Basic income has moved tentatively on to the UK agenda since 2015, but it has struggled to find a foothold in Westminster, where the dominant view of poverty is as the result of failure in the labour market, and the response remains coercive welfare conditionality. In Scotland, government-funded research into the feasibility of basic income pilots has drawn on health and well-being priorities and civic and local authority involvement, while making an explicit connection between poverty, agency, health and wealth. This article draws on literature and semi-expert interviews to argue that the nature of Scottish political institutions and culture, allied to a Nationalist party government keen to differentiate itself from Westminster, with independence as short-term or long-term goal, has created an unusual policy space that provides the conditions for basic income as a pivoting reform. While implementation of a Basic Income may be impossible without full independence, Scotland is creating an ideational climate where – unlike south of the border – it at least looks feasible.
{"title":"A More Welcoming Climate: How Basic Income found better Traction in Holyrood than in Westminster","authors":"S. Thomas","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0419","url":null,"abstract":"Basic income has moved tentatively on to the UK agenda since 2015, but it has struggled to find a foothold in Westminster, where the dominant view of poverty is as the result of failure in the labour market, and the response remains coercive welfare conditionality. In Scotland, government-funded research into the feasibility of basic income pilots has drawn on health and well-being priorities and civic and local authority involvement, while making an explicit connection between poverty, agency, health and wealth. This article draws on literature and semi-expert interviews to argue that the nature of Scottish political institutions and culture, allied to a Nationalist party government keen to differentiate itself from Westminster, with independence as short-term or long-term goal, has created an unusual policy space that provides the conditions for basic income as a pivoting reform. While implementation of a Basic Income may be impossible without full independence, Scotland is creating an ideational climate where – unlike south of the border – it at least looks feasible.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48578412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Richard Demarco, Joseph Beuys and the Dusseldorf Connection","authors":"M. Relich","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0423","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42996403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite persistent debate about the status and character of Scotland’s Catholic community the question of how distinctive – if at all – Scotland’s Catholics are within a wider British Catholicism is seldom asked. Utilising the newly released Catholics in Britain Survey of 2019 this short article sketches out some comparative evidence on Catholic religiosity, moral values, family, and personal networks. It concludes that Scotland’s Catholicism is closely similar, in terms of such measures, to a wider British Catholic community.
{"title":"Scotland's Catholics, A Distinctive Community?","authors":"M. Rosie","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0422","url":null,"abstract":"Despite persistent debate about the status and character of Scotland’s Catholic community the question of how distinctive – if at all – Scotland’s Catholics are within a wider British Catholicism is seldom asked. Utilising the newly released Catholics in Britain Survey of 2019 this short article sketches out some comparative evidence on Catholic religiosity, moral values, family, and personal networks. It concludes that Scotland’s Catholicism is closely similar, in terms of such measures, to a wider British Catholic community.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43301646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Adding to the growing scholarship on discourse analysis, cognitive frame theory and minority nationalism, this study examines how three of the most successful regional powers in Europe, the SNP in Scotland and Junts and ERC in Catalonia framed the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic to mobilize voters during the 2021 Scottish and Catalan regional elections. The quantitative and qualitative assessment of their Facebook communication suggests that diagnostic, prognostic and motivation framing was applied which are key elements of successful voter mobilization. Communication directly related to COVID-19 was used strategically during the campaigns to criticize the central governments and ascribe blame for the health and economic crisis. Posts about the virus also offered a platform for parties to highlight the successes of regional crisis management and to depict nationalist party candidates for regional governance as truly experienced politicians. Lastly, the SNP, ERC and Junts all argued that the crisis highlighted the weaknesses of the state structures that Scotland and Catalonia belong to. By framing independence as the only viable path to end the COVID-19 crisis, parties offered citizens a clear plan that was entirely dependent on voters casting their ballot papers in favour of nationalist politics.
{"title":"Framing COVID-19: Political Discourse of the SNP, ERC and Junts during the 2021 Scottish and Catalan Regional Elections","authors":"Mátyás Gergi-Horgos","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0418","url":null,"abstract":"Adding to the growing scholarship on discourse analysis, cognitive frame theory and minority nationalism, this study examines how three of the most successful regional powers in Europe, the SNP in Scotland and Junts and ERC in Catalonia framed the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic to mobilize voters during the 2021 Scottish and Catalan regional elections. The quantitative and qualitative assessment of their Facebook communication suggests that diagnostic, prognostic and motivation framing was applied which are key elements of successful voter mobilization. Communication directly related to COVID-19 was used strategically during the campaigns to criticize the central governments and ascribe blame for the health and economic crisis. Posts about the virus also offered a platform for parties to highlight the successes of regional crisis management and to depict nationalist party candidates for regional governance as truly experienced politicians. Lastly, the SNP, ERC and Junts all argued that the crisis highlighted the weaknesses of the state structures that Scotland and Catalonia belong to. By framing independence as the only viable path to end the COVID-19 crisis, parties offered citizens a clear plan that was entirely dependent on voters casting their ballot papers in favour of nationalist politics.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47655479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the summer of 2020 debate concerning the commemoration of one of Scotland’s leading eighteenth century politicians has galvanised opinions. The heart of the controversy surrounds the wording on a new heritage marker erected in 2021 at the statue of Henry Dundas (later Viscount Melville) in St Andrew Square, Edinburgh. This article does not address the complex question of whether or not Dundas was an abolitionist, but only if he can be held accountable for a delay to abolition of the British slave trade as claimed on the plaque. My overarching argument is that Sir Geoff Palmer, the key figure behind the new plaque’s wording, has wrongly conflated arguments about whether or not Dundas was an abolitionist with assertions that he delayed abolition of Britain’s slave trade. Through identifying the flaws in his approach to the past, I highlight the problems that arise when individuals and institutions discount, marginalise and demean professional and longstanding historical expertise. Indeed, the heritage sector is grossly undermined by the lack of rigorous scrutiny for plaques and memorials erected to serve pressure group politics. Although this controversy is about one monument in one city, it has wider ramifications for how we remember and engage with the past.
