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Historical Sociology of Unfreedom? 不自由的历史社会学?
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-368-375
Oleg Kil'dyushov
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引用次数: 0
Magic, Debauchery and… Translations 魔法,放荡和…翻译
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-350-355
Alexander Marey
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引用次数: 0
Human-Machine Interdependence Beyond Ai Development: the Case of Bitcoin 超越人工智能发展的人机相互依赖:以比特币为例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-263-286
Andrey Rezaev, Natalia Tregubova
This paper aims to analyze Bitcoin as an identifiable system of human-machine interdependence. The authors start with a brief historical outline of the Bitcoin project and discuss questions that Bitcoin poses to social sciences, such as whether Bitcoin is money, how the Bitcoin project relates to economic theory, what determines the value of a Bitcoin, and what are the conditions for trust in Bitcoin? Finally, what happens when the Bitcoin project becomes a reality? In what follows, the authors correlate the existence of Bitcoin with the spread of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies as active intermediaries and participants in human interactions. After observing the similarities and differences between AI and the Bitcoin project, the idea of whether Bitcoin can act as “artificial money” for AI is discussed, and the reality of human-machine interdependence is exemplified. In conclusion, the authors define Bitcoin as a particular system of human-machine interdependence initially conceived as an alternative to money; however, in reality, it supplements the existing economic order.
本文旨在分析比特币作为人机相互依存的可识别系统。作者首先简要介绍了比特币项目的历史概况,并讨论了比特币给社会科学带来的问题,例如比特币是否是货币,比特币项目与经济理论的关系如何,什么决定了比特币的价值,以及对比特币的信任条件是什么?最后,当比特币项目成为现实时会发生什么?在接下来的文章中,作者将比特币的存在与人工智能(AI)技术作为人类互动的积极中介和参与者的传播联系起来。在观察了人工智能与比特币项目的异同之后,讨论了比特币是否可以作为人工智能的“人工货币”,并举例说明了人机相互依存的现实。总之,作者将比特币定义为一种特定的人机相互依存系统,最初被认为是货币的替代品;然而,在现实中,它是对现有经济秩序的补充。
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引用次数: 0
The “Orthodox Belt” on Russia’s Electoral Map in 2011–2021 2011-2021年俄罗斯选举地图上的“正统带
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-172-195
Andrey Scherbak
The article explores the relationship between Orthodox religiosity and voting in Russia in 2011–2021. Using the theoretical framework of de-secularization from above which claims that church structures play a key role in the religious renaissance policy, we argue that the rise of the political influence of the ROC (Russian Orthodox Church) may be explained by its capacity for the dissemination of traditional values that ultimately results in votes for United Russia and President Vladimir Putin in national elections. This study reveals the emergence of a new area on Russia’s political map, that of the Orthodox belt, which combines higher levels of Orthodox religiosity and pro-Kremlin voting in national elections. Using multiple empirical strategies, we construct an index of religiosity on the regional level and identify the Orthodox Belt regions, test the relationship between Orthodox religiosity and voting in the national elections in 2011–2018, and test the differences in value orientations and electoral support between the Orthodox Belt regions and others. We conclude that non-Orthodox Belt regions in Russia with higher Orthodox religiosity, conservatism, and loyalty are an emerging trend in the Russian political geography.
本文探讨了2011-2021年俄罗斯东正教宗教信仰与投票之间的关系。利用上述非世俗化理论框架,即教会结构在宗教复兴政策中发挥关键作用,我们认为,中华民国(俄罗斯东正教会)政治影响力的崛起,可能是由于其传播传统价值观的能力,最终导致在全国选举中投票给统一俄罗斯党和弗拉基米尔·普京总统。这项研究揭示了俄罗斯政治地图上出现的一个新区域,即东正教带,它结合了更高水平的东正教宗教信仰和在全国选举中支持克里姆林宫的投票。本文运用多元实证策略,构建区域层面的宗教虔诚度指标,并对东正带地区进行识别,检验东正带地区在2011-2018年全国选举中宗教虔诚度与投票的关系,检验东正带地区与其他地区在价值取向和选举支持上的差异。结论认为,俄罗斯非东正教带地区具有较高的东正教宗教信仰、保守主义和忠诚,是俄罗斯政治地理的新兴趋势。
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引用次数: 0
The “Tyranny of Values” as the “will to Power”: on the Genealogy and Effects of Value Discourse in Justice 作为“权力意志”的“价值暴政”:论正义中价值话语的谱系及其影响
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-125-146
Elena Timoshina
K. Schmitt’s essay “The Tyranny of Values” helps to clarify the genealogy and effects of the value turn in justice. The first part of the article explains the differences between the traditional judicial method, which operates with norms and the way judges deal with values. It is noted that judges’ methods of dealing with values are hermetic and irrational. The second part substantiates that the main object of Schmitt’s criticism was F. Nietzsche’s metaphysics of values in the analysis of which he follows M. Heidegger. Schmitt notes such a property of values as their subjective significance, as well as the interrelated punctuality and perspectivism of value thinking conditioning its aggressiveness. He omits the reference to the connection of value thinking with the Nietzschean concept of the will to power, but the assumption of such a connection is necessary to explain the aggressiveness of the logic of values. In the third part, several cases from case law of the European Court of Human Rights are presented. It is shown that the Court determines the value of an act of behavior not by correlating it with legally valid norms, but voluntarily. It is this mode of the judicial resolution of cases that Schmitt called the terror of the automatic realization of values unmediated by norms. In conclusion, it is noted that Schmitt’s essay points with varying degrees of clarity to the three implications of value discourse in justice, those of the methodological, political-institutional, and ethical.
