Like Nicola Sturgeon, Jim Sillars was born and brought up in Ayrshire. ‘If I am a nationalist of any kind’, he says, ‘it is an Ayrshire one’ (p. 126). Sturgeon was born in 1970 in the new town of Irvine, a typical product of the town planning ambitions of the post-war years, complete with modernist housing developments, roundabouts galore, and what was purportedly Europe’s largest leisure centre, the Magnum. Sturgeon is a classic product of the opportunities that the British welfare state still offered to working class families in the late twentieth century. She grew up in a council house, attended the local comprehensive school, and studied law at Glasgow University. Even the Magnum Leisure Centre had been built by the Irvine Development Corporation, in effect a local arm of the British state.
{"title":"From British Labourism to Scottish Nationalism: Jim Sillars's Journey","authors":"B. Jackson","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0411","url":null,"abstract":"Like Nicola Sturgeon, Jim Sillars was born and brought up in Ayrshire. ‘If I am a nationalist of any kind’, he says, ‘it is an Ayrshire one’ (p. 126). Sturgeon was born in 1970 in the new town of Irvine, a typical product of the town planning ambitions of the post-war years, complete with modernist housing developments, roundabouts galore, and what was purportedly Europe’s largest leisure centre, the Magnum. Sturgeon is a classic product of the opportunities that the British welfare state still offered to working class families in the late twentieth century. She grew up in a council house, attended the local comprehensive school, and studied law at Glasgow University. Even the Magnum Leisure Centre had been built by the Irvine Development Corporation, in effect a local arm of the British state.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48131762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Losing Faith in the Sister Isle","authors":"M. Rosie","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0414","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48138561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social class differences in political participation are a pressing issue for democracies and they are particularly severe among young people in the UK. Disadvantaged young people are the least likely to be politically engaged in the UK and it is assumed that with declining levels of participation inequalities in political participation increase. What happens to political inequality though when levels of youth participation increase? Do more advantaged young people account for most of the extra participation or do disadvantaged young people ‘catch up’? Based on representative survey data, this paper investigates levels of political inequality among 16- and 17-year-olds in a context of increasing participation in Scotland. We find that in Scotland young people of all social classes were equally likely to be politically engaged, while among young people in the rest of the UK and adults from Scotland those of higher social status were more likely to be engaged in politics. Overall, social class differences in political engagement were less pronounced amongst 16- and 17-year-olds in Scotland than in the rest of the UK. The paper offers some possible explanations of this finding and suggestions for further research.
{"title":"The Tide Raising all Boats? Social Class Differences in Political Participation among Young People in Scotland","authors":"C. Huebner, J. Eichhorn","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0407","url":null,"abstract":"Social class differences in political participation are a pressing issue for democracies and they are particularly severe among young people in the UK. Disadvantaged young people are the least likely to be politically engaged in the UK and it is assumed that with declining levels of participation inequalities in political participation increase. What happens to political inequality though when levels of youth participation increase? Do more advantaged young people account for most of the extra participation or do disadvantaged young people ‘catch up’? Based on representative survey data, this paper investigates levels of political inequality among 16- and 17-year-olds in a context of increasing participation in Scotland. We find that in Scotland young people of all social classes were equally likely to be politically engaged, while among young people in the rest of the UK and adults from Scotland those of higher social status were more likely to be engaged in politics. Overall, social class differences in political engagement were less pronounced amongst 16- and 17-year-olds in Scotland than in the rest of the UK. The paper offers some possible explanations of this finding and suggestions for further research.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43693045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Standing up for Scotland","authors":"R. Johnston","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0413","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45622337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Whose song is it anyway?","authors":"D. Mccrone","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0412","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43027425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How far do individuals determine events and how much agency do they have? In March 2021, Edinburgh City Council approved plans to install a new plaque on the Melville monument in Edinburgh, Scotland, part of which refers to ‘the more than half-a-million Africans whose enslavement was a consequence of Henry Dundas's actions’. These words on the plaque serve to hold Dundas (later Lord Melville) solely accountable for the consequences of a parliamentary vote taken in the House of Commons in 1792 on the gradual delay of the British slave trade. This article interrogates the historical controversy surrounding Henry Dundas's role in abolition of the British slave trade with a focus on two main areas. First, it contradicts claims that historians unequivocally agree that Dundas delayed abolition. Second, it explores arguments that Dundas's mobilisation of Scottish votes and oratorical skills ensured continuation of the slave trade. The article argues that historical realities were much more nuanced and complex in the slave trade abolition debates than a focus on the role and significance of one politician suggests. Edinburgh City Council therefore have the urgent moral duty to remove the plaque. Otherwise, the city faces the grave charge and international opprobrium of falsifying history on a public monument.
{"title":"Bad History: The Controversy over Henry Dundas and the Historiography of the Abolition of the Slave Trade","authors":"A. McCarthy","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0404","url":null,"abstract":"How far do individuals determine events and how much agency do they have? In March 2021, Edinburgh City Council approved plans to install a new plaque on the Melville monument in Edinburgh, Scotland, part of which refers to ‘the more than half-a-million Africans whose enslavement was a consequence of Henry Dundas's actions’. These words on the plaque serve to hold Dundas (later Lord Melville) solely accountable for the consequences of a parliamentary vote taken in the House of Commons in 1792 on the gradual delay of the British slave trade. This article interrogates the historical controversy surrounding Henry Dundas's role in abolition of the British slave trade with a focus on two main areas. First, it contradicts claims that historians unequivocally agree that Dundas delayed abolition. Second, it explores arguments that Dundas's mobilisation of Scottish votes and oratorical skills ensured continuation of the slave trade. The article argues that historical realities were much more nuanced and complex in the slave trade abolition debates than a focus on the role and significance of one politician suggests. Edinburgh City Council therefore have the urgent moral duty to remove the plaque. Otherwise, the city faces the grave charge and international opprobrium of falsifying history on a public monument.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44163290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since 1998, the Scottish Government has periodically issued guidance for child protection practice. This has grown from seventy-seven pages to two hundred and seventy pages in the latest draft iteration – The Draft National Guidance for Child Protection in Scotland (2020). This review of the Draft Guidance takes a rare, because critical and problematising, look at a policy document intended to influence social work practice with children and families. The review points to omissions, questions inclusions and looks at the ways that the Draft Guidance seeks to claim our attention for some matters and not others. With a focus upon appearances and the author's impressions, close reading of text and language usage, the review offers strategies for critical reading of policy documents.
{"title":"Beyond Intention. The Draft National Guidance for Child Protection in Scotland (2020): A Case Study of a Scottish Policy Document","authors":"G. Clapton","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0396","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1998, the Scottish Government has periodically issued guidance for child protection practice. This has grown from seventy-seven pages to two hundred and seventy pages in the latest draft iteration – The Draft National Guidance for Child Protection in Scotland (2020). This review of the Draft Guidance takes a rare, because critical and problematising, look at a policy document intended to influence social work practice with children and families. The review points to omissions, questions inclusions and looks at the ways that the Draft Guidance seeks to claim our attention for some matters and not others. With a focus upon appearances and the author's impressions, close reading of text and language usage, the review offers strategies for critical reading of policy documents.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46944818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：