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Living on the Periphery 生活在外围
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402003
D. Bechev
This article discusses Bulgaria’s geopolitical predicament and its impact on the country’s political development since 1989. It looks at Bulgaria’s accession to the EU and nato in the 1990s and 2000s, its role in both institutions, as well as at its relations with Russia and Turkey. The article contends that the state’s position – on the margins of the European institutional and spatial order – informs its response to major international players. At the same time, the article also finds that, rather than being simply a target of external action, Bulgaria has exercised a fair amount of agency in navigating politics at the regional and international level.
本文讨论了保加利亚自1989年以来的地缘政治困境及其对该国政治发展的影响。它着眼于保加利亚在20世纪90年代和21世纪初加入欧盟和北约,它在这两个机构中的作用,以及它与俄罗斯和土耳其的关系。文章认为,国家在欧洲制度和空间秩序边缘的地位决定了它对主要国际参与者的反应。同时,这篇文章还发现,保加利亚不仅是一个对外行动的目标,而且在区域和国际一级的政治活动中发挥了相当大的作用。
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引用次数: 2
A History of Yugoslavia, written by Marie-Janine Calic 《南斯拉夫史》,作者:Marie Janine Calic
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402010
Natalija Dimić
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引用次数: 0
Bulgarian Society at the Turn of the 21st Century – a Cognitive Challenge 21世纪之交的保加利亚社会——认知挑战
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402001
G. Dimitrov
The goal of this introduction is to outline the general thematic and interpretative scene wherein the next eight authors will elaborate in greater depth on more concrete issues. That is why this text mostly aims to review and rethink the achievements and problems of the local understanding of Bulgarian society in the last decades.
本引言的目的是概述一般的主题和解释场景,其中接下来的八位作者将更深入地阐述更具体的问题。这就是为什么本文的主要目的是审查和重新思考过去几十年来保加利亚社会的当地理解的成就和问题。
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引用次数: 0
From Post-Communism to Post-Democracy 从后共产主义到后民主
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402004
A. Krasteva, Anton T Todorov
The analysis starts from a key question: how many transformations did post-communism, which came as a promise and project for one transformation, actually carry out? This article is a conceptual, not an event narrative about the transformations of democratization. Its theoretical ambition is threefold. The first aim is to develop a new analytical model for the study of transformations based on the concept of ‘symbolic-ideological hegemony’ and a matrix of two pairs of indicators. The first pair reflects the intentionality of the change and examines the (non-)existence of an explicitly formulated political project as well as its (self-)designation by elites and citizens. The second pair of indicators concerns agency and covers the supply side and the demand side, the perspective and role of elites, on the one hand, and on the other hand, the perspective and role of citizens. The other ambitions of the study are to identify the key transformations in Bulgaria’s three-decade-long post-communist development – a democratic, a (national) populist, and a post-democratic one, and to analyze them in a comparative perspective.
分析从一个关键问题开始:后共产主义作为一个变革的承诺和项目,实际上进行了多少次变革?这篇文章是关于民主化转变的概念性叙述,而不是事件性叙述。它的理论野心有三重。第一个目的是基于“象征性意识形态霸权”的概念和两对指标的矩阵,开发一个新的研究转型的分析模型。第一对反映了变革的意图,并考察了一个明确制定的政治项目的(非)存在,以及精英和公民对其(自我)的指定。第二对指标涉及代理,一方面涵盖供给侧和需求侧,精英的视角和作用,另一方面涵盖公民的视角和角色。该研究的另一个目标是确定保加利亚三十年后共产主义发展中的关键转变——民主、(国家)民粹主义和后民主,并从比较的角度对其进行分析。
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引用次数: 3
From Representative to Anti-Civic Populist Democracy? 从代议制到反公民民粹主义民主?
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402005
Petya Kabakchieva
This article analyses the emergence and development of different forms of civil society in Bulgaria from the late 1980s to the present day, focusing on ngos and the large anti-government protests in 1989–1991, 1997, and 2013–2014. It shows that civil society has been developing in ebbs and flows, its main actors having alt-civic and fake doubles: nationalist movements and fake counter-protests. Recent developments indicate a clear trend of transition from representative to direct democracy, which coincides with the populist orientation of most parties. This coincidence is dangerous because populist parties, following the romantic tradition, reinvented the figure of “the people” as traditionalistic, nationalistic, and conservative. “Civil society,” seen as “alien,” was constructed as an enemy of “the people.” The author argues that defending the pluralistic values of civil society against the thus-invented “people,” is the main challenge to democracy in Bulgaria today.