施米特(K. Schmitt)的文章《价值的暴政》(The Tyranny of Values)有助于澄清正义中价值转向的谱系及其影响。文章的第一部分阐述了传统的以规范操作的司法方法与法官处理价值的方式的区别。值得注意的是,法官处理价值的方法是封闭的和非理性的。第二部分证实了施米特批判的主要对象是尼采的价值形而上学,他在分析中追随了海德格尔。Schmitt注意到价值观的这种属性,即它们的主观意义,以及价值思维的相互关联的及时性和透视性,制约了价值思维的攻击性。他省略了价值思维与尼采的权力意志概念之间的联系,但是这种联系的假设对于解释价值逻辑的攻击性是必要的。第三部分介绍了欧洲人权法院判例法中的几个案例。这表明,法院决定行为行为的价值不是通过将其与法律上有效的规范相关联,而是自愿的。正是这种案件的司法解决模式,施米特称之为对不受规范影响的价值自动实现的恐惧。最后,值得注意的是,施密特的文章以不同程度的清晰度指出了正义价值话语的三种含义,即方法论,政治制度和伦理。
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引用次数: 0
Cathectic Mechanisms of Culture. Part 1 文化的传导机制。第1部分
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-9-52
Dmitry Kurakin
The first part of the article introduces a new research program that focuses on the constitutive role of emotions, affect, and their intensity in meaning-making. It opposes the existing broad tradition that effectively posits culture as information and sees cultural processes as coding, transferring, and processing information. I suggest that such a “cybernetic” paradigm of culture stems from the implicit or explicit domination of the computational models of cognition in sociology. However, current progress in cognitive neuroscience and its theoretical comprehension makes these models inadequate. The ongoing shift to distributed models of cognition calls for an adjustment of the concept of culture regarding its “vertical”, emotional dimension. Instead of seeing emotions as an “amplifier” of pre-existing cultural meanings or as a “fuel” of social processes, we should see emotions as an ingredient of an emergent synthesis that creates culture. The first part of the article introduces a historical-sociological reconstruction of theories recognizing an integral emotional dimension of culture; this is opposed to the entire sub-discipline of the sociology of emotions that broadly describes the mutual influences between social life and emotions as a human psychic trait. In the context of the ongoing debates about a cognitive turn in sociology, this historical-sociological reconstruction allows me to build a Durkheimian theory of cathectic mechanisms of culture based on the re-interpretation of the Freudian concept of cathexis. The article also contains the basic principles and implications of the sociological theory of cathexis.