{"title":"Historians, Activists and Britain's Slave Trade Abolition Debate: The Henry Dundas Plaque Debacle","authors":"A. McCarthy","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0420","url":null,"abstract":"Since the summer of 2020 debate concerning the commemoration of one of Scotland’s leading eighteenth century politicians has galvanised opinions. The heart of the controversy surrounds the wording on a new heritage marker erected in 2021 at the statue of Henry Dundas (later Viscount Melville) in St Andrew Square, Edinburgh. This article does not address the complex question of whether or not Dundas was an abolitionist, but only if he can be held accountable for a delay to abolition of the British slave trade as claimed on the plaque. My overarching argument is that Sir Geoff Palmer, the key figure behind the new plaque’s wording, has wrongly conflated arguments about whether or not Dundas was an abolitionist with assertions that he delayed abolition of Britain’s slave trade. Through identifying the flaws in his approach to the past, I highlight the problems that arise when individuals and institutions discount, marginalise and demean professional and longstanding historical expertise. Indeed, the heritage sector is grossly undermined by the lack of rigorous scrutiny for plaques and memorials erected to serve pressure group politics. Although this controversy is about one monument in one city, it has wider ramifications for how we remember and engage with the past.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43034195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Healthcare is becoming increasingly digitised. Access and usage of digital health technologies however is unequal in deprived communities. Despite this disparity, research remains silent on digital health and health inequalities. The present study investigates the health and well-being needs of a deprived community and how digital health technologies could be implemented to meet those needs. An interpretative, qualitative approach was adopted. 18 residents from the deprived community of Raploch, Stirling were recruited. Participants were split into two age cohorts 26–49 (N=4) and 50+ years of age (N=14). Three focus group discussions and a semi-structured interview were used to explore the digital health needs of the residents using open-ended questions. The findings revealed that there are multitude of accessibility relations that influenced the everyday experience of the residents. The complex assemblage of relations must be understood and addressed if digital health interventions are to be successfully implemented into a deprived community.
{"title":"The Digital Health and Wellbeing Needs, or otherwise, of a Deprived Scottish Community","authors":"Scot McVean, C. Yuill","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0421","url":null,"abstract":"Healthcare is becoming increasingly digitised. Access and usage of digital health technologies however is unequal in deprived communities. Despite this disparity, research remains silent on digital health and health inequalities. The present study investigates the health and well-being needs of a deprived community and how digital health technologies could be implemented to meet those needs. An interpretative, qualitative approach was adopted. 18 residents from the deprived community of Raploch, Stirling were recruited. Participants were split into two age cohorts 26–49 (N=4) and 50+ years of age (N=14). Three focus group discussions and a semi-structured interview were used to explore the digital health needs of the residents using open-ended questions. The findings revealed that there are multitude of accessibility relations that influenced the everyday experience of the residents. The complex assemblage of relations must be understood and addressed if digital health interventions are to be successfully implemented into a deprived community.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46775376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Scottish Affairs in 2001, Kenneth Scott and Roy Wilkie, while discussing the appointments of chief constables, noted that ‘the real power in Scottish policing is probably revealed where those elements in the tripartite system [chief constables, local government and central government] interact’ (2001: 57) irrespective of the constitutional and legislative boundaries. This paper examines the nascent police governance arrangements by shining a spotlight on the status of the operational independence doctrine in the post-reform era. It revisits the Scottish Police Authority’s attempts to negotiate its own boundaries of influence since its formation. The discussion draws on the 2012 reform legislation, official policy agenda that led to the creation of the Scottish Police Authority ( Malik, 2018 ), a select number of interviews with key architects of the Scottish police reform conducted between 2013–2016, official parliamentary reports, public meeting minutes, and HMICS and Audit Scotland inspection reports. The analysis suggests that the reform agenda did not seek to address the broad interpretation of operational independence that played a key part in diminishing the influence and performance of the local police boards. On the one hand, the Authority have attempted to challenge the scope of operational independence but with limited success. Conversely, and contradictorily, the influence of Ministers and the Scottish Government has gradually expanded. This raises important questions in relation to the essence of operational independence, when it is invoked and crucially who it is invoked against. New boundaries of tolerance and influence need to be negotiated for the Scottish Police Authority to be able to play a more meaningful and independent oversight role in police governance.
