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Portraiture in Indigenous London 伦敦土著的肖像
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1086/720912
E. Chadwick
This essay considers an application to the British Museum by members of the 1775–76 Mohawk delegation in London “to copy the Portrait of one of the Indians who were here in the reign of Queen Anne.” The Mohawk visitors wished to consult a miniature representing one of their predecessors from the 1710 Haudenosaunee embassy (known in Britain as the “Four Kings”). The archival trace of the Mohawks’ request, published here for the first time, affirms the need for alternative accounts of Indigenous presence and spectatorship in this period. It pierces through the kinds of fiction to which Indigenous visitors to Britain had long given rise, invites consideration of the role of portraiture from an Indigenous perspective within the context of transatlantic diplomacy, and suggests more nuanced accounts of the British Museum as an institution at the heart of empire.
这篇文章考虑了1775-76年伦敦莫霍克代表团成员向大英博物馆提出的申请,“复制安妮女王统治时期在这里的一位印第安人的肖像”。莫霍克族的游客们想要参考一幅来自1710年豪德诺松尼大使馆(在英国被称为“四王”)的微型雕像。这里首次公布的莫霍克人请求的档案痕迹,证实了对这一时期土著存在和旁观的另一种说法的必要性。它穿透了长期以来到英国的土著游客所产生的各种小说,在跨大西洋外交的背景下,从土著的角度考虑肖像的作用,并提出了大英博物馆作为帝国核心机构的更细致入微的描述。
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引用次数: 0
The Portrait of Hanadagá•yas; or, George Washington Reconsidered 哈拿达的画像<e:1>•耶;或者,乔治·华盛顿,重新考虑
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1086/720910
J. Boldt
This essay considers the first known portrait of George Washington, painted by Charles Willson Peale in 1772, as a portrait of “Hanadagá•yas,” the Haudenosaunee name for Washington meaning “Town Destroyer.” The painting references coveted Indigenous land and represents Washington in his militia uniform from the Seven Years’ War (1756–63), an imperial conflict for North American territory. George Washington later inspired narratives about national expansion and became entangled in the myth of the Lost Cause when it was donated to Washington and Lee University. A history of the painting that foregrounds the acts of dispossession perpetrated by Washington and American educational establishments reveals how art and fiction operate in tandem with institutions to preserve violent myths of empire.
本文认为,查尔斯·威尔森·皮尔于1772年绘制的乔治·华盛顿的第一幅已知肖像是“Hanadagá•yas”的肖像,华盛顿的Haudenosaunee名字意为“城镇破坏者”,争夺北美领土的帝国主义冲突。乔治·华盛顿后来启发了关于国家扩张的叙事,并在捐赠给华盛顿和李大学时陷入了“失落的事业”的神话。这幅画的历史预示了华盛顿和美国教育机构实施的剥夺行为,揭示了艺术和小说是如何与机构协同运作的,以保存帝国的暴力神话。
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引用次数: 0
Abstract Nationalisms 摘要民族主义
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719439
Saul Nelson
This essay analyzes the nationalization of modernism in the United States through the art of Barnett Newman, Georges Mathieu, and Larry Rivers. Modernism became the official high culture of the United States—and, by extension, “the West”—during the 1950s and 1960s. Rivers and Mathieu sought to place modernist painting in touch with history painting and the national past, without sacrificing contemporaneity. The contradictions implied by this approach were part of the point. In the catalog to the exhibition 12 Americans (1956), Rivers is described in the introduction as a “reactionary,” while a few pages later he calls himself a “revolutionary.” Mathieu—a Don Quixote figure, a pseudo-aristocratic oddity, a self-anointed knight with one foot in the past and one in the future—lived such contradictions. Though often considered eccentric, these painters help us understand the development of postwar abstraction. Newman’s work in the 1950s reveals that he, too, was grappling with an attempt to place painting in touch with the national past.
本文通过纽曼、马修和里弗斯的艺术来分析美国现代主义的民族化。在20世纪50年代和60年代,现代主义成为美国官方的高雅文化,并引申为“西方”的高雅文化。里弗斯和马修试图在不牺牲当代性的情况下,将现代主义绘画与历史绘画和国家过去联系起来。这种方法所隐含的矛盾是问题的一部分。在展览《12个美国人》(1956)的目录中,里弗斯在介绍中被描述为“反动派”,而几页后他称自己为“革命者”。马修——一个堂吉诃德式的人物,一个伪贵族怪人,一个自封的骑士,一只脚在过去,一只脚在未来——生活在这样的矛盾中。尽管这些画家经常被认为是古怪的,但他们帮助我们理解了战后抽象艺术的发展。纽曼在20世纪50年代的作品表明,他也在努力尝试将绘画与国家的过去联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Sinners All 所有罪犯
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719441
Angela Miller
Paul Cadmus’s small and lurid series The Seven Deadly Sins (1945–49, Metropolitan Museum of Art) seems an odd choice for an artist who had repudiated his Roman Catholic upbringing and whose sexuality fell outside the norms of institutionalized morality. An episode within Cadmus’s broader vacillations between satire and idealization, this article argues for their interdependence. Reading the reception of the series by his own network, I analyze their tangled responses to his visualization of sin. By mixing high and low references, stretching the boundaries of genre, and bending gender alignments, Cadmus “camps” his subject, and his satirical treatment disrupts its moral content. Framing the series in relation to What I Believe (1947–48), the artist’s projection of an idealized queer world, the essay explores the work in terms of an unresolved tension between a “homosexual Zion” and a vision of shared and universal values of tolerance and acceptance.