文章的第一部分介绍了一个新的研究项目,重点关注情感的构成作用,影响,以及它们在意义形成中的强度。它反对现有的广泛传统,即有效地将文化视为信息,并将文化过程视为编码,传递和处理信息。我认为,这种文化的“控制论”范式源于社会学中认知计算模型的隐性或显性支配。然而,目前认知神经科学及其理论理解的进展使这些模型不足。正在进行的向分布式认知模型的转变要求对文化概念的“垂直”、情感维度进行调整。我们不应将情感视为既有的文化意义的“放大器”或社会进程的“燃料”,而应将情感视为创造文化的新兴合成的一种成分。文章的第一部分介绍了对认识到文化的整体情感维度的理论的历史社会学重构;这与情感社会学的整个子学科相反,情感社会学广泛地将社会生活和情感之间的相互影响描述为人类的心理特征。在关于社会学认知转向的持续辩论的背景下,这种历史社会学重建使我能够在重新解释弗洛伊德的神学概念的基础上,建立一个迪尔凯姆的文化神学机制理论。文章还介绍了导管社会学理论的基本原理和内涵。
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引用次数: 0
Carl Schmitt's “Tyranny of Values” in the Context of the Debate on the Nature of Constitutional Rights 卡尔·施密特的“价值暴政”在宪法权利本质之争的语境下
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-96-124
Viacheslav Kondurov
Discussions about the nature of constitutional rights set out in the Constitution emerged in post-war Germany in the late 1950s and early 1960s, triggered by the judgement of the German Federal Constitutional Court in the so-called “Lüth case”. In this judgement, for the first time, the Court clearly articulated the position that fundamental rights are an objective value system that extends its legal force to all branches of law, including civil law. One of the fiercest critics of the Court decision was Ernst Forsthoff, a disciple of Carl Schmitt. In a series of articles, he attacked the “value” legal interpretation, pointing out that it leads not only to the destruction of the legal method and the loss of jurisprudence autonomy, but also to changes in the institutional structure of the state. E. Forsthoff’s criticism was predominantly juridical, focusing on the actual law enforcement, as well as on the theoretical-legal origins of value interpretation which he found in R. Smend’s “integration theory”. In contrast, C. Schmitt, in Tyranny of Values, practically omitted legal arguments and attacked the philosophical basis of the German Court’s position. Relying on M. Weber, the German legal scholar attempted to demonstrate that the adoption of value interpretation by constitutional justice means the direct application of values, which destroys the rule of law. Despite the different trends of criticism, the conclusions reached by E. Forsthoff and C. Schmitt show a significant similarity in that both call for the autonomy of legal science and a return to the formal legal state.
关于宪法规定的宪法权利的性质的讨论出现在战后的德国,在20世纪50年代末和60年代初,由德国联邦宪法法院对所谓的“l th案”的判决引发。在这一判决中,法院第一次明确地阐明了基本权利是一种客观价值制度的立场,它的法律效力扩展到所有法律部门,包括民法。对法院判决最激烈的批评者之一是卡尔·施密特的弟子恩斯特·福斯霍夫。在一系列文章中,他抨击了“价值”法律解释,指出它不仅导致法律方法的破坏和法理学自主性的丧失,而且导致国家制度结构的变化。福索夫的批评主要是司法方面的,关注实际的执法,以及他在R. Smend的“整合理论”中发现的价值解释的理论-法律渊源。相比之下,C. Schmitt在《价值的暴政》中几乎省略了法律论据,并攻击了德国法院立场的哲学基础。德国法学家以韦伯为依托,试图论证宪法司法采用价值解释意味着直接应用价值,这是对法治的破坏。尽管批评倾向不同,但福斯霍夫和施密特的结论却有显著的相似之处,即他们都呼吁法学的自主性和回归正式的法律状态。
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引用次数: 0
Evolution of the Hofstede Model of Cultural Dimensions: Parallels Between Objective and Subjective Culture Hofstede文化维度模型的演变:客观文化与主观文化的相似之处
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-287-317
Mikhail Minkov, Boris Sokolov, Ilya Lomakin
Some 40 years ago, the Dutch social scientist Geert Hofstede laid the foundations of the science of modern cultural comparisons and created the most popular model of national culture that is still in use today across the world. Meanwhile, numerous issues with that model have been identified and the need for a thorough revision has become obvious. This article briefly explains Hofstede’s model and its issues and summarizes the existing revisions of it, resulting in a new, simpler, and more robust Minkov-Hofstede model. This new version explains a wide range of differences in national indicators, such as transparency-corruption, gender equality, road death tolls and industrial fatalities, educational achievement, violent crime, adolescent fertility, family structure, and innovation rates, to name just a few. These indicators form a pattern that is similar to the new Minkov-Hofstede model and can be explained through similar theories. This is evidence that subjective culture (what people think and feel) has a mirror image in objective culture (what people do). The new Minkov-Hofstede model can be applied to countries, as well as to some sub-national units such as US states.
