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Blessing or Curse? 祝福还是诅咒?
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010006
Anastasios Valvis, Sotiris Petropoulos, Katerina Kaisari, Asteris Huliaras
Studies have identified variables that influence ngo objectives, organizational structures and activities, often related to the broader socio-economic context. Among the most important are the availability of funding and the density of networks. Both factors affect ngo s by driving them either to adjust priorities and widen or limit their operations and/or to become more or less extrovert. This article aims to assess whether, how and to what extent the recent refugee crisis has impacted the Greek ngo ecosystem in terms of scope of activities, professionalization, organizational structures and transnational networking. Available funding, mostly from European institutions, has suddenly and spectacularly increased while International ngo s (ingo s) established operations to Greece – some cooperating with local partners. Likewise, several Greek ngo s (gngo s) embarked on a process of significant operational expansion, mostly ‘in the field’ and as part of an ‘emergency response’. Also, a series of grassroots organizations have been created – mainly at the local level. Based on a series of interviews with executives of the most recognizable gngo s, funders and policymakers and a survey based on questionnaires, the authors argue that the impact was both positive and negative and varied extensively depending on the size and type of organization under focus.
研究发现了影响非政府组织目标、组织结构和活动的变量,这些变量往往与更广泛的社会经济背景有关。其中最重要的是资金的可用性和网络的密度。这两个因素都会影响非政府组织,促使他们调整优先事项,扩大或限制业务,和/或变得或多或少外向。本文旨在评估最近的难民危机是否、如何以及在多大程度上从活动范围、专业化、组织结构和跨国网络等方面影响了希腊非政府组织生态系统。当国际非政府组织(ingo)在希腊开展业务时,主要来自欧洲机构的可用资金突然大幅增加,其中一些与当地合作伙伴合作。同样,几家希腊非政府组织(gngo)开始了大规模的业务扩张过程,主要是“在现场”,并作为“应急响应”的一部分。此外,还建立了一系列基层组织,主要是在地方一级。根据对最知名的gngo高管、资助者和政策制定者的一系列采访,以及基于问卷的调查,作者认为,这种影响既有积极的也有消极的,而且根据所关注的组织的规模和类型而变化很大。
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引用次数: 2
Economic Governance of a Populist Government 民粹主义政府的经济治理
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010004
P. Liargovas, N. Apostolopoulos
The focus of this article is on the main aspects of economic governance in Greece during the period 2015–19 where the syriza-anel coalition party was in power. In August 2015, the syriza-anel government faced the dilemma either to accept a new agreement with the EU partners (as eventually happened) or go bankrupt and leave the Eurozone, becoming detached from EU solidarity mechanisms. A third program was agreed, offering Greece an additional €86 billion loan over a three-year period. The third programme was unnecessary considering that the syriza-anel governance inherited 0.8% growth rate and some progress in the structural reforms demanded during the first two agreements in 2010 and 2011. However, the political choices made had the consequence of Greece returning to recession in 2015 and 2016.
本文的重点是2015-19年希腊激进左翼联盟党执政期间希腊经济治理的主要方面。2015年8月,激进左翼联盟党(syriza-anel)政府面临两难选择:要么接受与欧盟伙伴达成的新协议(这最终发生了),要么破产并离开欧元区,脱离欧盟团结机制。第三项计划达成一致,在三年期间向希腊提供额外的860亿欧元贷款。第三个方案是不必要的,考虑到激进左翼联盟的治理继承了0.8%的增长率,并在2010年和2011年的前两个协议中要求的结构改革方面取得了一些进展。然而,这些政治选择的后果是希腊在2015年和2016年再次陷入衰退。
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引用次数: 1
Do Small Powers Retrench? 小国退缩了吗?
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010005
R. Panagiotou, Nikolaos Tzifakis
This article analyses and develops the rationale behind the foreign policy of the syriza-led government towards the Western Balkans. It challenges the prevalent view in the academic literature that there was continuity between policies of the syriza government and its predecessors. By analysing the track record of Greek foreign policy towards the region from 2009 to 2019, it argues that from mid-2016 onwards syriza implemented a major policy shift and adopted a policy of retrenchment. This change was a response to the country’s diminished economic and diplomatic power and influence in the region, as well as a reaction to the widening gap between Greek and Turkish capabilities. The adjustment of Greek foreign policy to the realities of the protracted economic crisis demonstrates that the theory of MacDonald and Parent concerning the policies followed by great powers in acute economic decline may also be applied to the study of policies followed by small powers in decline.
