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AJL volume 13 issue 2 Cover and Front matter AJL第13卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000371
Tan Hsien-Li, Raul C. Pangalangan, Shirley Scott, H. Charlesworth, Chen Yifeng, B. Chimni, Eliana Cusato, T. Davenport, Hikmahanto
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting the Geneva Conventions: 1949–2019 edited by Md. Jahid Hossain BHUIYAN and Borhan Uddin KHAN. Leiden/Boston: Brill Nijhoff, 2020. xviii + 334 pp. Hardcover: $25.00. doi: 10.1163/9789004375543 Jahid Hossain BHUIYAN和Borhan Uddin KHAN编辑的《重新审视1949年至2019年日内瓦公约》。莱顿/波士顿:Brill Nijhoff,2020。xvii+334页。精装本:25.00美元。doi:10.1163/9789004375543
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000310
W. Seneviratne
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引用次数: 0
Minorities and the Making of Postcolonial States in International Law by Mohammad SHAHABUDDIN. Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. xxiv + 354 pp. Hardcover: AUD$ 160.95; Adobe eBook USD$88.00. doi: 10.1017/9781108678773 穆罕默德·沙哈布丁:《国际法中的少数民族与后殖民国家的形成》。剑桥国际法与比较法研究剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021。xxiv + 354页精装:160.95澳元;Adobe电子书USD$88.00。doi: 10.1017 / 9781108678773
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000292
R. Mohanty
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引用次数: 0
Recognition of Foreign Bank Resolution Actions by Shuai GUO. Cheltenham, UK/Northampton, MA: Oxon: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2022. 352 pp. Hardcover: £100.00; eBook: £25.00. doi: 10.4337/9781802200560 帅国对外资银行决议行为的承认。英国切尔滕纳姆/马萨诸塞州北安普敦:牛津:爱德华·埃尔加出版社,2022年。352页,精装本:100.00英镑;电子书:25.00英镑。doi:10.4337/9781802200560
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000309
A. Banerjee
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引用次数: 0
Corporations, Accountability and International Criminal Law: Industry and Atrocity by Joanna KYRIAKAKIS. Cheltenham, UK/Northampton, MA: Oxon: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2021. 298 pp. Hardcover: £105.00; eBook £25.00. doi: 10.4337/9780857939500. Joanna KYRIAKAKIS著《公司、责任和国际刑法:工业与暴行》。英国切尔滕纳姆/马萨诸塞州北安普敦:牛津:爱德华·埃尔加出版社,2021年。298页,精装本:105.00英镑;电子书25.00英镑。doi:10.4337/978857939500。
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1017/S2044251323000188
Abdulmalik M. Altamimi
provide new and detailed insights into the active role played by the EU in promoting normative objectives through trade. Velluti indeed deserves appreciation for her insightful research in this fast-moving field
对欧盟在通过贸易促进规范性目标方面发挥的积极作用提供了新的详细见解。Velluti在这个快速发展的领域进行了富有洞察力的研究,确实值得赞赏
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引用次数: 2
The Role of the EU in the Promotion of Human Rights and International Labour Standards in Its External Trade Relations by Samantha VELLUTI. Switzerland: Springer Cham, 2020. xviii + 359 pp. Hardcover €119.99; eBook €96.29. doi: 10.1007/978-3-030-56748-4 Samantha VELLUTI著《欧盟在对外贸易关系中促进人权和国际劳工标准的作用》。瑞士:施普林格商会,2020年。xvii+359页精装本119.99欧元;电子书96.29欧元。doi:10.1007/978-3-030-566748-4
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/S2044251323000218
Sakshi Tirthani
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引用次数: 0
Extraterritoriality in East Asia: Extraterritorial Criminal Jurisdiction in China, Japan, and South Korea edited by Danielle IRELAND-PIPER. Cheltenham, UK/Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2021. 168 pp. Hardcover: £75.00; eBook: £25.00. doi:10.4337/9781788976664 《东亚治外法权:中国、日本和韩国的治外刑事管辖权》,Danielle IRELAND-PIPER主编。英国切尔滕纳姆/马萨诸塞州北安普敦:爱德华·埃尔加出版社,2021年。168页,精装本:75.00英镑;电子书:25.00英镑。doi:10.4337/9781788976664
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/S2044251323000206
Lucia Leontiev
