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The Role of the EU in Facilitating a Hard Implementation Dialogue 欧盟在促进落实对话中的作用
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-45010001
Bardhok Bashota, A. Hoti
The European Union (EU) plays a facilitating role in the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. The EU has applied a proactive approach to normalization through several agreements, initially of a technical and later of a political nature. This gradual approach has produced a relative success in the easing of relations between the parties and in creating the conditions for a final agreement, which, however, still remains far from being reached. The main argument of this article is that both sides hold diametrically opposed positions and the EU still remains a powerless actor in pushing the parties to find a long-term solution to the conflict between them.
欧洲联盟(欧盟)在科索沃和塞尔维亚关系正常化方面发挥着促进作用。欧盟通过几项协议对正常化采取了积极主动的方法,最初是技术性的,后来是政治性的。这种循序渐进的做法在缓和双方关系和为最终协议创造条件方面取得了相对成功,但最终协议仍远未达成。这篇文章的主要论点是,双方的立场截然相反,欧盟在推动各方寻求长期解决冲突方面仍然是一个无能为力的角色。
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引用次数: 1
Ethnopolitics and the Mobilisation of Collective Identities across Regimes and Generations 民族政治与跨制度、跨代际的集体身份动员
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030002
A. Piacentini
Acknowledging the saliency ‘ethnonationality’ has acquired in the post-Yugoslav scenario, this article analyses the ‘evolution’ of the meanings and functions of the term ethnonational belonging in the context of Macedonia, and it does so from both macro-structural and micro-individual perspectives. Alongside providing an overview of how ethnonationality has evolved from a political-institutional perspective, empirical material collected in Skopje with members of a Yugoslav and a post-Yugoslav generation explores possible changes also from an individual and generational perspective. The article seeks to understand the micro-generational impact of macro-structural changes and the generational responses to the same, shedding light on the intertwine of individual and collective experiences, reasons, and interests sustaining and legitimising the current ethnic politics and divisions.
承认“民族民族性”在后南斯拉夫的情况下获得的显著性,本文从宏观结构和微观个体的角度分析了马其顿背景下“民族归属”一词的意义和功能的“演变”。除了从政治制度的角度概述民族性是如何演变的,在斯科普里收集的南斯拉夫和后南斯拉夫一代成员的经验材料也从个人和世代的角度探讨了可能的变化。本文试图理解宏观结构变化的微观代际影响以及代际反应,揭示个人和集体经历、原因和利益之间的相互交织,使当前的种族政治和分裂得以维持和合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Dario Brentin and Dejan Zec (eds.), Sport in Socialist Yugoslavia Dario Brentin和Dejan Zec(编辑),社会主义南斯拉夫的体育
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030005
Jelena Đureinović
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引用次数: 0
The Shape of Feminism to Come 未来女权主义的形态
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030001
M. Pajnik, Žiga Vodovnik, Živa Humer, Boris Mance
This article explores the networked politics of feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia, focusing on the organizational (“actional”) and the thematic (content-related) credo of the movements during the “All-Slovenian Uprisings” of 2012–2013. Analysing the movements’ “repertoires of contention”, the authors argue that the movements are driven by cross-movement and cross-issue (i.e. connective) alliances. They identify the presence and/or absence of those interconnections, and explore the content on which the movements focus and around which they generate various forms of activity. The empirical part of the article analyzes ten relevant feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia and their online activities using the methods of network analysis. The results confirm the “prefigurative” character of movements, showing how they formulate their agenda in line with their own inner causes, so as to confirm their strategic orientation. The analysis also points to the development of the trans-thematic consciousness that emerges beyond the thematization of gender and sexual inequality, opening up larger anti-austerity issues.
本文探讨了斯洛文尼亚女权主义和lgbt运动的网络政治,重点关注2012-2013年“全斯洛文尼亚起义”期间运动的组织(“行动”)和主题(内容相关)信条。分析这些运动的“争论曲目”,作者认为这些运动是由跨运动和跨议题(即关联)联盟驱动的。他们识别这些相互联系的存在和/或缺失,并探索运动所关注的内容,并围绕这些内容产生各种形式的活动。文章的实证部分使用网络分析的方法分析了斯洛文尼亚的十个相关女权主义和lgbt运动及其在线活动。研究结果证实了运动的“先兆性”,显示了运动如何根据自身的内在原因制定议程,从而确定其战略取向。分析还指出,跨主题意识的发展超越了性别和性别不平等的主题化,开启了更大的反紧缩问题。
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引用次数: 0
Sanja Simper, Židovi u Rijeci i liburnijskoj Istri u svjetlu fašističkog antisemitizma (1938. - 1943.) 桑贾·辛珀,《利雅得和利比亚东部的犹太人与法西斯反犹太主义》(1938)。1943.)
