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Editorial: After the Fall … 社论:沦陷之后...
IF 0.8 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0472
Michael Rosie
The first half of 2023 saw considerable change in Scotland’s politics, with the resignation of First Minister Nicola Sturgeon and a divisive and bitter leadership contest in the SNP. The nature and scope of this political crisis is not yet clear, and this editorial looks briefly at the prospects for the SNP, and its new leader Humza Yousaf, with the significant difficulties he faces in steadying the ship.
2023 年上半年,随着苏格兰第一大臣尼古拉-斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)的辞职以及苏格兰民族党内一场分裂而激烈的领导权争夺,苏格兰政坛发生了巨大变化。这场政治危机的性质和范围尚不明确,本社论将简要探讨苏格兰民族党的前景及其新领导人胡姆扎-优素福(Humza Yousaf)在稳住大局方面面临的重大困难。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis or Opportunity? International Income Growth in Scottish Universities during Covid-19 危机还是机遇?新冠肺炎期间苏格兰大学的国际收入增长
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0474
Sarah Armstrong
How did Scottish universities fare in the pandemic? This paper looks at changes in income and student enrolments, comparing the pandemic years (2020–2022) to those preceding them. Despite concerns that Covid would have negative impacts across the university sector, the analysis shows that both income and student numbers increased substantially in Scotland. This article builds on a related analysis ( Armstrong 2023 ) and focuses on a selection of ten universities that encompass the diverse range of sizes, locations and student cohorts making up the Scottish university sector. It finds that growth in income, against expectation, accelerated during Covid, and this is largely attributable to expanded recruitment of international students, who pay significantly higher fees than those located within the UK. Scottish universities made a record amount of income from international fees in 2021–22 of £1.14 billion. The analysis of income growth is followed by exploration of changes in student numbers and cohort compositions, where international student numbers also accelerated in the pandemic. A discussion of the implications of these changes considers the growing divide among Scottish universities, and the wider implications that rapid growth and increasing dependence on one source of income has for universities, their staff and students and the cities and towns in which they are located.
苏格兰大学在疫情中表现如何?本文研究了收入和学生入学率的变化,并将大流行年份(2020-2022年)与之前的年份进行了比较。尽管人们担心新冠肺炎会对整个大学部门产生负面影响,但分析显示,苏格兰的收入和学生人数都大幅增加。本文建立在相关分析(Armstrong 2023)的基础上,重点介绍了十所大学的选择,这些大学涵盖了组成苏格兰大学部门的各种规模、地点和学生群体。报告发现,与预期相反,在新冠肺炎期间,收入增长加速,这在很大程度上是由于扩大了对国际学生的招收,国际学生支付的费用明显高于英国国内学生。苏格兰大学在2021-22年度从国际学费中获得了创纪录的11.4亿英镑收入。在分析收入增长之后,探索学生人数和队列组成的变化,国际学生人数在大流行期间也有所增加。对这些变化的影响的讨论考虑到苏格兰大学之间日益扩大的分歧,以及快速增长和对一种收入来源的日益依赖对大学、教职员工和学生以及大学所在城镇的更广泛影响。
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引用次数: 0
Gianfranco Poggi (1934–2023) 詹弗兰科-波吉(1934-2023)
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0476
David McCrone, Maria Poggi Johnson
Gianfranco Poggi (1934–2023) was amongst the initial staff cohort at the formation of the University of Edinburgh’s Department of Sociology in 1964. Poggi’s recent death brought to an end almost six decades of thinking, arguing, and writing about Sociology: much of that time was spent in Scotland. Here Scottish Affairs marks his passing through short memorials to him from his former student and colleague, David McCrone; and from his daughter, Maria Poggi Johnson.
Gianfranco Poggi(1934-2023)是1964年爱丁堡大学社会学系成立时的首批员工之一。波吉最近的去世结束了他近60年来对社会学的思考、争论和写作:他的大部分时间是在苏格兰度过的。在这里,《苏格兰事务》通过他以前的学生和同事大卫·麦克隆对他的简短纪念来纪念他的逝世;以及他的女儿玛丽亚·波吉·约翰逊。
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引用次数: 0
The Glasgow Sugar Aristocracy 格拉斯哥糖业贵族
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0479
Angela McCarthy
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引用次数: 0
Climax of Clearance: Famine, Race and Compulsory Emigration 肃清的高潮:饥荒、种族和强制移民
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0475
T.M. Devine
This public lecture considers the impact of the 1840s European potato blight on Scotland. It focuses especially on the Highlands, where phytophthora infestans exposed the people of the region to acute life-threatening crisis. Throughout, comparisons and contrasts are drawn with the Great Irish Famine ( an Gorta Mór) which has attracted much more scholarly and popular attention than the famine in Scotland. One key question is why did the Highlands not starve, unlike the appalling tragedy over the Irish Sea? Devine further describes how Highland famine triggered an unprecedented scale and intensity of ‘clearance’, forced removal of people from their traditional holdings, which emptied entire districts of their people. He concludes by querying whether the era of Clearance ended with the removal of forced mass eviction, or whether other strategies by the landed class served to compel Highlanders to leave.
