Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2152618
Lee Won Deog
Since 2012, South Korea-Japan relations have deteriorated structurally in the long run, and the conflict between South Korea-Japan relations has expanded and deepened since the Moon Jae-in government. The conflict over historical issues, including the comfort women and the wartime forced labor, are the main factors that worsened the bilateral relations, but since 2018, confrontation has also expanded in the economic and security areas. In the background of the spread of conflict in all directions of South Korea-Japan relations, there is a phenomenon of power transition in international politics in Northeast Asia. While China is rapidly emerging as a superpower, South Korea has emerged as a mid-sized country through democratization and economic growth, and Japan is facing a decline in relative national power. The South Korea-Japan relationship is no longer a vertical relationship, but a horizontal relationship. In the meantime, the relations between two countries have become more misunderstood and biased in mutual recognition via medias, and strategically underestimate the importance of the other party. The dialogue and communication between leaders have long been cut off, and mutual trust has declined. However, since the inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol government in May 2022, South Korea has been making multidimensional efforts to improve relations with Japan and normalize relations. While gathering wisdom to solve the wartime forced labor issue, it is focusing on cooperation in North Korea policy and restoring the security cooperation system between South Korea, the US, and Japan. Even if the Kishida government has evaluated the Yoon government's efforts to improve bilateral relations, it has not been able to show an active attitude to improve relations on its own.
{"title":"The Inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol Government and Prospects for South Korea–Japan Relations","authors":"Lee Won Deog","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2152618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2152618","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2012, South Korea-Japan relations have deteriorated structurally in the long run, and the conflict between South Korea-Japan relations has expanded and deepened since the Moon Jae-in government. The conflict over historical issues, including the comfort women and the wartime forced labor, are the main factors that worsened the bilateral relations, but since 2018, confrontation has also expanded in the economic and security areas. In the background of the spread of conflict in all directions of South Korea-Japan relations, there is a phenomenon of power transition in international politics in Northeast Asia. While China is rapidly emerging as a superpower, South Korea has emerged as a mid-sized country through democratization and economic growth, and Japan is facing a decline in relative national power. The South Korea-Japan relationship is no longer a vertical relationship, but a horizontal relationship. In the meantime, the relations between two countries have become more misunderstood and biased in mutual recognition via medias, and strategically underestimate the importance of the other party. The dialogue and communication between leaders have long been cut off, and mutual trust has declined. However, since the inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol government in May 2022, South Korea has been making multidimensional efforts to improve relations with Japan and normalize relations. While gathering wisdom to solve the wartime forced labor issue, it is focusing on cooperation in North Korea policy and restoring the security cooperation system between South Korea, the US, and Japan. Even if the Kishida government has evaluated the Yoon government's efforts to improve bilateral relations, it has not been able to show an active attitude to improve relations on its own.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47772745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2174318
Aso Taro
As part of the NPI Economic Security Project, a special seminar on “Economic Security and Japan-US Relations” was held on November 14, 2022 with The Honorable Rahm Emanuel, Ambassador of the United States to Japan. In the keynote speech, NPI Chairman Aso Taro reviewed the history of relations between Japan, the US, and China and noted the importance of Japan's consideration of countermeasures against economic coercion by China, as well as the need for enhanced coordination and cooperation between Japan and the US. The following is a summary of Chairman Aso’s keynote speech.
{"title":"NPI Special Seminar “Economic Security and Japan-US Relations”","authors":"Aso Taro","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2174318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2174318","url":null,"abstract":"As part of the NPI Economic Security Project, a special seminar on “Economic Security and Japan-US Relations” was held on November 14, 2022 with The Honorable Rahm Emanuel, Ambassador of the United States to Japan. In the keynote speech, NPI Chairman Aso Taro reviewed the history of relations between Japan, the US, and China and noted the importance of Japan's consideration of countermeasures against economic coercion by China, as well as the need for enhanced coordination and cooperation between Japan and the US. The following is a summary of Chairman Aso’s keynote speech.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47363771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2154508
Shiraishi Shigeaki
The argument that “the end of the Cold War will bring history to an end with the final triumph of a free economy and democracy” was incorrect. As the US-China confrontation developed, economic security was discussed in Japan. In May 2022, the Economic Security Promotion Act was passed. The essential challenge of economic security is to “strike a balance between economic logic and political logic from the perspective of maximizing national interests.” However, it is not easy to strike a balance between the logic of the economy, which seeks economic efficiency based on market principles, and the logic of politics, which seeks values different from economic efficiency, such as democracy. How Japan, which has its own relationship with the United States and China, respectively, will be able to achieve this balance between the two countries is a historical challenge. Japan must make endless efforts to fulfill its role in bringing stability to the international system.
