hedging in an uncertain era” Journal of Contemporary East Asian Studies (2019), Jusoteki-Chiiki toshiteno Ajia: Tairitsu to Kyozon no Kozu [Asia as a Multi-layered Region: Co-existence in Conflicts], Yuhikaku (2014), Ajia Taiheiyo Chiiki Keisei heno Dotei: Kyokai-Kokka Nichi-Go no Aidentiti Mosaku to Chiiki-Shyugi [The Invention of the Asia Pacific Region: A History of Regionalism and Search for Identity by Japan and Australia as Liminal Nations], Minerva Shobo (2004). She received The 21st Ohira Masayoshi Memorial Prize (2005) and the 11th Nakasone Yasuhiro Incentive Award (2015). She was the Chairperson, Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation (until February 2023).Endo TamakiEndo Tamaki, Professor at Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences at Saitama University. Her research interests include the informal economy, urban development, inequality, and the global value chain. She received her Ph.D. in Economics (2007) from Kyoto University. Main publications are Living with Risks: Precarity & Bangkok’s Urban Poor (NUS Press association with Kyoto University Press, 2014), Goto, Endo and Ito [eds], The Asian Economy: Contemporary Issues and Challenges (Routledge, 2020) and Urban Risk and Well-Being in Asian Mega Cities: Urban lower and middle classes in Bangkok, Shanghai, and Tokyo, (Endo and Shibuya [eds], Routledge, 2023). She has received several awards ","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2251807
Kawashima Shin
AbstractThis essay is an examination of how Japanese perceptions of China have changed over time, paying particular attention to issues of political economy. It will examine relations both before and after the 1972 normalization of relations between the two countries. Notes1 “Heiwa nihon juritsu no hōkō: honsha yoron chōsa; 8.8 wari sensō nozomazu; eisei chūritsu wo attōteki shiji [Towards the Establishment of a Peaceful Japan: Our Opinion Survey; 88% do not wish for war, overwhelming support for permanent neutrality],” Yomiuri Shimbun, August 15, 1949.2 “Tai bei kankei, Anpo mondai: honsha yoron chōsa [Relations with the United States, the Security Treaty Issue: Mainichi Opinion Polls],” Mainichi Shimbun, Jauly 1, 1968.3 “Kyosantō wo dō omou, honsha yoron chōsa 87% ga kenokan idaku, Kokufu shiji tsuyomaru 44% [What do you think of the communist party? Yomiuri Opinion Survey: 87% dislike, support for the Kuomintang government increases to 44%],” Yomiuri Shimbun, February 18, 1952.4 “Gaikō seisaku wa dō suru beki ka, Honsha yoron chōsa: Seifu no seisaku to kōsō [What should our foreign policy be? Mainichi Opinion Polls: Government Policy and Ideas”), Mainichi Shimbun, June 24, 1953.5 “Tōzai kyozon to keizai mondai: Honsha zenkoku yoron chōsa. ‘Chūso tsūshō’ ni rakkan ron [The coexistence of the East and West and Economic Issues: Yomiuri Nationwide Opinion Survey; ‘China/Soviet Businessmen’ are optimistic”), Yomiuri Shimbun, December 29, 1954.6 Inoue Masaya, “Yoshida Shigeru no Chūgoku ‘gyaku shintō’—Tai Chūgoku interijensu wo megutte, 1952-1954 [Yoshida Shigeru’s ‘Reverse Penetration’ Vision for China—Discussing intelligence on China, 1952-1954],” Kokusai seiji, no. 151, March 2008.7 “Kishi naikaku no gaikō wo dō miru: Honsha zenkoku yoron chōsa. Tai Bei kyōchō wo zenin 64% [What do you think of the Kishi Cabinet’s foreign policy? Yomiuri Nationwide Opinion Survey. 64% approve of cooperation with the United States],” Yomiuri Shimbun, September 16, 1957.8 “Kaku jikken wa mō gomen: Uragirareta Nihon no negai/Chūgoku kaku jikken [No more nuclear tests: A betrayal of Japan’s plea/Chinese nuclear test],” Yomiuri Shimbun, October 17, 1964.9 “Nicchū, 64% kokkō nozomu. Taiwan to danzetsu, hantai ga ōi. Seiji [Japan-China, 64% want diplomatic relations. Most oppose ending relations with Taiwan. Politics],” Mainichi Shimbun, June 23, 1970.10 “Gunkoku shugi: Nicchū mondai. Nakayoku shitai kuni: Honsha yoron chōsa ‘Kurashi to seiji ishiki’ [Militarism: Japan-China Issues. Countries to get along with: Mainichi Opinion Polls, ‘Life and Political Consciousness’],” Mainichi Shimbun, January 3, 1972.11 “Ichiban shitashiku suru kuni. Bei oi Chūgoku 23%: Bōei Mondai (Honsha yoron chōsa) [Friendliest country. China close behind America at 23%: Defense Issues Mainichi Opinion Polls],” Mainichi Shimbun, November 1, 1978.12 “Gaikō ni kansuru yoron chōsa ichiran [Summary of Public Opinion Polls on Foreign Relations],” Cabinet Office website, https://survey.gov-online.go.