这次公开演讲考虑了19世纪40年代欧洲马铃薯枯萎病对苏格兰的影响。它特别侧重于高地,在那里,疫霉使该地区的人民面临严重的危及生命的危机。在整个过程中,与爱尔兰大饥荒(an Gorta Mór)进行了比较和对比,爱尔兰大饥荒比苏格兰的饥荒吸引了更多的学者和公众的关注。一个关键的问题是为什么高地没有饿死,不像爱尔兰海的可怕悲剧?迪瓦恩进一步描述了高地饥荒如何引发了前所未有的规模和强度的“清除”,迫使人们离开他们的传统家园,清空了整个地区的人民。他在结语时提出了疑问:“大清除”时代是随着大规模强制驱逐的解除而结束,还是土地阶级采取了其他策略迫使高地人离开。
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引用次数: 0
The Meddling Professor: Bernard Crick's Active Defence of Politics 爱管闲事的教授:伯纳德·克里克对政治的积极辩护
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0478
Charlie Ellis
It's now fifteen years since the death of Bernard Crick. His contribution to modern scholarship and political writing continues to be recognised largely with reference to ‘the book’ and ‘the biography’, namely the ‘mere essay’ In Defence of Politics and his major work on George Orwell. The central contention of this article, however, is that Crick's corpus of work continues to have a wide contemporary relevance that reaches far beyond these two central reference points. Crick's arguments about ideology and political cultures remain hugely significant to anyone seeking to understand or contest the emergence of populism. Populism has, in recent years, reaffirmed its status as a highly effective mode of political galvanisation. Crick saw populism as the most urgent threat to politics and his concerns are widely echoed in academia and beyond. This article uses some of Crick's political ‘meddling’ in his final years as a lens through which to examine Crick's active defence of politics. These include Crick's deep engagement with Scottish political life, and manifestations of his truculent moderation and intellectual pluralism. It argues that Crick embodied a positive faith that, though powerful and serious, threats to politics could be disarmed and repelled.
伯纳德·克里克去世已经15年了。他对现代学术和政治写作的贡献在很大程度上仍被认可为“书”和“传记”,即“散文”《为政治辩护》和他关于乔治·奥威尔的主要著作。然而,本文的中心论点是克里克的作品语料库仍然具有广泛的当代相关性,远远超出了这两个中心参考点。克里克关于意识形态和政治文化的论述,对于任何试图理解或质疑民粹主义兴起的人来说,仍然意义重大。近年来,民粹主义重申了其作为一种高效政治激励模式的地位。克里克认为民粹主义是对政治最紧迫的威胁,他的担忧在学术界和其他领域得到了广泛回应。本文以克里克晚年的一些政治“干预”为视角,审视克里克对政治的积极辩护。其中包括克里克对苏格兰政治生活的深入参与,以及他的强硬温和和知识多元主义的表现。它认为克里克体现了一种积极的信念,即对政治的威胁虽然强大而严重,但可以被解除武装和击退。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring Curriculum Making in Scottish Secondary Schools: Trends and Effects 探索苏格兰中学课程制定:趋势与效果
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0473
Marina Shapira, Mark Priestley, Tracey Peace-Hughes, Camilla Barnett, Michelle Ritchie
This article presents the findings from a recent study funded by the Nuffield Foundation, which aimed to provide insights into the experiences of young people and teachers in secondary schools across Scotland under the Curriculum for Excellence (CfE). Our research has uncovered a decrease in the number of National Qualifications entries in S4 under CfE, a phenomenon commonly referred to in Scotland as ‘curriculum narrowing.’ Furthermore, we have identified evidence of social stratification in overall and subject entry patterns in S4, with students from disadvantaged areas experiencing a more significant decline in entries and being limited to a narrower range of subjects. Additionally, our study has revealed signs of curriculum fragmentation during the Broad General Education phase (years S1–S3). The findings from our study also suggest that the curriculum decisions made in schools are primarily driven by the demand for better attainment data, particularly in National Qualifications during the Senior Phase (school years S4–S6), with less emphasis on what it means for an individual to become an educated person in a modern and complex society. Based on our findings, we have concluded that curriculum fragmentation and narrowing under CfE have a detrimental impact on the progression and attainment of young people. Schools that offer a broader curriculum in S4 demonstrate higher enrolment rates for Higher qualifications in S5 and Advanced Higher qualifications in S6. In contrast, schools that offer a narrower curriculum in S4, particularly those in deprived areas, are more likely to experience delays in higher-level qualification entry. A broader curriculum in S4 has been associated with improved performance in National 5 qualifications, higher scores in international tests such as PISA English and Maths, and higher scores on OECD measures of global competences. On the other hand, a narrower curriculum is correlated with less favourable outcomes after leaving school, especially in terms of Higher Education enrolment.