保罗·卡德摩斯(Paul Cadmus)的小而恐怖的系列作品《七宗罪》(The Seven Deadly Sins, 1945 - 1949,大都会艺术博物馆)对于一个拒绝接受罗马天主教教育、性取向也不符合制度化道德规范的艺术家来说,似乎是一个奇怪的选择。作为卡德摩斯在讽刺和理想化之间摇摆不定的一段插曲,本文论证了它们之间的相互依存关系。阅读他自己的网络对这个系列的接受,我分析了他们对他的罪恶形象的复杂反应。通过混合高低参考,扩展类型界限,扭曲性别定位,卡德摩斯“露营”了他的主题,他的讽刺处理破坏了其道德内容。这篇文章以《我相信什么》(What I Believe, 1947-48)为背景,探讨了艺术家对一个理想化的酷儿世界的投射,从“同性恋的锡安”和对宽容和接受的共同和普遍价值观的愿景之间未解决的紧张关系的角度来探讨了这件作品。
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引用次数: 0
Poster Children of the Sun 海报太阳之子
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719437
Breanne Robertson
This essay explores the relationship between the Utah artist George Martin Ottinger’s Mesoamerican history paintings and Mormon beliefs and missionary efforts in northern Mexico. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) did not share prevailing nineteenth-century U.S. attitudes toward pre-Columbian peoples. While most U.S. artists and writers emphasized Aztec warfare and rituals of human sacrifice, Ottinger depicted Mesoamerican society as inherently peaceful and refined. Analyzing his paintings in relation to U.S. legal prosecution of LDS polygamous practice and contemporaneous Mormon settlement in Sonora and Chihuahua, I posit that Ottinger held a contradictory conception of Indigenous populations, simultaneously proclaiming LDS group affinity with a noble pre-Hispanic past and perpetuating disparaging settler-colonial tropes in his depictions of gender and race. His paintings operate in the cultural periphery of Mexico and the United States, yet in dialogue with the nationalist discourses of both countries to offer mainstream audiences a nonthreatening introduction to LDS scripture as well as a racial justification for Mormon spiritual and territorial expansion.
本文探讨了犹他州艺术家乔治·马丁·奥廷格的中美洲历史画与摩门教在墨西哥北部的信仰和传教活动之间的关系。耶稣基督后期圣徒教会(LDS)的成员并不认同19世纪美国对前哥伦布时期人民的普遍态度。虽然大多数美国艺术家和作家都强调阿兹特克战争和人类牺牲仪式,但奥廷格将中美洲社会描绘成天生的和平和优雅。通过分析他的画作与美国对LDS一夫多妻制的法律起诉以及同时代摩门教徒在索诺拉和奇瓦瓦的定居有关,我认为Ottinger对土著人口的看法是矛盾的,同时宣称LDS群体与前西班牙裔贵族的过去有着密切的关系,并在他对性别和种族的描述中延续了对定居者殖民主义的贬低。他的画作在墨西哥和美国的文化边缘运作,但与两国的民族主义话语进行对话,为主流观众提供对LDS经文的无威胁介绍,以及摩门教精神和领土扩张的种族辩护。
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引用次数: 0
Whose Expanded Field? 谁的扩张领域?
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719438
B. Nauman, W. I. Bourland, Whose Expanded Field
This article examines a large-scale installation by multimedia artist Bruce Nauman, commissioned for the University of New Mexico campus during the mid-1980s. While his Center of the Universe (1988) is largely overlooked by critics and scholars, new archival research indicates that it was central to Nauman’s practice in the years after his relocation from Los Angeles to the environs of Santa Fe in 1979. The subsequent controversy surrounding the work and its ambivalent connection to the regional landscape also locates Nauman at the intersection of debates around public art, Postminimal earthworks, and a long history of incursion into the Southwest by artists from the East and West Coasts. Ultimately, this article contributes to a larger reappraisal of celebrated twentieth-century avant-gardists by highlighting the ways in which Nauman and his contemporaries relied on Indigenous cultural forms and settler-colonialist expropriations to advance an “expanding field” of late modernist art.