摘要本文考察了日本人对中国的看法是如何随着时间的推移而变化的，并特别关注了政治经济问题。它将审查1972年两国关系正常化之前和之后的关系。注1“平和日本juritsu no hōkō;本州yoron chōsa;8.8 wari sensse nozomazu;卫成chūritsu wo attōteki[走向建立和平日本:我们的意见调查]88%的人不希望战争，绝大多数人支持永久中立]，《读卖新闻》，1949年8月15日;《台北经济新闻》，《安波星期一》:honsha yoron chōsa[与美国的关系，安全条约问题:每日新闻的民意调查]，《每日新闻》，1968年7月1日];《kyosanthi wo domou, honsha yoron chōsa》87% ga kenokan idaku, Kokufu shiji tsuyomaru 44%[你对共产党的看法?读卖民意调查:87%不喜欢国民党政府，支持率上升至44%，《读卖新闻》1952年2月18日，“gaikkseisaku wa du suru beki ka, Honsha yoron chōsa: Seifu no seisaku to kōsō[我们的外交政策应该是什么?《每日民意调查:政府的政策和想法》)，《每日新闻》，1956.24,3.5“Tōzai共同经济星期一:本州zenkoku yoron chōsa”。“Chūso tsūshō”ni rakkan ron[东西方共存与经济问题-读卖新闻全国民意调查;“中国/苏联商人”是乐观的”，读卖新闻，1954年12月29日。井上雅也，“吉田茂不Chūgoku‘gyaku shintu’-Tai Chūgoku interijensu wo megutte, 1952-1954[吉田茂对中国的‘反向渗透’设想——讨论中国情报，1952-1954]，”《国斋精刊》，第2期。151, 2008年3月8日“岸奈加没有gaikki - wo - d - miru: Honsha zenkoku yoron chōsa”。台北kyōchō wo zenin 64%[您如何看待岸信介内阁的外交政策?读卖全国民意调查。64%赞成与美国合作]，《读卖新闻》，1957.7.8“Kaku jikken wa mgi gomen: Uragirareta Nihon no negai/Chūgoku Kaku jikken[不再核试验:对日本请求的背叛/中国核试验]”，《读卖新闻》，1966.17“nicchya, 64% kokkki nozomu”。台湾到丹泽祖，韩泰伽ōi。64%的人希望建立外交关系。大多数人反对与台湾断交。[政治]，《每日新闻》1970.10年6月23日。Nakayoku shitai kuni: Honsha yoron chōsa“Kurashi to seiji ishiki”[军国主义:日中问题]。要与之相处的国家:《每日新闻》民意调查，“生活与政治意识”]，《每日新闻》1972.11年1月3日。北伊Chūgoku 23%: Bōei星期一(Honsha yoron chōsa)[最友好的国家。中国紧随美国，占23%。《防务问题每日民意调查》，《每日新闻》1978.12《对外关系民意调查摘要》，内阁府网站https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/index-gai.html.13《第18次日中联合民意调查(2022)结果》chōsa (2022)，Genron NPO网站，2022年11月30日https://www.genron-npo.net/world/archives/13950.html.14“对中国的负面看法与对其人权政策的批评联系在一起”，皮尤研究中心，2022年6月29日，https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/06/29/negative-views-of-china-tied-to-critical-views-of-its-policies-on-human-rights/.15“对外关系民意调查摘要”，内阁府网站https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/index-gai.html.Additional信息川岛信作者川岛信是东京大学文理研究生院国际关系系教授。此前，他曾在北海道大学(1998-2006)和东京大学(2006-2015)担任副教授。他先后在东京外国语大学(1992年获得学士学位)和东京大学(1994年获得东方史硕士学位，2000年获得博士学位)获得学位。其他职位包括国家安全局高级研究员(2014-2018)，日本科学委员会准成员(2014年至今)。曾在台北中央研究院近代史研究所、北京大学北京日本研究中心、国立政治大学台北分校、伍德罗·威尔逊国际学者中心从事教育和研究工作。他的研究领域包括中国/台湾外交史和当代东亚国际关系。著有《中国现代外交的形成》(名古屋大学出版社，2004年，获三得利学术奖)、《21世纪的中国》(中央书社，2016年)等多部专著和多篇文章。他于2010年加入NPI担任高级研究员，并于2022年成为NPI的研究执行董事。
{"title":"The Evolution of Japanese Perceptions of China since 1945","authors":"Kawashima Shin","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2251807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2251807","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis essay is an examination of how Japanese perceptions of China have changed over time, paying particular attention to issues of political economy. It will examine relations both before and after the 1972 normalization of relations between the two countries. Notes1 “Heiwa nihon juritsu no hōkō: honsha yoron chōsa; 8.8 wari sensō nozomazu; eisei chūritsu wo attōteki shiji [Towards the Establishment of a Peaceful Japan: Our Opinion Survey; 88% do not wish for war, overwhelming support for permanent neutrality],” Yomiuri Shimbun, August 