foreign aircraft in international airspace adjacent to their coasts. Stewart hints that three significant events sparked her research; namely, China’s opposition to the United States aircraft flying in international airspace in the South China Sea over its artificial islands; the Gulf states’ ban on Qatari-registered aircraft entering international airspace within their FIRs; and China’s adoption of an ADIZ with several features that resulted in pushback from other states. Chapter 4 of the book, with its focus on FIR and ADIZ, is a significant contribution since in-depth analyses on those topics are surprisingly rare. One possible criticism is that, instead of having FIR and ADIZ in the same chapter, addressing them in two separate chapters could have clarified the point. As Stewart explains, FIR has its basis in international civil aviation law (namely, the Chicago Convention of 1944), while ADIZ has no foundation in international law. The book’s biggest strength is the author’s intimate knowledge of air law and the law of the sea. Through an integrated examination of these two specialized fields of international law, she effectively presents the “ambiguity in international law in terms of where the balance sits between the rights of the coastal state and the rights of the users of the airspace in the exercise of their freedom of overflight” (p. 241). To alleviate fragmentation of the law governing the use of international airspace, she calls for closer cooperation between the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO), such as by issuing joint guidance on the text of the treaty. ICAO and IMO had already done something similar when they published the International Aeronautical and Maritime Search and Rescue (IAMSAR) Manual. While emphasizing that freedom of overflight is a fundamental principle in international airspace, Stewart firmly concludes that the international community must closely scrutinize the practices of coastal states as to their legitimacy under relevant international law. This book is particularly helpful in understanding relevant international laws and state practices in international airspace.
外国飞机进入其海岸附近的国际空域。斯图尔特暗示,有三个重要事件激发了她的研究;即中国反对美国飞机在南海国际空域飞越中国的人工岛屿;海湾国家禁止卡塔尔注册的飞机在其第一机场内进入国际空域;中国划设的防空识别区有几个特征,导致其他国家的抵制。本书的第4章关注FIR和ADIZ,这是一个重要的贡献,因为对这些主题的深入分析非常罕见。一种可能的批评是,与其将FIR和ADIZ放在同一章中,不如在两个单独的章节中讨论它们,这样可以澄清问题。正如Stewart解释的那样,FIR有其国际民用航空法基础(即1944年的《芝加哥公约》),而防空识别区没有国际法基础。这本书最大的优点是作者对航空法和海洋法的深入了解。通过对这两个国际法专门领域的综合考察,她有效地提出了“国际法在沿海国的权利和空域使用者行使飞越自由的权利之间的平衡位置方面的模糊性”(第241页)。为了减轻管理国际空域使用的法律的支离破碎,她呼吁国际民用航空组织(民航组织)和国际海事组织(海事组织)之间进行更密切的合作,例如发布关于条约案文的联合指导。民航组织和海事组织在出版《国际航空和海上搜救手册》时已经做了类似的事情。在强调飞越自由是国际空域的基本原则的同时,斯图尔特坚定地得出结论,国际社会必须密切审查沿岸国的做法,以确定其在相关国际法下的合法性。这本书对理解有关的国际法和国家在国际空域的做法特别有帮助。
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引用次数: 0
Competition Laws, National Interests and International Relations by Ko UNOKI. Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Routledge, 2021. 144 pp. Hardcover: AUS$252.00; Softcover: AUS$77.99; VitalSource eBook: AUS$63.89. doi: unknown Ko UNOKI的《竞争法、国家利益和国际关系》。牛津郡阿宾顿:劳特利奇,2021年。144页,精装本:252.00澳元;软封面:77.99澳元;VitalSource电子书:63.89澳元。doi:未知
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/s204425132300022x
Sudhir Verma, Saniya Khanna
methodology
方法
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引用次数: 0
The Geoeconomics of Belt and Road Disputes: A Case Study on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor “一带一路”争端的地缘经济学——以中巴经济走廊为例
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000176
M. Mclaughlin
This article argues that the dovetailing economic, geopolitical, and security interests that underpin the Belt and Road Initiative demands a dispute resolution mechanism that focuses on broader interests and legal rights. Using the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a case study, it identifies the conditions in which Chinese investors could have initiated an investment arbitration but did not. This can be explained by the rights-based orientation of investment treaties failing to reflect the interests of multi-project initiatives. Instead, alternative methods of home state intervention, such as state-funded political risk insurance, are used to protect investors. In other words, the political economy of CPEC investments refuses to utilize hard law mechanisms. Given this context, mediation may be a viable alternative. These circumstances accelerate the trend towards “de-legalization”, which is often cited as an inevitable consequence of the emerging “geoeconomic order” but suggests that reasons other than national security are the cause.