{"title":"Negotiating Boundaries of Tolerance: The Scottish Police Authority and the Doctrine of Operational Independence","authors":"Alina Malik","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0417","url":null,"abstract":"In Scottish Affairs in 2001, Kenneth Scott and Roy Wilkie, while discussing the appointments of chief constables, noted that ‘the real power in Scottish policing is probably revealed where those elements in the tripartite system [chief constables, local government and central government] interact’ (2001: 57) irrespective of the constitutional and legislative boundaries. This paper examines the nascent police governance arrangements by shining a spotlight on the status of the operational independence doctrine in the post-reform era. It revisits the Scottish Police Authority’s attempts to negotiate its own boundaries of influence since its formation. The discussion draws on the 2012 reform legislation, official policy agenda that led to the creation of the Scottish Police Authority ( Malik, 2018 ), a select number of interviews with key architects of the Scottish police reform conducted between 2013–2016, official parliamentary reports, public meeting minutes, and HMICS and Audit Scotland inspection reports. The analysis suggests that the reform agenda did not seek to address the broad interpretation of operational independence that played a key part in diminishing the influence and performance of the local police boards. On the one hand, the Authority have attempted to challenge the scope of operational independence but with limited success. Conversely, and contradictorily, the influence of Ministers and the Scottish Government has gradually expanded. This raises important questions in relation to the essence of operational independence, when it is invoked and crucially who it is invoked against. New boundaries of tolerance and influence need to be negotiated for the Scottish Police Authority to be able to play a more meaningful and independent oversight role in police governance.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45281067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
James Besse, H. Gorringe, Johann A. von Rötel, Cristian Luguzan, Filippo G. Ricciardi
This paper draws on 10 months of empirical research observing how the Scottish independence movement mobilized during 2020, the unique period of time when the UK was beset with overlapping crises: Brexit and the Covid-19 Pandemic. When the pandemic forced a cessation of physical demonstrations in March, we employed a mixed-methods research design combining manual and automatic classification of tweets with qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews, in order to illuminate both how the independence movement responded to the pandemic in organizational and strategic terms, as well as providing a reflection of how activists reflected on the purposes and context of their activities. We conceptualise the cessation of activities as a period of ‘abeyance’ and ask how Scottish independence activists worked to stay mobilized during lockdowns. We found that the movement utilized a variety of strategies, including online events, and by framing independence as a response to these crises. In pointing to the mishandling of the pandemic by the Conservative government in Westminster, and the oncoming end of the Brexit transition period, for example, activists were able to emphasise the importance and urgency of the movement’s cause.
{"title":"‘Opportunities have pretty much disappeared’: The Movement for Scottish Independence in Abeyance during Covid-19","authors":"James Besse, H. Gorringe, Johann A. von Rötel, Cristian Luguzan, Filippo G. Ricciardi","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0408","url":null,"abstract":"This paper draws on 10 months of empirical research observing how the Scottish independence movement mobilized during 2020, the unique period of time when the UK was beset with overlapping crises: Brexit and the Covid-19 Pandemic. When the pandemic forced a cessation of physical demonstrations in March, we employed a mixed-methods research design combining manual and automatic classification of tweets with qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews, in order to illuminate both how the independence movement responded to the pandemic in organizational and strategic terms, as well as providing a reflection of how activists reflected on the purposes and context of their activities. We conceptualise the cessation of activities as a period of ‘abeyance’ and ask how Scottish independence activists worked to stay mobilized during lockdowns. We found that the movement utilized a variety of strategies, including online events, and by framing independence as a response to these crises. In pointing to the mishandling of the pandemic by the Conservative government in Westminster, and the oncoming end of the Brexit transition period, for example, activists were able to emphasise the importance and urgency of the movement’s cause.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47810435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay reflects on the de-naming of the David Hume Tower at Edinburgh University in September 2020. It critically examines and contextualises the racist footnote written by Hume, that was the focus of calls to remove his name from the building. It argues that an opportunity was lost to ask deeper questions about the contribution of David Hume to current thought, and why we may want to commemorate historical figures, despite their flaws. In short, a ‘teachable moment’ was squandered in this event. I conclude by suggesting that such symbolic gestures as the de-naming of the David Hume Tower are not effective ways to oppose racism.
{"title":"A Teachable Moment? David Hume and the Tower of Babel","authors":"Jonathan Hearn","doi":"10.3366/scot.2022.0406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0406","url":null,"abstract":"This essay reflects on the de-naming of the David Hume Tower at Edinburgh University in September 2020. It critically examines and contextualises the racist footnote written by Hume, that was the focus of calls to remove his name from the building. It argues that an opportunity was lost to ask deeper questions about the contribution of David Hume to current thought, and why we may want to commemorate historical figures, despite their flaws. In short, a ‘teachable moment’ was squandered in this event. I conclude by suggesting that such symbolic gestures as the de-naming of the David Hume Tower are not effective ways to oppose racism.","PeriodicalId":43295,"journal":{"name":"Scottish Affairs","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47082915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：