15, 1949.2 “Tai bei kankei, Anpo mondai: honsha yoron chōsa [Relations with the United States, the Security Treaty Issue: Mainichi Opinion Polls],” Mainichi Shimbun, Jauly 1, 1968.3 “Kyosantō wo dō omou, honsha yoron chōsa 87% ga kenokan idaku, Kokufu shiji tsuyomaru 44% [What do you think of the communist party? Yomiuri Opinion Survey: 87% dislike, support for the Kuomintang government increases to 44%],” Yomiuri Shimbun, February 18, 1952.4 “Gaikō seisaku wa dō suru beki ka, Honsha yoron chōsa: Seifu no seisaku to kōsō [What should our foreign policy be? Mainichi Opinion Polls: Government Policy and Ideas”), Mainichi Shimbun, June 24, 1953.5 “Tōzai kyozon to keizai mondai: Honsha zenkoku yoron chōsa. ‘Chūso tsūshō’ ni rakkan ron [The coexistence of the East and West and Economic Issues: Yomiuri Nationwide Opinion Survey; ‘China/Soviet Businessmen’ are optimistic”), Yomiuri Shimbun, December 29, 1954.6 Inoue Masaya, “Yoshida Shigeru no Chūgoku ‘gyaku shintō’—Tai Chūgoku interijensu wo megutte, 1952-1954 [Yoshida Shigeru’s ‘Reverse Penetration’ Vision for China—Discussing intelligence on China, 1952-1954],” Kokusai seiji, no. 151, March 2008.7 “Kishi naikaku no gaikō wo dō miru: Honsha zenkoku yoron chōsa. Tai Bei kyōchō wo zenin 64% [What do you think of the Kishi Cabinet’s foreign policy? Yomiuri Nationwide Opinion Survey. 64% approve of cooperation with the United States],” Yomiuri Shimbun, September 16, 1957.8 “Kaku jikken wa mō gomen: Uragirareta Nihon no negai/Chūgoku kaku jikken [No more nuclear tests: A betrayal of Japan’s plea/Chinese nuclear test],” Yomiuri Shimbun, October 17, 1964.9 “Nicchū, 64% kokkō nozomu. Taiwan to danzetsu, hantai ga ōi. Seiji [Japan-China, 64% want diplomatic relations. Most oppose ending relations with Taiwan. Politics],” Mainichi Shimbun, June 23, 1970.10 “Gunkoku shugi: Nicchū mondai. Nakayoku shitai kuni: Honsha yoron chōsa ‘Kurashi to seiji ishiki’ [Militarism: Japan-China Issues. Countries to get along with: Mainichi Opinion Polls, ‘Life and Political Consciousness’],” Mainichi Shimbun, January 3, 1972.11 “Ichiban shitashiku suru kuni. Bei oi Chūgoku 23%: Bōei Mondai (Honsha yoron chōsa) [Friendliest country. China close behind America at 23%: Defense Issues Mainichi Opinion Polls],” Mainichi Shimbun, November 1, 1978.12 “Gaikō ni kansuru yoron chōsa ichiran [Summary of Public Opinion Polls on Foreign Relations],” Cabinet Office website, https://survey.gov-online.go.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2239624
Nakasone Hirofumi
In April 2023, Nakasone Hirofumi was named President of Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI), serving concurrently as Vice Chairman. NPI was established in 1988 by former Prime Minister of Japan, Nakasone Yasuhiro. The Institute conducts independent policy research and offers recommendations that address the important issues facing the international community. Under the leadership of President Nakasone Hirofumi and Chairman Aso Taro, NPI will strive to enhance its research and strengthen its external communications.