本文认为,支撑“一带一路”倡议的相互关联的经济、地缘政治和安全利益要求建立一个关注更广泛利益和合法权利的争端解决机制。该报告以中巴经济走廊(CPEC)为例,指出了中国投资者本可以提起投资仲裁但却没有提起的条件。这可以解释为投资条约的权利导向未能反映多项目倡议的利益。取而代之的是,国家干预的替代方法,如国家资助的政治风险保险,被用来保护投资者。换句话说,中巴经济走廊投资的政治经济学拒绝使用硬法律机制。在这种情况下,中介可能是一个可行的替代方案。这些情况加速了“去合法化”的趋势,这通常被认为是正在形成的“地缘经济秩序”的必然结果,但似乎国家安全以外的原因是原因。
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引用次数: 0
Sovereignty and the Sea: How Indonesia Became an Archipelagic State by G. BUTCHER John and R.E. ELSON. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. xxvi + 560 pp. Hardcover: SG$58.00; Softcover: SG$45.00. 《主权与海洋:印度尼西亚如何成为群岛国》作者:G. BUTCHER John和R.E. ELSON。新加坡:新加坡国立大学出版社,2017。xxvi + 560页精装版:58新元;平装:SG 45.00美元。
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1017/s2044251323000164
Eka an Aqimuddin
While reading Sovereignty and the Sea: How Indonesia Became an Archipelagic State , I could not help but reflect on Butcher and Elson ’ s ability to present a detailed picture of the origins of Indonesia, where they analyze the history of Indonesia ’ s protracted diplomatic struggle to become an archipelagic state until its recognition by the international community at the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1982. Further, they plainly describe those involved and how an archipelagic state was conceived, developed, and declared. The evolution of Indonesia ’ s “ Sea Policies ” is discussed chronologically, beginning with the colonial period (Chapter 1) and concluding with the 1982 Montego Bay negotiations (Chapter 17). The discussion is supplemented by a reflection (Chapter 18) and an epilogue (Chapter 19), which explain that Indonesia ’ s diplomatic victory of becoming an archipelagic state was not the end of the story. Instead, it forms a legal basis for advancing towards realizing the ideals articulated in the 13 December 1957 Djuanda Declaration, which signalled Indonesia ’ s intention to become an archipelagic state. This concept resulted from the convergence of brilliant concepts conceived by key Indonesian leaders. Commencing with a conversation between Chairul Saleh (Retired/Veteran Minister) and Mochtar Kusumaatmadja (Territorial Sea Committee/young international law scholar), Chairul urged Mochtar to close the Java Sea as a territorial water. This idea was raised because Indonesia ’ s territorial integrity in the post-colonial era was jeopardized by the presence of Dutch military ships that freely sailed through the Java Sea towards West Irian. Mochtar initially denied Chairul ’ s idea because it violated international law. Chairul then implied that Mochtar was not revolutionary enough and, if this former mindset had prevailed during the colonial period, Indonesia would not have achieved
在阅读《主权与海洋:印度尼西亚如何成为一个群岛国家》时,我不禁反思了布彻和埃尔森对印度尼西亚起源的详细描述,他们在书中分析了印度尼西亚在1982年联合国海洋法会议上被国际社会承认之前,为成为一个群岛国家而进行的旷日持久的外交斗争的历史。此外,它们清楚地描述了相关人员以及群岛国家是如何构想、发展和宣布的。从殖民时期开始(第1章),到1982年蒙特哥湾谈判结束(第17章),按时间顺序讨论了印度尼西亚“海洋政策”的演变。对讨论的补充是反思(第18章)和结语(第19章),它们解释了印度尼西亚成为群岛国家的外交胜利并不是故事的结束。相反,它构成了推动实现1957年12月13日《琼达宣言》所阐述的理想的法律基础,该宣言标志着印度尼西亚打算成为一个群岛国家。这一概念源于印度尼西亚主要领导人构想的杰出概念的融合。Chairul Saleh(退休/资深部长)和Mochtar Kusumaatmadja(领海委员会/年轻的国际法学者)之间的对话开始时,Chairul敦促Mochtar关闭爪哇海作为领海。之所以提出这个想法,是因为在后殖民时代,荷兰军舰自由穿过爪哇海驶向西爱尔兰,危及了印度尼西亚的领土完整。Mochtar最初否认了Chairul的想法,因为这违反了国际法。Chairul随后暗示,Mochtar不够革命,如果这种前一种心态在殖民时期盛行,印度尼西亚就不会实现
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Asian Journal of International Law
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