{"title":"The Essential Challenge of “Economic Security”","authors":"Shiraishi Shigeaki","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2154508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2154508","url":null,"abstract":"The argument that “the end of the Cold War will bring history to an end with the final triumph of a free economy and democracy” was incorrect. As the US-China confrontation developed, economic security was discussed in Japan. In May 2022, the Economic Security Promotion Act was passed. The essential challenge of economic security is to “strike a balance between economic logic and political logic from the perspective of maximizing national interests.” However, it is not easy to strike a balance between the logic of the economy, which seeks economic efficiency based on market principles, and the logic of politics, which seeks values different from economic efficiency, such as democracy. How Japan, which has its own relationship with the United States and China, respectively, will be able to achieve this balance between the two countries is a historical challenge. Japan must make endless efforts to fulfill its role in bringing stability to the international system.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45986480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2159135
Sugiura Yasuyuki
The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Central Committee’s Measure and Plans for Policy Activities concerning Japan, formulated in March 1955, was China’s first Japan Policy Platform after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. It specified policy principles and measures. Its policy directed toward Japan could be called a “Japan neutralization” policy. There were three factors that contributed to the formulation of the Japan Policy Platform. The first factor was the start of full-fledged Japan-China private-sector exchanges and the CCP's aim to break away from a people's diplomacy toward Japan that centered on support for the Japanese Communist Party. The second factor was the major change in postwar Japanese politics with the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet and the start of the Hatoyama Cabinet. The third factor was the change in foreign policy, with the reintroduction of the “Theory of Intermediate Zones” and the international environment, with the advent of the Sino-Soviet honeymoon period and the intensification of the US-China confrontation.
{"title":"Start of China’s “Japan Neutralization” Policy in the 1950s: Three Factors in the Formulation of the “Japan Policy Platform”","authors":"Sugiura Yasuyuki","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2159135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2159135","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Central Committee’s Measure and Plans for Policy Activities concerning Japan, formulated in March 1955, was China’s first Japan Policy Platform after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. It specified policy principles and measures. Its policy directed toward Japan could be called a “Japan neutralization” policy. There were three factors that contributed to the formulation of the Japan Policy Platform. The first factor was the start of full-fledged Japan-China private-sector exchanges and the CCP's aim to break away from a people's diplomacy toward Japan that centered on support for the Japanese Communist Party. The second factor was the major change in postwar Japanese politics with the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet and the start of the Hatoyama Cabinet. The third factor was the change in foreign policy, with the reintroduction of the “Theory of Intermediate Zones” and the international environment, with the advent of the Sino-Soviet honeymoon period and the intensification of the US-China confrontation.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44426040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2152622
Kitaoka Shinichi
Japan’s longest serving prime minister, Abe Shinzo was struck and killed by a bullet at 67 years of age on July 8, 2022. Several breakthrough policies, strategies, and principles in the fields of security and diplomacy were included in legislation enacted during his term as prime minister. This article discusses the background and effects of selected achievements of former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, one of the postwar era’s most influential politicians who should be remembered for pushing Japan’s security and diplomacy policies beyond their traditional boundaries.
{"title":"Achievements by Abe Shinzo, Former Prime Minister of Japan","authors":"Kitaoka Shinichi","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2152622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2152622","url":null,"abstract":"Japan’s longest serving prime minister, Abe Shinzo was struck and killed by a bullet at 67 years of age on July 8, 2022. Several breakthrough policies, strategies, and principles in the fields of security and diplomacy were included in legislation enacted during his term as prime minister. This article discusses the background and effects of selected achievements of former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, one of the postwar era’s most influential politicians who should be remembered for pushing Japan’s security and diplomacy policies beyond their traditional boundaries.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49109799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2174320
Economic Security Study Group
Ensuring Japan's technological and industrial competitiveness is an important issue from the perspective of economic security. Given Japan's current advanced technological capabilities, it is necessary to consider the kind of technology that should receive investment from the viewpoint of mid- to long-term economic security; also important is how technology policy should be formulated. In fiscal year 2021, the Economic Security Study Group of Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI) examined AI/machine learning, quantum computers, and next-generation communication technologies, particularly from the perspective of ensuring Japan's superiority and thus indispensability, and compiled a set of recommendations.