{"title":"Greetings from the New NPI President","authors":"Nakasone Hirofumi","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2239624","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2239624","url":null,"abstract":"In April 2023, Nakasone Hirofumi was named President of Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI), serving concurrently as Vice Chairman. NPI was established in 1988 by former Prime Minister of Japan, Nakasone Yasuhiro. The Institute conducts independent policy research and offers recommendations that address the important issues facing the international community. Under the leadership of President Nakasone Hirofumi and Chairman Aso Taro, NPI will strive to enhance its research and strengthen its external communications.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2239626
Umeda Kunio
AbstractThe year 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Vietnam in September 1973. In this article, the author gives an overview of the Japan-Vietnam relationship over the past 50 years and explains how Vietnam today has become important to Japan with a focus on three areas in particular. Additional informationNotes on contributorsUmeda KunioUmeda Kunio is a former Japanese diplomat. He served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Brazil from January 28, 2014, and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Vietnam from October 21, 2016 until he retired from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2020. He graduated from the Faculty of Law, Kyoto University and entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1978. Major publications include the following. “Betonamu o Kaishite Miru Higashi Ajia no Kaiyo Anzen to Bei-Chu Haken Arasoi [Maritime Security in East Asia and the US-China Hegemony Struggle Observed through Vietnam],” The Japan Economic Research Institute Monthly Report, April 2021. “Konna ni Chigau Chugoku to Betonamu [So Different China and Vietnam], WEDGE magazine, May 2021. Betonamu o Shireba Mietekuru Nihon no Kiki [The Crisis of Japan Revealed by Knowing Vietnam], Shogakukan Inc., June 2021. “Tayorini naru Yuho, Betonamu no Jitsuzo [Our Reliable Friend, The Reality of Vietnam]” Seiron magazine, October 2021 issue. Special contribution “Ko Abe Moto Sori no Nichi-Etsu Kankei e no Koken [Contribution of the Late Former Prime Minister Abe to Japan-Vietnam Relations],” JIJI News Bulletin, September 2022. “Rodoryoku Busoku to Gaikokujin Rodosha [Labor Shortage and Foreign Workers],” Kasumigasekikai Kaiho monthly bulletin, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, November 2022.
{"title":"Three Reasons Vietnam Has Become Important to Japan","authors":"Umeda Kunio","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2239626","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2239626","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe year 2023 marks the 50th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Vietnam in September 1973. In this article, the author gives an overview of the Japan-Vietnam relationship over the past 50 years and explains how Vietnam today has become important to Japan with a focus on three areas in particular. Additional informationNotes on contributorsUmeda KunioUmeda Kunio is a former Japanese diplomat. He served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Brazil from January 28, 2014, and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Vietnam from October 21, 2016 until he retired from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2020. He graduated from the Faculty of Law, Kyoto University and entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1978. Major publications include the following. “Betonamu o Kaishite Miru Higashi Ajia no Kaiyo Anzen to Bei-Chu Haken Arasoi [Maritime Security in East Asia and the US-China Hegemony Struggle Observed through Vietnam],” The Japan Economic Research Institute Monthly Report, April 2021. “Konna ni Chigau Chugoku to Betonamu [So Different China and Vietnam], WEDGE magazine, May 2021. Betonamu o Shireba Mietekuru Nihon no Kiki [The Crisis of Japan Revealed by Knowing Vietnam], Shogakukan Inc., June 2021. “Tayorini naru Yuho, Betonamu no Jitsuzo [Our Reliable Friend, The Reality of Vietnam]” Seiron magazine, October 2021 issue. Special contribution “Ko Abe Moto Sori no Nichi-Etsu Kankei e no Koken [Contribution of the Late Former Prime Minister Abe to Japan-Vietnam Relations],” JIJI News Bulletin, September 2022. “Rodoryoku Busoku to Gaikokujin Rodosha [Labor Shortage and Foreign Workers],” Kasumigasekikai Kaiho monthly bulletin, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, November 2022.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2248782
Takenaka Harukata
