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Transformation of China’s Development Model after the Global Financial Crisis: The Case of the Semiconductor Industrial Policy 全球金融危机后中国发展模式的转型:以半导体产业政策为例
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.107
W. Lee
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引用次数: 0
Continuity and Change in Japan’s Development Model: Dynamic Interaction between Developmentalism and Clientelism 日本发展模式的延续与变迁:发展主义与依附主义的动态互动
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.73
Seungjo Lee
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引用次数: 0
Re-think East Asia beyond East Asia Discourse: A Review on East Asian History Manifesto 超越东亚话语再思考东亚:《东亚历史宣言》述评
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.511
In-soo Kim
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引用次数: 0
Continuity and Changes in the Korean Development Model since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008 2008年全球金融危机以来韩国发展模式的延续与变化
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.7
Sang-Woo Yoon
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引用次数: 1
Strategies for Overcoming Institutional Voids in BoP Market Entry: Cases in South Asia 克服防喷器市场进入中的制度空白的策略:南亚的案例
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.429
M. Lee, Y. Kim
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引用次数: 0
Formulation Process of the Local Allocation Tax System in Japan: Local Comprehensive Administration System and Local Finance Adjustment System 日本地方分配税制度的形成过程:地方综合行政体制与地方财政调整体制
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.24987/snuacar.2022.8.12.2.239
Gwangsoon Kang
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引用次数: 0
Putin’s Imperial Nationalism and Obsession with Ukraine 普京的帝国主义与对乌克兰的迷恋
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2105527
Mizoguchi Shuhei
This article examines the aims of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine. Since the Kremlin has stated several different reasons for its invasion, there have also been several different interpretations over what Putin’s real war objectives are and whether his decision making was rational or not. By revealing inconsistency in Russia’s declared goals and actions as well as analyzing the shift in Putin’s political discourse of nationalism, this article argues that his goal is not to stop NATO’s expansion or “protect the Russians from genocide” in eastern Ukraine, but to oust the Zelensky regime and to put Ukraine under Russia’s control. Thus, even though Russia has changed its strategy to the “liberation” of Donbas so far, it is likely that Russia will prolong the war to reorganize the troops and to seize the entire Ukraine.
本文探讨了俄罗斯军事入侵乌克兰的目的。由于克里姆林宫对入侵俄罗斯提出了几种不同的理由,对于普京真正的战争目标是什么,以及他的决策是否理性,也有几种不同的解释。通过揭示俄罗斯宣称的目标和行动的不一致,以及分析普京民族主义政治话语的转变,本文认为,他的目标不是阻止北约的扩张或“保护俄罗斯人免受乌克兰东部的种族灭绝”,而是推翻泽连斯基政权,将乌克兰置于俄罗斯的控制之下。因此,尽管迄今为止俄罗斯的战略已经改变为“解放”顿巴斯,但俄罗斯很可能会延长战争,以重组军队并占领整个乌克兰。
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引用次数: 0
The Xi Jinping Regime’s Maneuvering against Taiwan: Characteristics and Prospects
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2105523
Fukuda Madoka
This article summarizes the characteristics of the Xi Jinping regime’s policies toward Taiwan and analyzes how they have changed over the course of the reelection of President Tsai Ing-wen in Taiwan, the outbreak of the Novel Coronavirus, and the change of administration in the United States. The first result of the analysis is that Xi Jinping’s policy toward Taiwan has increasingly relied on military power as a means to an end. In addition, its purpose and nature have evolved from warning against Taiwan independence and US-Taiwan cooperation to changing the status quo in the Taiwan Strait to his own advantage. Second, in non-military United Front operations toward Taiwan, Xi Jinping has focused on unilaterally promoting reunification as an established fact without being influenced by trends in Taiwanese politics or public opinion.
此外,其宗旨和性质也从警告“台独”和“美台合作”演变为改变台海现状,为自己谋利。
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引用次数: 1
War in Ukraine from China’s Perspective: Limited Options for State that Cannot Reject Existing Policies 中国视角下的乌克兰战争:不能拒绝现有政策的国家的有限选择
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2110238
Kawashima Shin
As the war in Ukraine becomes protracted, there is discourse comparing China and Russia as tyrannical states versus states based on the principles of democracy. However, while China appears to support Russia’s opposition to NATO’s eastward expansion, it abstained from voting on the resolution condemning Russia in the UN General Assembly, and, at the same time, China has shown consideration for Ukraine by saying that it values sovereignty and that Ukraine is no exception. China’s response seems by no means simple. This article analyzes China’s views of the war in Ukraine with a focus on domestic policy options in 2022, a special year of personnel changes and political “special appointments,” while attempting to deal with an increase in Novel Coronavirus cases and reaching the government’s growth target. It then describes the main principles of Chinese diplomacy and its vision of the world. Internationally, China and Russia have maintained a strong relationship even during the war in Ukraine but it is difficult to agree that China and Russia are monolithic. Finally, the article discusses how Japan-China relations have been affected and some of the challenges facing the Indo-Pacific region that have been revealed by the war in Ukraine.
随着乌克兰战争的旷日持久,有人将中国和俄罗斯比作专制国家,而不是基于民主原则的国家。然而,尽管中国似乎支持俄罗斯反对北约东扩,但它在联合国大会上对谴责俄罗斯的决议投了弃权票。与此同时,中国表示重视乌克兰的主权,乌克兰也不例外。中国的反应似乎绝非简单。本文分析了中国对乌克兰战争的看法,重点关注2022年的国内政策选择,这是人事变动和政治“特别任命”的特殊年份,同时试图应对新型冠状病毒病例的增加并实现政府的增长目标。然后介绍了中国外交的主要原则及其对世界的看法。在国际上,即使在乌克兰战争期间,中国和俄罗斯也保持着牢固的关系,但很难同意中国和俄罗斯是铁板一块的。最后,文章讨论了日中关系如何受到影响,以及乌克兰战争暴露出的印太地区面临的一些挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Historical Background of Putin’s Invasion of Ukraine 普京入侵乌克兰的历史背景
IF 0.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2022.2105516
Hakamada Shigeki
The February 2022 military invasion of Ukraine by President Vladimir Putin, which overturned the very foundations of the world order, was not the result of a recent change in Putin’s thinking or personality; rather it was the inevitable outcome of the Russian policy of imperialism ongoing since the early 2000s. The assertions of former reformist leaders who ingratiated themselves to Putin after 2003, such as Anatoly Chubais, are accurate predictions of Putin’s behavior today. In particular, the Putin administration’s policy shift in June 2006 from an emphasis on “territorial integrity” to an emphasis on the “right to self-determination” is the basis for the subsequent war in Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, and today’s Ukraine problem. The West and Japan did not realize the seriousness of the policy shift in 2006 and continued their policy of appeasement toward Russia, resulting in the current situation. There will be no radical change in Russia after Putin.
2022年2月,弗拉基米尔·普京总统对乌克兰的军事入侵推翻了世界秩序的基础,这并不是普京思想或个性最近发生变化的结果;相反,这是21世纪初以来俄罗斯帝国主义政策的必然结果。2003年后讨好普京的前改革派领导人,如阿纳托利·丘拜斯的断言,是对普京今天行为的准确预测。特别是,2006年6月,普京政府的政策从强调“领土完整”转向强调“自决权”,这是随后格鲁吉亚战争、吞并克里米亚和今天乌克兰问题的基础。西方和日本没有意识到2006年政策转变的严重性,继续对俄罗斯采取绥靖政策,导致了目前的局面。普京之后,俄罗斯不会发生根本性的变化。
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引用次数: 0
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