大约40年前,荷兰社会科学家霍夫斯泰德(Geert Hofstede)奠定了现代文化比较科学的基础,并创建了最流行的民族文化模型,该模型至今仍在世界范围内使用。与此同时,已经发现了该模式的许多问题,显然需要进行彻底修订。本文简要解释了Hofstede模型及其存在的问题,并总结了对该模型的现有修订,从而得出了一个新的、更简单、更健壮的Minkov-Hofstede模型。这个新版本解释了各国指标的广泛差异,例如透明度——腐败、性别平等、道路死亡人数和工业死亡人数、教育成就、暴力犯罪、青少年生育率、家庭结构和创新率等等。这些指标形成的模式与新的Minkov-Hofstede模型类似,可以通过类似的理论来解释。这是主观文化(人们的想法和感受)在客观文化(人们的行为)中有镜像的证据。新的Minkov-Hofstede模型可以应用于国家,也可以应用于一些次国家单位,如美国的一些州。
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引用次数: 0
Retroactive Categorizations, or Post-Coloniality as Condition 追溯分类,或后殖民状态
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-53-74
Vladimir Malakhov
The rise of the post-colonial and de-colonial narrative that is being experienced nowadays in post-Soviet countries stands in contrast with the rejection of this narrative by the Russian academic and sociocultural mainstream. The paper analyzes the opportunities and constrains of the “post-colonialism” conceptual framework. As well, the arguments of researchers who were skeptical about this framework are reconstructed. The author separates “post-colonialism” as a research strategy and “de-colonialism” (“de-colonial thought”) as a form of activism. According to the author, the paradigm of post-colonial studies, despite its inherent theoretical shortcomings, contains a serious analytical potential, while de-colonialism is an internally contradictory ideological program. In addition, the article makes a distinction between post-colonialism as a situation and post-colonialism as a reflection on this situation. Post-coloniality is possible without colonialism. It denotes the comprehension and rethinking of a certain historical experience, regardless of whether the past condition qualifies as colonial.
后苏联国家正在经历的后殖民和去殖民叙事的兴起,与俄罗斯学术和社会文化主流对这种叙事的拒绝形成鲜明对比。本文分析了“后殖民主义”概念框架的机遇与制约。同时,对这一框架持怀疑态度的研究人员的论点也得到了重建。作者将“后殖民主义”作为一种研究策略,将“去殖民主义”(“去殖民思想”)作为一种行动主义形式加以区分。作者认为,后殖民研究范式尽管有其内在的理论缺陷,但仍具有重要的分析潜力,而去殖民主义是一个内部矛盾的意识形态方案。此外,文章还对作为一种情境的后殖民主义和作为对这种情境的反思的后殖民主义进行了区分。没有殖民主义,后殖民主义也是可能的。它指的是对某种历史经验的理解和反思,而不管过去的情况是否符合殖民主义的标准。
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引用次数: 0
Why Do Citizens Trust the Government? The Origins of Political Trust in Modern Russia 为什么公民信任政府?近代俄罗斯政治信任的起源
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.17323/1728-192x-2023-3-196-218
Ruslan Mukhametov
Political trust is central to the study of political regimes. The level of public support for a government or party is one of the most important indicators of political legitimacy and stability. The article examines the quantitative indicators of the influence of socio-psychological, civic, institutional, and informational factors on political trust. The purpose of the study was to understand the factors influencing trust in the Russian government. The analysis was based on data from the sociological survey of the 7th wave of the World Values Survey (2017-2022). Using the Russian data set, the authors assessed the impact of interpersonal and general trust, involvement in non-profit and non-governmental organizations, citizens’ perceptions of their financial situation, security and corruption, and watching TV news on trust in government institutions. This study shows that high levels of interpersonal and societal trust have a positive impact on political trust. This study proposes and confirms the hypothesis that watching political television programs improves trust in the government. The article complements existing empirical studies on institutional trust and adapts well-known theories explaining the origin of trust to the Russian political context.
政治信任是政治制度研究的核心。公众对政府或政党的支持程度是政治合法性和稳定性的最重要指标之一。本文考察了社会心理、公民、制度和信息因素对政治信任影响的定量指标。本研究的目的是了解影响对俄罗斯政府信任的因素。这是根据第七次世界价值观调查(2017-2022年)的社会学调查数据进行的分析。使用俄罗斯的数据集,作者评估了人际信任和一般信任、参与非营利组织和非政府组织、公民对其财务状况、安全和腐败的看法,以及观看电视新闻对政府机构信任的影响。本研究表明,高水平的人际信任和社会信任对政治信任有正向影响。本研究提出并证实了观看政治类电视节目能提高民众对政府信任的假设。本文补充了现有的关于制度信任的实证研究,并将解释信任起源的知名理论应用于俄罗斯的政治背景。
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引用次数: 0
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