AbstractIn March 2023, Prime Minister Kishida Fumio announced “Japan’s New Plan for a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP).’” Prior to this, in December 2022, the Kishida Cabinet revised the National Security Strategy and adopted the National Defense Strategy. The new National Security Strategy officially positioned the FOIP as a fundamental component of Japan’s security strategy. Furthermore, the Kishida Cabinet has presented the New Plan as the first comprehensive outline of the specific policies that Japan will pursue under the initiative. The New Plan contains “four pillars of cooperation” with a total of 51 policies. Despite the expanded scope of security policies, the Kishida Cabinet emphasizes the diplomatic nature of the initiative, highlighting various agendas for cooperation in the region. This article illustrates how Prime Minister Kishida silently maintains and refines the strategic nature of the initiative with the New Plan in response to the growing presence and influence of China in the Indo-Pacific region. Notes1 The Abe, Suga, and Kishida administrations have collectively referred to Japan’s strategy for the Indo-Pacific region as the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy, the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” initiative, and the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” as well as simply the “FOIP.” In this article, the series of strategies will be referred to as the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” initiative. However, when the Prime Minister uses a specific term such as “strategy” in his speeches or summit meetings, the article uses that term.2 Teruaki Aizawa, “Gaimusho HP kara Yomitoku ‘Jiyu de Hirakareta Indo-Taiheiyo Senryaku (FOIP)’ no Rinen to Jissen [The Philosophy and Practice of the ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy (FOIP)’ decoded from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Website],” the Ocean Policy Research Institute, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, July 30, 2018, https://www.spf.org/oceans/global-data/20181116181023949.pdf (English); Teruaki Aizawa, “Sonogo no ‘Jiyu de Hirakareta Indo-Taiheiyo Senryaku (FOIP)’ no Hensen to Tenkai [Subsequent Changes and Developments of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy (FOIP)],” the Ocean Policy Research Institute, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, June 15, 2019, https://www.spf.org/oceans/analysis_ja02/post_20190621-copy.html; Saori Katada, “Indo-Taiheiyo Koso to Dochiiki no Keizai Renkei [The Indo-Pacific Initiative and Economic Partnerships in the Region],” Kokusai Mondai [International Affairs], vol. 687 (December 2019), 25-36, https://www2.jiia.or.jp/kokusaimondai_archive/2010/2019-12_004.pdf?noprint; Kei Koga, “Japan’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ question: countering China or shaping a new regional order” International Affairs vol.96, no. 1 (January 2020): 49-73, Kei Koga, “Japan’s ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Tokyo’s Tactical Hedging and the Implications for ASEAN,’ Contemporary Southeast Asia, vol. 41, no. 2 (August 2019):286-313; Narushige Michishita, “Japan’s Grand Strategy for a Free and Open Indo
2023年3月，日本首相岸田文雄宣布了“自由开放的印度-太平洋新计划”(FOIP)。在此之前，岸田文雄内阁于2022年12月修改了《国家安全战略》，并通过了《国防战略》。新的国家安全战略正式将FOIP定位为日本安全战略的基本组成部分。此外，岸田文雄内阁提出了新计划，作为日本将在该倡议下推行的具体政策的第一个全面大纲。新规划包含“四大合作支柱”，共51项政策。尽管扩大了安全政策的范围，但岸田文雄内阁强调了该倡议的外交性质，强调了该地区合作的各种议程。这篇文章阐述了岸田文雄首相如何默默维护和完善“新计划”倡议的战略性质，以应对中国在印度-太平洋地区日益增长的存在和影响。注1安倍、菅义伟、岸田文雄三届政府将日本的印太战略统称为“自由开放的印太战略”、“自由开放的印太倡议”、“自由开放的印太战略”或简称为“FOIP”。本文将这一系列战略统称为“自由开放的印太倡议”。但是，当总理在演讲或首脑会议中使用“战略”等特定术语时，文章就使用该术语Teruaki Aizawa，“Gaimusho HP kara Yomitoku ' Jiyu de Hirakareta Indo-Taiheiyo Senryaku (FOIP) ' no Rinen to Jissen[从外交部网站解码的'自由开放的印度太平洋战略(FOIP) '的哲学与实践]”，笹川和平基金会海洋政策研究所，2018年7月30日，https://www.spf.org/oceans/global-data/20181116181023949.pdf(英文);Teruaki Aizawa，“Sonogo no ' Jiyu de Hirakareta Indo-Taiheiyo Senryaku (FOIP) ' no Hensen to Tenkai[自由开放的印度太平洋战略(FOIP)的后续变化和发展]”，笹川和平基金会海洋政策研究所，2019年6月15日，https://www.spf.org/oceans/analysis_ja02/post_20190621-copy.html;片田saori，“印度-太平洋倡议与地区经济伙伴关系”，《国际事务》，第687卷(2019年12月)，25-36,https://www2.jiia.or.jp/kokusaimondai_archive/2010/2019-12_004.pdf?noprint;古贺庆:《日本的“印太”问题:对抗中国还是塑造地区新秩序》，《国际事务》第96期。1(2020年1月):49-73，古贺庆，“日本的‘自由开放的印太’战略:东京的战术对冲及其对东盟的影响”，《当代东南亚》，第41卷，第1期。2(2019年8月):286-313;德成道下，“日本对自由开放的印度-太平洋的大战略”，《牛津日本政治手册》，编辑。Robert J. Pekkanen和Saadia M. Pekkanen(纽约:牛津大学出版社，2021)，495-513;欧巴三明，“印度-太平洋:从日本的角度看”，《国际安全研究》，第46卷，第2期。3(2018年12月)，12-32;中西浩:“日本外交中的‘自由开放的印度太平洋’”，《外交》第52卷(2018年12月)，第12-19页;“中国的崛起与日本对自由开放的印度-太平洋的‘愿景’”，《当代中国》，(2021):127,18 -35;“日本的印太外交与周边外交”，《国际事务》，第688卷(2020年1 - 2月)，第18-32页;竹中春田，《自由开放的印度-太平洋与日本的治理结构》，载于竹中春田编，《面对渴望成为“大国”的中国的印度-太平洋国家》，千仓出版公司，2022年第97-138.3页，《日本的自由开放的印度-太平洋大战略》;欧巴，“Nihon no ' Indo-Taiheiyo ' Koso”;Soeya，““Nihon no Indo-Taiheiyo Gaiko to Kinrin Gaiko”;《中国崛起与日本对自由开放的印太“愿景”》;竹中，“平areta Jiyu - de Indo-Taiheiyo”Koso to Nihon no Tochi Kiko。 他拥有斯坦福大学博士学位和东京大学法学学士学位。主要研究领域为首相在日本政治中的作用、日本对外政策的变化、战前日本的民主化等。他最近的著作包括:《Kyokoku Chugoku》到《Taijisuru Indo-Taiheiyo Shokoku》(编辑)(东京:Chikura出版公司，2022)，《日本安全政策的演变与参议院》，《日本政治科学杂志》，22:2 (2021):96-115;《新冠肺炎危机的政治》(东京:中央社新社，2020)，“日本首相权力在日本议会制度中的扩张:日本政治转型与制度改革”，《亚洲研究》，59 (5)(2019):844-869;《战前日本失败的民主化》(斯坦福大学出版社，2014)，《什么是参议院?》(Chuokoron-Shinsha, Inc.， 2010)， Osaragi jirichi Rondan奖得主。
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Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2239625
Kiba Saya