本文分析并发展了激进左翼联盟领导的政府对西巴尔干的外交政策背后的基本原理。它挑战了学术文献中普遍存在的观点,即激进左翼联盟政府的政策与其前任之间存在连续性。通过分析2009年至2019年希腊对该地区的外交政策记录,文章认为,从2016年年中开始,激进左翼联盟实施了重大政策转变,并采取了紧缩政策。这一变化是对该国在该地区的经济和外交实力和影响力下降的回应,也是对希腊和土耳其实力之间日益扩大的差距的回应。希腊外交政策适应经济危机持续的现实情况的调整表明,麦克唐纳和帕伦特关于经济急剧衰退时大国政策的理论也适用于研究经济衰退时小国政策的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Establishment Parties in Government 政府中的反建制政党
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010003
Vasiliki Georgiadou, Jenny Mavropoulou
Anti-establishment parties with either a left-wing or a right-wing ideological slant have been entering contemporary European Democracies with sizeable vote shares. During the Great Recession, the Greek party system could be perceived as a relevant case-study for the formation and breakthrough of anti-establishment parties. Given the fact that two deeply ideologically diverging anti-establishment parties, the Coalition of the Radical Left – Social Unionist Front (syriza) and the populist radical right-wing Independent Greeks (anel), came to power, forming a coalition government from early 2015 to January 2019, the primary goal of this article is to enquire into ‘supply-side’ parameters, exploring potential associations along a range of programmatic stances and policy dimensions that effectuated the syriza-anel alliance. Using the Comparative Manifesto Project and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey datasets from 2012 to 2017, our findings confirm beyond the expected programmatic differences the existence of a converging policymaking basis between syriza and anel which goes beyond the ‘pro-Memorandum vs. anti-Memorandum’ divide.
具有左翼或右翼意识形态倾向的反建制政党以相当大的选票份额进入了当代欧洲民主国家。在大衰退期间,希腊政党制度可以被视为反建制政党形成和突破的相关案例研究。鉴于两个意识形态分歧严重的反建制政党,激进左翼社会统一阵线联盟(syriza)和民粹主义激进右翼独立希腊人联盟(anel)上台,于2015年初至2019年1月组建了联合政府,本文的主要目标是探讨“供给侧”参数,探索实现叙利亚-阿内尔联盟的一系列纲领立场和政策层面的潜在关联。使用2012年至2017年的比较宣言项目和教堂山专家调查数据集,我们的研究结果证实,除了预期的方案差异之外,叙利亚激进左翼联盟和阿内尔之间存在着趋同的政策制定基础,这超出了“支持备忘录与反对备忘录”的界限。
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引用次数: 1
Left-Wing Populism 左翼民粹主义
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010002
P. Liargovas, Nikolaos Tzifakis
The transformation of syriza from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major governing party within a short period of time, its rule in the context of an economic crisis, and its resilience following four and a half years of governance make a very interesting story. syriza has been the only radical left populist party that has governed an EU country in recent times. This introductory article accounts for the factors that facilitated syriza’s catapulting to power, while the special issue assesses some of the main issues that the syriza-led government dealt with from 2015 to 2019. With the danger of oversimplifying a more complex picture, the special issue editors argue that syriza emerged as a serious contender to power owing to two factors: i) the errors in the economic policies of the governments that ruled during the 2010–2014 period, and ii) its successful exploitation of the opportunity to capitalize on the dynamics of a grassroots protest movement (the ‘Aganaktismenoi’) through the adoption of the movement’s populist discourses. The introduction then explicates the consolidation of syriza in the Greek political system and concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the special issue.