{"title":"Economic Security 2021 Fiscal Year Report","authors":"Economic Security Study Group","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2174320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2174320","url":null,"abstract":"Ensuring Japan's technological and industrial competitiveness is an important issue from the perspective of economic security. Given Japan's current advanced technological capabilities, it is necessary to consider the kind of technology that should receive investment from the viewpoint of mid- to long-term economic security; also important is how technology policy should be formulated. In fiscal year 2021, the Economic Security Study Group of Nakasone Peace Institute (NPI) examined AI/machine learning, quantum computers, and next-generation communication technologies, particularly from the perspective of ensuring Japan's superiority and thus indispensability, and compiled a set of recommendations.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45792414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2152620
Kitamura Shigeru
The author is a leading figure in the Foreign Affairs Police Sector and served as Director of Cabinet Intelligence (DCI) supporting the Prime Minister and as Secretary-General of the National Security Secretariat (NSS), the principal axis of diplomacy in the Prime Minister’s Office. This is a cautionary report by the author, who was an early proponent of economic security and established the Economy Section in the NSS.
{"title":"Economic Security Perspective","authors":"Kitamura Shigeru","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2152620","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2152620","url":null,"abstract":"The author is a leading figure in the Foreign Affairs Police Sector and served as Director of Cabinet Intelligence (DCI) supporting the Prime Minister and as Secretary-General of the National Security Secretariat (NSS), the principal axis of diplomacy in the Prime Minister’s Office. This is a cautionary report by the author, who was an early proponent of economic security and established the Economy Section in the NSS.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41278053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On May 11, 2022, the “Act for the Promotion of Ensuring National Security through Integrated Implementation of Economic Measures” (Act No. 43 of 2022) (“Economic Security Promotion Act,” hereinafter referred to as the “Act”) was enacted (promulgated on May 18, 2022). In order to extensively and effectively promote economic measures for national security, the Act formulates a basic policy and establishes a “System for Ensuring Stable Supply of Specified Key Products,” a “System for Ensuring Stable Provision of Essential Infrastructure Services,” a “System for Enhancing Development of Designated Critical Technologies,” and a “System for Non-Disclosure of Selected Patent Applications.” This article explains the main points of these four systems in the Act. The opinions expressed in this article are the personal views of the authors. It should be noted that in this commentary the citation for which an Article number is shown without the name of the relevant law indicates the Article number in the Act.
{"title":"Japan's Economic Security Promotion Act: Background and Overview","authors":"Izumi Koyu, Chihara Takahiro, Hirosaki Takuto, Kunito Takayuki, Miyake Yuta, Nagano Hiroaki, Shimizu Ryota, Sudo Shunsuke, Takahashi Isao, Ueda Ryuta, Zakoji Taku","doi":"10.1080/13439006.2022.2154520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13439006.2022.2154520","url":null,"abstract":"On May 11, 2022, the “Act for the Promotion of Ensuring National Security through Integrated Implementation of Economic Measures” (Act No. 43 of 2022) (“Economic Security Promotion Act,” hereinafter referred to as the “Act”) was enacted (promulgated on May 18, 2022). In order to extensively and effectively promote economic measures for national security, the Act formulates a basic policy and establishes a “System for Ensuring Stable Supply of Specified Key Products,” a “System for Ensuring Stable Provision of Essential Infrastructure Services,” a “System for Enhancing Development of Designated Critical Technologies,” and a “System for Non-Disclosure of Selected Patent Applications.” This article explains the main points of these four systems in the Act. The opinions expressed in this article are the personal views of the authors. It should be noted that in this commentary the citation for which an Article number is shown without the name of the relevant law indicates the Article number in the Act.","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45172741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.465
Jong-Chel Lee
{"title":"The Influence of External Forces in the Dictatorship’s Regime Transition: A Comparison between Syria and Libya","authors":"Jong-Chel Lee","doi":"10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.465","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85297401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.301
K. Jeong
{"title":"Beyond ‘Management’ and ‘Rights’ to the City: Political and Social Implications of the Beijing Worker’s House Commune","authors":"K. Jeong","doi":"10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.301","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43120,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85386195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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