本文介绍了最近由纳菲尔德基金会资助的一项研究的结果,该研究旨在深入了解苏格兰各地中学的年轻人和教师在卓越课程(CfE)下的经历。我们的研究发现,在CfE下,S4的国家资格考试报名人数有所减少,这种现象在苏格兰通常被称为“课程缩小”。“此外,我们已经发现了S4在整体和学科入学模式上存在社会分层的证据,来自弱势地区的学生入学人数下降更明显,而且被限制在更窄的学科范围内。”此外,我们的研究还揭示了广泛通识教育阶段(S1-S3年级)课程碎片化的迹象。我们的研究结果还表明,学校制定的课程决定主要是由对更好的成就数据的需求驱动的,特别是在高级阶段(S4-S6学年)的国家资格证书,而不是强调个人在现代复杂社会中成为一个受过教育的人意味着什么。根据我们的研究结果,我们得出结论,在CfE下,课程的碎片化和缩小对年轻人的进步和成就产生了有害的影响。提供更广泛的S4课程的学校在S5高级资格课程和S6高级资格课程的入学率更高。相比之下,在S4中提供较窄课程的学校,特别是那些在贫困地区的学校,更有可能在更高级别的资格申请中遇到延迟。在4年级开设更广泛的课程可以提高学生在国家5级资格考试中的表现,在国际学生评估项目(PISA)英语和数学等国际测试中获得更高的分数,并在经合组织(OECD)的全球能力测试中获得更高的分数。另一方面,较窄的课程与离开学校后的不利结果相关,特别是在高等教育入学率方面。
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引用次数: 0
Research Note: Protest, Liaison and Legitimacy 研究说明:抗议、联络与合法性
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0477
Hugo Gorringe, Michael Rosie
The policing of protest remains a vexed and contentious area, and this article examines the operation by Police Scotland around the National Service of Thanksgiving for King Charles and Queen Camilla in Edinburgh, July 2023 . There were a number of reasons why this particular operation faced a high degree of scrutiny, not least several arrests made some months previously around the funeral of the late Queen, and arrests made by the Metropolitan Police around the Coronation in London. From the outset Police Scotland emphasised a ‘human rights approach’ which aimed to balance security and public safety against the rights of those spectating and of those protesting the event. Here we examine the difficulties faced in such a complex operation, and assess the extent to which Police Scotland were able to deliver on their intended approach
抗议活动的治安管理仍然是一个充满争议和争议的领域,本文考察了苏格兰警察在2023年7月爱丁堡为查尔斯国王和卡米拉女王举行的全国感恩节服务期间的行动。这次行动受到高度关注的原因有很多,尤其是几个月前在已故女王葬礼前后进行的几次逮捕,以及伦敦警察厅在加冕典礼前后进行的逮捕。从一开始,苏格兰警方就强调“人权方针”,旨在平衡安全和公共安全与观众和抗议者的权利之间的关系。在这里,我们研究了在这样一个复杂的行动中所面临的困难,并评估了苏格兰警方能够实现其预期方法的程度
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.3366/scot.2023.0471
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引用次数: 0
What is the Free Church of Scotland? 苏格兰自由教会是什么?
IF 0.8 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1163/1877-5888_rpp_sim_07840
Alex J. MacDonald
The 2023 Leadership contest for the Scottish National Party unexpectedly thrust a small Presbyterian denomination – the Free Church of Scotland – into the centre of political commentary. The social views of one of the candidates, Kate Forbes, a member of the church, formed the focal point of the early days in the campaign. A good deal of this commentary was deeply hostile towards the Free Church, suggesting that its members were morally unsuited, indeed unfit, to hold the highest office in Scotland. No other candidate (and indeed no other prominent Scottish or British politician) has received such scrutiny or criticism on the grounds of their religion or belief. One voice wholly absent in the debate was the Free Church and its people. In this article, then, a senior Free Church minister, and former Moderator of its General Assembly, explores the ‘DNA’ of the Free Church, its historical contribution to Scotland, and where it stands today.
苏格兰民族党(Scottish National Party) 2023年的党魁竞选出人意料地将一个小型长老会教派——苏格兰自由教会(Free Church of Scotland)推到了政治评论的中心。其中一位候选人、教会成员凯特·福布斯(Kate Forbes)的社会观点成为竞选初期的焦点。很多评论都对自由教会充满敌意,认为其成员在道德上不适合,实际上不适合担任苏格兰的最高职位。没有其他候选人(实际上也没有其他杰出的苏格兰或英国政治家)因为宗教或信仰而受到如此严格的审查或批评。在辩论中完全缺席的一个声音是自由教会及其人民。在这篇文章中,一位自由教会的高级牧师,也是自由教会大会的前任主持人,探讨了自由教会的“DNA”,它对苏格兰的历史贡献,以及它今天的地位。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Scottish Affairs
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