AbstractThis article argues that Southeast Asian countries are not afraid but rather welcome Japan’s recent expansion of security-related cooperation. Based on public opinion surveys and elite interviews, the author claims that the Japanese government should, without fear of criticism and without hesitation, send clearer messages to Asian partners to explain the changes and prospects for Japan’s security cooperation with them to the public at large. They would definitely welcome Japan’s explanation, accept the change, and consider constructive ways to engage with Japan. AcknowledgementThe public opinion survey project referred to in this article was funded by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation. The author would like to thank Takahashi Ayuko, a research fellow at the foundation, Leslie Advincula-Lopez, a research fellow at the Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila University, and Wayan Marianta, a lecturer at STF Widya Sasana University, for their advice in designing and conducting the survey together.Notes1 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 1978 Diplomatic Bluebook, “Manila Speech” https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/bluebook/1978/s53-2-1-1-001.htm#2ho (Japanese).2 For example, the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, a Singaporean think tank, publishes annually “The State of Southeast Asia Survey https://www.iseas.edu.sg/category/articles-commentaries/state-of-southeast-asia-survey/, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan annual survey “Opinion Poll on Japan” (ASEAN version) https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/culture/pr/yoron.html (Japanese); https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/culture/pr/index.html (English).3 Former rival Japanese, American troops return to Leyte, The Philippine Star. November 19, 2013. https://www.philstar.com/news-commentary/2013/11/19/1258519/juxtaposed-former-rival-japanese-american-troops-return-leyte4 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Keynote Address by H.E. Mr. Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan at the 13th IISS Asian Security Summit “Shangri-La Dialogue” May 30, 2014. https://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/nsp/page18e_000087.html5 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “The Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology” https://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/nsp/page1we_000083.html6 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Development Cooperation Charter” November 2, 2015. https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/oda/page_000138.html7 Ministry of Defense, Japan. “The Transfer of the Air Surveillance Radar Systems to the Philippines (manufacturing of the first fixed radar system in Japan had completed)” October 3, 2022. https://www.mod.go.jp/en/article/2022/10/7a5f746ab7a219be2095570fee238bb28558955e.html8 Ministry of Defense, Japan. “Defense Equipment and Technology Cooperation with Other Countries” https://www.mod.go.jp/en/equipment/tec_cooperation/index.html9 National Security Strategy of Japan. December 2022. https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/siryou/221216anzenhoshou/nss-e.pdf10 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Official Security As
问卷的问题包括:“哪个伙伴国在(东南亚)地区为COVID-19疫苗提供了最多的支持?”中国和美国分别排名第一和第二，但是，尽管在及时性、质量、数量和其他因素方面存在多种观点，但尚不清楚受访者如何评价这两个国家作者和其他研究人员计划在不久的将来正式出版他们的研究成果的专著。本文的研究结果是在研究小组于2023年3月28日至30日在新加坡举行的公开研讨会和闭门中期结果会议上公布的。尽管菲律宾官僚机构不如日本官僚机构强大，但这些精英的看法在一定程度上反映在政策上。一般公众倾向于认为菲律宾的外交政策受到总统对美立场的影响，但外交和国防官员们却在悄悄地工作，而不管总统的言论。前总统杜特尔特单方面宣布废除美菲VFA，但他的声明最终被撤回，好像什么都没发生过。在杜特尔特政府领导下举行的首次日菲外交和国防部长会议(“2+2”)就是证据过去五年左右，“不让东南亚国家选择”的准则迅速渗透到华盛顿和东京的政策制定者和安全智库社区，现在正成为标准的外交礼仪。2019年10月，美国布鲁金斯学会发表题为《不要让我们选择:东南亚在美中对抗的阵痛中》的报告。2021年4月，斯坦福大学东南亚项目研究员唐纳德·k·埃默森在尤索夫·伊沙克研究所主办的网络研讨会上表示:“鉴于美国和中国在该地区的竞争，‘不要让我们选择’(Don’t Make Us Choose，简称DMUC)作为东南亚对美国和中国的呼吁受到欢迎，这并不奇怪。”他经常使用“不要让我们选择”(Don’t Make Us Choose)的缩写。https://www.iseas.edu.sg/mec-events/autonomy-and-agency-in-southeast-asia-rethinking-dont-make-us-choose-and-resolving-the-deer-dragon-dilemma/.Additional信息作者简介纪巴·赛亚，神户外语外贸大学副教授，日本外务省东盟-日本友好合作50周年专家小组成员。她的主要研究领域是东南亚研究、军民关系和安全部门治理。她有从业经验，曾在日本驻菲律宾大使馆和日本驻泰国大使馆工作。在民主党执政的2010年至2012年期间，她还担任过前外相前原诚司的助理。她最近的作品包括与人合编的《东南亚非正规部队的道路:与非国家武装团体缓和暴力》(劳特利奇出版社，2022年)。
{"title":"Japan’s Security Cooperation with Southeast Asia: Clear Messaging is Needed","authors":"Kiba Saya","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2239625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2239625","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article argues that Southeast Asian countries are not afraid but rather welcome Japan’s recent expansion of security-related cooperation. Based on public opinion surveys and elite interviews, the author claims that the Japanese government should, without fear of criticism and without hesitation, send clearer messages to Asian partners to explain the changes and prospects for Japan’s security cooperation with them to the public at large. They would definitely welcome Japan’s explanation, accept the change, and consider constructive ways to engage with