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030006
Milovan Pisarri
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引用次数: 0
Sabrina Ramet, Ola Listhaug and Albert Simkus (eds.), Civic and Uncivic Values in Macedonia: Value Transformation, Education and Media 萨布丽娜·拉梅特、奥拉·里斯托格和阿尔伯特·西姆库斯主编,《马其顿的公民与非公民价值观:价值转型、教育与媒体》
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030004
Josef Djordjevski
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引用次数: 0
Sara Bernard, Deutsch Marks in the Head, Shovel in the Hands and Yugoslavia in the Heart: The Gastarbeiter Return to Yugoslavia (1965–1991) Sara Bernard,Deutsch Marks in the Head,Shovel in Hands and南斯拉夫in the Heart:the Gastarbeiter Return to南斯拉夫(1965–1991)
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030007
M. Tokić
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引用次数: 2
Soviet-Albanian Relations Soviet-Albanian关系
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-12-21 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-44030003
K. Khudoley
The research problem scrutinized in this article is the identification of the factors that led to the formation within the Soviet bloc of a particular relationship between the hegemonic state – the ussr – and the smallest one – Albania. This study, based primarily on documents from Soviet archives, examines the causes for the emergence and growth of differences between the ussr and Albania, spanning the period from the death of Stalin to the open showdown at the meetings of the Communist Parties in Bucharest in 1960. Tirana embarked on the path of distancing itself from the Soviet Union, gradually drifting towards China, and began laying the foundation for its own special model of socialism. As a result, by the beginning of the 1960s, differences reached such a level that Soviet-Albanian conflict became inevitable.
本文仔细研究的问题是确定导致苏联集团内部霸权国家——苏联和最小国家——阿尔巴尼亚之间形成特定关系的因素。本研究主要以苏联档案文件为基础,考察了苏联和阿尔巴尼亚之间分歧产生和扩大的原因,从斯大林去世到1960年在布加勒斯特举行的共产党会议上公开摊牌。地拉那走上了与苏联渐行渐远的道路,逐渐向中国靠拢,开始为自己独特的社会主义模式奠定基础。结果,到20世纪60年代初,分歧达到了这样的程度,苏联-阿尔巴尼亚冲突成为不可避免的。
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引用次数: 0
The Mismanaged Integration of Ethnic Minorities in Bulgaria 保加利亚少数民族融合管理不善
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402009
Petar Cholakov
This article delves into the intricate, and often inconsistent, worlds of Bulgarian government policies towards ethnic minorities, in particular towards the Roma, after 1989. The author begins with an overview of the ‘ethnic model’ embedded at present in the country’s political system. Then he discusses the integration policies of Bulgarian governments after the fall of communism. His conclusion is that the lack of political will of the ruling parties represents the biggest obstacle to the integration of minorities. Anti-discrimination legislation is plagued by inconsistencies and problems related to its implementation. Despite some moderate progress, state policies continue to lack vision, direction and effective monitoring mechanisms. The representatives of minorities are still, for the most part, ignored in the process of tailoring and implementation of programmes.
这篇文章深入研究了1989年之后保加利亚政府对少数民族,尤其是对罗姆人的政策,这些政策错综复杂,往往前后矛盾。作者首先概述了目前嵌入该国政治体制的“民族模式”。然后,他讨论了保加利亚政府在共产主义垮台后的一体化政策。他的结论是,执政党缺乏政治意愿是少数民族融合的最大障碍。反歧视立法在执行过程中存在矛盾和问题。尽管取得了一些温和的进展,但国家政策仍然缺乏远见、方向和有效的监督机制。在制订和执行方案的过程中,少数民族的代表在很大程度上仍然被忽视。
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引用次数: 0
Living on the Periphery 生活在外围
IF 0.2 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.30965/18763332-04402003
D. Bechev
This article discusses Bulgaria’s geopolitical predicament and its impact on the country’s political development since 1989. It looks at Bulgaria’s accession to the EU and nato in the 1990s and 2000s, its role in both institutions, as well as at its relations with Russia and Turkey. The article contends that the state’s position – on the margins of the European institutional and spatial order – informs its response to major international players. At the same time, the article also finds that, rather than being simply a target of external action, Bulgaria has exercised a fair amount of agency in navigating politics at the regional and international level.
本文讨论了保加利亚自1989年以来的地缘政治困境及其对该国政治发展的影响。它着眼于保加利亚在20世纪90年代和21世纪初加入欧盟和北约,它在这两个机构中的作用,以及它与俄罗斯和土耳其的关系。文章认为,国家在欧洲制度和空间秩序边缘的地位决定了它对主要国际参与者的反应。同时,这篇文章还发现,保加利亚不仅是一个对外行动的目标,而且在区域和国际一级的政治活动中发挥了相当大的作用。
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引用次数: 2
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SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
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