本文分析了20世纪80年代末至今保加利亚不同形式民间社会的出现和发展,重点关注非政府组织和1989–1991、1997和2013–2014年的大规模反政府抗议活动。它表明,公民社会一直在起起落落中发展,其主要参与者有另类公民和虚假的替身:民族主义运动和虚假的反抗议。最近的事态发展表明,从代议制向直接民主过渡的趋势很明显,这与大多数政党的民粹主义取向不谋而合。这种巧合是危险的,因为民粹主义政党遵循浪漫主义传统,将“人民”的形象重塑为传统主义、民族主义和保守主义。被视为“异类”的“公民社会”被构造成“人民”的敌人。作者认为,捍卫公民社会的多元价值观,对抗由此发明的“人民”,是当今保加利亚民主面临的主要挑战。
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引用次数: 0
International Courts and Mass Atrocity: Narratives of War and Justice in Croatia, written by Ivor Sokolić 国际法庭与大规模暴行:克罗地亚战争与正义的叙述,作者:伊沃·索科利奇
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402012
Tamara Banjeglav
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引用次数: 0
Bulgaria’s Economy 1989–2019
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402007
G. Ganev
Based on an analytical narrative, and utilizing macroeconomic and new institutional economic theory, this exposition studies the Bulgarian economy during the decades after 1989. The three decades are placed in the context of the century-and-a-half-long Bulgarian development and convergence dynamic. They are then presented in terms of clearly defined sub-periods, and each sub-period is analyzed in detail. The analysis for each period focuses on three sets of issues: macroeconomic developments, microeconomic developments, and institutional changes. The exposition ends by applying the insights from the analysis to the question of whether the state of the economy in Bulgaria as of 2019 gives grounds for pessimism (Bulgaria will continue the cycles of unsuccessful convergence) or for optimism (Bulgaria will achieve an unprecedented degree of convergence in the coming decades). The answer is that at present both expectations can be supported by sets of serious arguments.
在分析叙事的基础上,利用宏观经济和新制度经济理论,本论文研究了1989年后几十年的保加利亚经济。这三十年是在保加利亚长达一个半世纪的发展和融合动态的背景下进行的。然后,它们以明确定义的子周期形式呈现,并对每个子周期进行详细分析。每个时期的分析集中在三组问题上:宏观经济发展、微观经济发展和制度变化。文章最后将分析所得的见解应用于以下问题:截至2019年,保加利亚的经济状况是悲观(保加利亚将继续不成功的趋同周期)还是乐观(保加利亚将在未来几十年实现前所未有的趋同程度)。答案是,目前这两种期望都可以得到一系列严肃论证的支持。
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引用次数: 1
Framing the Nation and Collective Identity in Croatia: Political Rituals and Cultural Memory of Twentieth-Century Traumas, edited by Vjeran Pavlaković and Davor Pauković 《克罗地亚的国家和集体认同:20世纪创伤的政治仪式和文化记忆》,由Vjeran pavlakoviki和Davor paukoviki编辑
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402011
Christina Koulouri
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引用次数: 0
The Rule of Law in Bulgaria 保加利亚的法治
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402006
V. Todorova
This article discusses to what extent Bulgaria has attempted to establish the Rule of Law in recent years and the reasons this aim has remain unattained. It outlines the “peripheral status” of law in Bulgarian society because of the society’s unaccomplished modernization. Next, the manifestation of deficiencies in the development of the Rule of Law is analyzed following Martin Mendelski’s conceptual model (de jure and de facto legality), in particular, in relation to the fight against corruption. The analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative evidence from the Legal Barometer project and the Study of Legislative Activity of the 44th National Assembly. The empirical facts prove that the state mostly produces legal texts and creates administrative structures (in its anti-corruption reforms as well), but not actual results in legal defence of human rights, property rights and in defence of public interests in general.
本文讨论了近年来保加利亚在多大程度上试图建立法治,以及这一目标尚未实现的原因。它概述了法律在保加利亚社会的“边缘地位”,因为社会的未完成的现代化。接下来,本文根据门德尔斯基的概念模型(法律上的合法性和事实上的合法性)分析了法治发展中存在的缺陷,特别是在反腐败方面。该分析基于“法律晴雨表”项目和第44届国会立法活动研究的定量和定性证据。经验事实证明,国家主要是制定法律文本和创建行政结构(在其反腐败改革中也是如此),而不是在人权、财产权和一般公共利益的法律捍卫方面取得实际成果。
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引用次数: 1
Enlargement by Stealth? 隐形放大?
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402002
A. Dimitrova
This article argues that the EU’s enlargement negotiations with Eastern European applicants have become possible to a large extent by the introduction of objective assessment by the Commission, which allowed integration to proceed despite the threat of deadlock. The process of negotiations and preparation, however, should be better seen as a constant switching between the technical parts of the acquis and their (potential) political consequences. These arguments are developed in an analysis of Bulgaria’s path to accession. The analysis shows that in the domestic arena, the same tensions between the seemingly technical character of the negotiations and their political implications and consequences can be observed. The article will argue that while the emphasis on objective criteria and technical issues obscured the potential political consequences and effects on various sectors of the economy and society, stalled reforms in public administration or the judiciary belonged to the realm of its unintended consequences. Rule of law did not reform significantly despite the introduction of a special tool of political conditionality, the EU’s Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (cvm). The politicization of issues changed over time, with some measures affecting political cleavages more than a decade after Bulgaria’s accession.
本文认为,欧盟与东欧申请国的扩大谈判在很大程度上是由于欧盟委员会引入了客观评估,这使得一体化得以在面临僵局威胁的情况下继续进行。但是,最好把谈判和筹备过程看作是在并购的技术部分与其(潜在的)政治后果之间不断转换的过程。这些论点是在对保加利亚入盟之路的分析中发展起来的。分析表明,在国内领域,可以观察到谈判的表面技术性质与其政治影响和后果之间同样的紧张关系。这篇文章将争辩说,虽然强调客观标准和技术问题掩盖了潜在的政治后果和对经济和社会各部门的影响,但公共行政或司法方面停滞不前的改革属于其意外后果的范畴。尽管引入了一种特殊的政治条件工具——欧盟的合作与核查机制(cvm),但法治并未发生重大改革。随着时间的推移,问题的政治化发生了变化,在保加利亚加入欧盟十多年后,一些措施影响了政治分裂。
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引用次数: 3
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