Japan. AcknowledgementThe public opinion survey project referred to in this article was funded by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation. The author would like to thank Takahashi Ayuko, a research fellow at the foundation, Leslie Advincula-Lopez, a research fellow at the Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila University, and Wayan Marianta, a lecturer at STF Widya Sasana University, for their advice in designing and conducting the survey together.Notes1 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 1978 Diplomatic Bluebook, “Manila Speech” https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/bluebook/1978/s53-2-1-1-001.htm#2ho (Japanese).2 For example, the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, a Singaporean think tank, publishes annually “The State of Southeast Asia Survey https://www.iseas.edu.sg/category/articles-commentaries/state-of-southeast-asia-survey/, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan annual survey “Opinion Poll on Japan” (ASEAN version) https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/culture/pr/yoron.html (Japanese); https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/culture/pr/index.html (English).3 Former rival Japanese, American troops return to Leyte, The Philippine Star. November 19, 2013. https://www.philstar.com/news-commentary/2013/11/19/1258519/juxtaposed-former-rival-japanese-american-troops-return-leyte4 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Keynote Address by H.E. Mr. Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan at the 13th IISS Asian Security Summit “Shangri-La Dialogue” May 30, 2014. https://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/nsp/page18e_000087.html5 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “The Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology” https://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/nsp/page1we_000083.html6 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Development Cooperation Charter” November 2, 2015. https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/oda/page_000138.html7 Ministry of Defense, Japan. “The Transfer of the Air Surveillance Radar Systems to the Philippines (manufacturing of the first fixed radar system in Japan had completed)” October 3, 2022. https://www.mod.go.jp/en/article/2022/10/7a5f746ab7a219be2095570fee238bb28558955e.html8 Ministry of Defense, Japan. “Defense Equipment and Technology Cooperation with Other Countries” https://www.mod.go.jp/en/equipment/tec_cooperation/index.html9 National Security Strategy of Japan. December 2022. https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/siryou/221216anzenhoshou/nss-e.pdf10 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. “Official Security As","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"149 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2023.2248783
Lam Peng Er
AbstractWhile Japan and the ASEAN states can celebrate the Golden Jubilees of the ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation and the Fukuda Doctrine, there is no room for complacency. Both sides must assiduously cultivate a closer and comprehensive relationship in the decades ahead for mutual support and benefits. A cordial and cooperative relationship will boost the capability of Japan and the ASEAN states to have greater agency to act autonomously in a new epoch threatening to suck them into the vortex of a New Cold War bipolarity between the competing US and Chinese superpowers. Notes1 For a useful chronology and review of Japan-ASEAN relations, see Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Japan and ASEAN,” e-brochure, March 2023. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100489370.pdf> Accessed: July 2, 2023. See also Kei Koga, “Japan’s Policy toward ASEAN in 2023,” Commentary, Stimson Center, January 25, 2023. <https://www.stimson.org/2023/japans-policy-toward-asean-in-2023/ > Accessed: July 2, 2023.2 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation,” September 9, 2022. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/rp/page22e_001001.html> Accessed: July 4, 2023.3 An elaboration of this pillar reads: “Cooperate in establishing a fair regional order based on rules based on the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). Maintain, enhance the role of ASEAN architecture and ASEAN centrality and unity. (e.g., jointly promote efforts to ease tensions in the region over the long term; strengthen the ASEAN architecture; support the strengthening of the ASEAN Secretariat’s organization and functions; promote security cooperation).” See Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation,” February 2023. <https://www.asean.emb-japan.go.jp/files/100510342.pdf> July 4, 2023.4 See also Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Submission of the Expert Meeting of the 59th Anniversary of Japan-ASEAN Friendship and Cooperation (Results),” February 3, 2023. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/rp/page1_001497.html> Accessed: July 4, 2023.5 The ad verbatim of Fukuda Takeo’s three tenets reads: “First, Japan, a nation committed to peace, rejects the role of a military power, and on that basis is resolved to contribute to the peace and prosperity of Southeast Asia, and of the world community. Second, Japan, as a true friend of the countries of Southeast Asia, will do its best for consolidating the relationship of mutual confidence and trust based on “heart-to-heart” understanding with these countries, in wide-ranging fields covering not only political and economic areas but also social and cultural areas. Third, Japan will be an equal partner of ASEAN and its member countries and cooperate positively with them in their own efforts to strengthen their solidarity and resilience, together with other nations of the like mind outside the region, while aiming a