激进左翼联盟在短时间内从一个努力进入议会的小党转变为一个主要执政党,它在经济危机背景下的统治,以及它在执政四年半后的恢复力,这些都是一个非常有趣的故事。激进左翼联盟是近年来唯一一个执政欧盟国家的激进左翼民粹主义政党。这篇介绍性文章阐述了推动激进左翼联盟迅速掌权的因素,而特刊则评估了激进左翼联盟领导的政府在2015年至2019年期间处理的一些主要问题。由于过于简单化一个更复杂的情况的危险,特刊编辑认为,激进左翼联盟成为一个强有力的权力竞争者是由于两个因素:1)在2010-2014年期间执政的政府在经济政策上的错误,2)通过采用运动的民粹主义话语,它成功地利用了利用草根抗议运动(“Aganaktismenoi”)的动力的机会。引言部分阐述了激进左翼联盟在希腊政治体系中的巩固,最后简要介绍了本期特刊的结构。
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引用次数: 0
Ian Bancroft, Dragon’s Teeth: Tales from North Kosovo 伊恩·班克罗夫特,《龙的牙齿:科索沃北部的故事》
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010010
D. Ermolin
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引用次数: 0
Nicolae Iorga, with an introduction and notes by Andrei Pippidi, ed. Jurnalul ultimilor ani: 1938–1940, Inedit
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010012
Silviu Miloiu
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引用次数: 0
Marko Grdešić. The Shape of Populism: Serbia before the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Marko Grdeš我ć。民粹主义的形态:南斯拉夫解体前的塞尔维亚
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010009
Uros Prokic
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引用次数: 0
Higher Education Reform in Time of Crisis 危机时期的高等教育改革
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010007
Foteini Asderaki
This study examines the transformation of the Greek higher education system at a time of crisis focusing on syriza/anel governance (2015–19). It aims to contribute to the literature on coalition governments’ policy choices. It also intends to enrich the research on the new party cleavages triggered by the economic crisis which hit both Europe and Greece in 2008/9, across pro- vs anti-Europeans/Eurosceptic and pro- vs anti-austerity parties, and on how these cleavages are reflected in higher education policy. It argues that these divides and the politicisation of higher education at the national and European level mobilized partisan entrepreneurs to pursue their strategies and ideological preferences in framing the agenda, to offer solutions based both on an anti-EU and an anti-austerity platform to reverse and reform the previous governments’ laws and forward their own reforms.
本研究考察了希腊高等教育体系在危机时期的转型,重点关注激进左翼联盟/委员会治理(2015-19)。它的目的是为联合政府的政策选择的文献做出贡献。它还打算丰富对2008/9年欧洲和希腊经济危机引发的新的政党分裂的研究,在支持与反欧洲/欧洲怀疑主义和支持与反对紧缩的政党之间,以及这些分裂如何反映在高等教育政策中。它认为,这些分歧和高等教育在国家和欧洲层面的政治化动员了党派企业家在制定议程时追求他们的战略和意识形态偏好,提供基于反欧盟和反紧缩平台的解决方案,以扭转和改革前政府的法律,并推进他们自己的改革。
{"title":"Higher Education Reform in Time of Crisis","authors":"Foteini Asderaki","doi":"10.30965/18763332-45010007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45010007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study examines the transformation of the Greek higher education system at a time of crisis focusing on syriza/anel governance (2015–19). It aims to contribute to the literature on coalition governments’ policy choices. It also intends to enrich the research on the new party cleavages triggered by the economic crisis which hit both Europe and Greece in 2008/9, across pro- vs anti-Europeans/Eurosceptic and pro- vs anti-austerity parties, and on how these cleavages are reflected in higher education policy. It argues that these divides and the politicisation of higher education at the national and European level mobilized partisan entrepreneurs to pursue their strategies and ideological preferences in framing the agenda, to offer solutions based both on an anti-EU and an anti-austerity platform to reverse and reform the previous governments’ laws and forward their own reforms.","PeriodicalId":43126,"journal":{"name":"SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41606668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Stefan Gužvica, Before Tito: The Communist Party of Yugoslavia During the Great Purge (1936–1940) 斯蒂凡Gužvica,铁托之前:大清洗时期的南斯拉夫共产党(1936-1940)
IF 0.2 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010011
I. Jelušić
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引用次数: 0
期刊
SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
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