{"title":"Closer ASEAN-Japan Relations amid Great Power Transition in the 21st Century?","authors":"Lam Peng Er","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2023.2248783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2023.2248783","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractWhile Japan and the ASEAN states can celebrate the Golden Jubilees of the ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation and the Fukuda Doctrine, there is no room for complacency. Both sides must assiduously cultivate a closer and comprehensive relationship in the decades ahead for mutual support and benefits. A cordial and cooperative relationship will boost the capability of Japan and the ASEAN states to have greater agency to act autonomously in a new epoch threatening to suck them into the vortex of a New Cold War bipolarity between the competing US and Chinese superpowers. Notes1 For a useful chronology and review of Japan-ASEAN relations, see Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Japan and ASEAN,” e-brochure, March 2023. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/files/100489370.pdf> Accessed: July 2, 2023. See also Kei Koga, “Japan’s Policy toward ASEAN in 2023,” Commentary, Stimson Center, January 25, 2023. <https://www.stimson.org/2023/japans-policy-toward-asean-in-2023/ > Accessed: July 2, 2023.2 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation,” September 9, 2022. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/rp/page22e_001001.html> Accessed: July 4, 2023.3 An elaboration of this pillar reads: “Cooperate in establishing a fair regional order based on rules based on the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). Maintain, enhance the role of ASEAN architecture and ASEAN centrality and unity. (e.g., jointly promote efforts to ease tensions in the region over the long term; strengthen the ASEAN architecture; support the strengthening of the ASEAN Secretariat’s organization and functions; promote security cooperation).” See Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Expert Panel for the 50th Year of ASEAN-Japan Friendship and Cooperation,” February 2023. <https://www.asean.emb-japan.go.jp/files/100510342.pdf> July 4, 2023.4 See also Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Submission of the Expert Meeting of the 59th Anniversary of Japan-ASEAN Friendship and Cooperation (Results),” February 3, 2023. <https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/a_o/rp/page1_001497.html> Accessed: July 4, 2023.5 The ad verbatim of Fukuda Takeo’s three tenets reads: “First, Japan, a nation committed to peace, rejects the role of a military power, and on that basis is resolved to contribute to the peace and prosperity of Southeast Asia, and of the world community. Second, Japan, as a true friend of the countries of Southeast Asia, will do its best for consolidating the relationship of mutual confidence and trust based on “heart-to-heart” understanding with these countries, in wide-ranging fields covering not only political and economic areas but also social and cultural areas. Third, Japan will be an equal partner of ASEAN and its member countries and cooperate positively with them in their own efforts to strengthen their solidarity and resilience, together with other nations of the like mind outside the region, while aiming a","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135010903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-30DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.39
Soon-Jick Hong
{"title":"Characteristics of North Korean Urban-Housing Policies under the Kim Jong-un Era: Pyongyang Housing","authors":"Soon-Jick Hong","doi":"10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.39","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73863260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-30DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.165
H. Chung
{"title":"Suspension of Housing in the City: Construction Workers and Migrant Housing Conditions in China","authors":"H. Chung","doi":"10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2023.4.13.1.165","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":"122 2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73003639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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