本文考察了多媒体艺术家Bruce Nauman在20世纪80年代中期为新墨西哥大学校园委托创作的大型装置作品。虽然他的《宇宙中心》(1988年)在很大程度上被评论家和学者忽视,但新的档案研究表明,在1979年从洛杉矶搬到圣达菲郊区后的几年里,它是诺曼实践的核心。随后围绕这件作品的争议及其与地区景观的矛盾联系,也将诺曼定位在围绕公共艺术、后最小土方工程以及东海岸和西海岸艺术家入侵西南部的漫长历史的争论的交叉点。最终,这篇文章通过强调诺曼和他的同时代人依靠土著文化形式和定居者殖民主义征用来推进晚期现代主义艺术的“扩展领域”,有助于对20世纪著名先锋派进行更大的重新评价。
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引用次数: 0
Christopher D’Arcangelo Speculates Christopher D‘Arcangelo推测
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/719440
S. Siegelbaum
This article examines Christopher D’Arcangelo’s so-called functional constructions, renovations he made to loft spaces in Manhattan, particularly around SoHo, in 1978 for friends in the art world. Upon completion, D’Arcangelo invited others to view the renovated space, along with the contract documents stipulating the costs of labor and materials, as his own artwork. By adapting industrial spaces into places for art and living, D’Arcangelo realized the utopian aspiration of the avant-garde to fuse art and life, only belatedly. Instead, the works gesture to a new conception of value premised not on the artwork’s commodity status or aesthetic autonomy but on its speculative capacity within a gentrifying postindustrial city. They thus occupy an overlooked historical space between the critical interrogation of modernist institutions and categories associated with art of the 1960s, and the subsumption of art by neoliberal capitalism.
这篇文章探讨了Christopher D'Arcangelo所谓的功能性建筑,即1978年他为艺术界的朋友们对曼哈顿阁楼空间,特别是SoHo周围的阁楼空间进行的翻新。完工后,D’Arcangelo邀请其他人观看翻新后的空间,以及规定劳动力和材料成本的合同文件,作为他自己的艺术品。通过将工业空间改造成艺术和生活场所,D’Arcangelo实现了先锋派融合艺术和生活的乌托邦愿望,但为时已晚。相反,这些作品表明了一种新的价值观,其前提不是艺术品的商品地位或审美自主性,而是它在后工业化城市中的投机能力。因此,它们占据了一个被忽视的历史空间,介于对20世纪60年代与艺术相关的现代主义制度和类别的批判性审问和新自由主义资本主义对艺术的包容之间。
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引用次数: 1
Remapping Resistance 重新映射阻力
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/717645
J. Van Horn
This is a three-part perspective on a single work of art: Edward Savage’s The Washington Family (1789–96). Mia L. Bagneris’s essay places this painting alongside other images of George Washington with African diasporic subjects from the eighteenth century to the present to illuminate how the iconic image of the founding father—upheld as a symbol of the values of the nation itself—was and is inextricably bound up in White supremacy and anti-Blackness. Jennifer Van Horn’s analysis is cartographic in focus, situating the painting in relation to geographic debates about slavery and the racialized contest over mobility in light of the relocation of the enslaved person depicted, and in relation to a second version of the image displayed at Henry Clay’s Kentucky plantation. Jennifer Germann uncovers the hidden history of the painting’s London creation to explore Savage’s choice of the enslaved attendant portrait format, and his selection of free Black model John Riley, amidst the uncertainty surrounding the portrayal of Black figures in the 1780s and 1790s. She elucidates how disremembering has obscured John Riley as well as historical Black subjects in American art more broadly.
这是一幅由三部分组成的作品:爱德华·萨维奇的《华盛顿家族》(1789-96)。Mia L.Bagneris的文章将这幅画与乔治·华盛顿从18世纪到现在的其他非洲流散主题的图像放在一起,以阐明这位开国元勋的标志性形象——作为国家自身价值观的象征——过去和现在都与白人至上主义和反黑人密不可分。詹妮弗·范·霍恩(Jennifer Van Horn)的分析以制图为重点,将这幅画与关于奴隶制的地理辩论以及鉴于所描绘的被奴役者的重新安置而对流动性的种族化竞争联系起来,并与亨利·克莱(Henry Clay)在肯塔基州种植园展示的第二个版本的图像联系起来。詹妮弗·杰曼(Jennifer Germann)揭示了这幅画在伦敦创作的隐藏历史,探讨了萨维奇在1780年代和1790年代黑人人物刻画的不确定性中,对奴隶随从肖像格式的选择,以及对自由黑人模特约翰·莱利的选择。她阐述了对约翰·莱利以及美国艺术中更广泛的黑人历史主题的怀念是如何模糊的。
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引用次数: 0
How to Have Color in a Pandemic 如何在流行病中使用颜色
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/717651
Robb Hernández
Artists who defected from Communist Cuba not only defined the image of creative freedom in washes of color, but some were also responsible for fostering a visual vocabulary for the AIDS crisis at the end of the twentieth century. However, it was Untitled (White Crucifix) (1986), an assemblage by Miami-based artist Humberto Dionisio, that departed from Cuban legibility in polychrome with a turn toward whiteness. By taking up Dionisio’s artwork, this article advances a queer of color(ing) analysis, which combines José Esteban Muñoz’s “brown commons” project with a discussion of whiteness’s muted gradient, or what this article terms “feeling off-white.” Linking Dionisio’s work to a transnational cultural language of religion, avian metaphors, and sickness, this article contends that the artist innovates AIDS visuality by seeing a pandemic from the vantage point of a sexual exile in a world bereft of color.
从共产主义古巴叛逃的艺术家不仅定义了创作自由的形象,而且还为20世纪末的艾滋病危机培养了一种视觉词汇。然而,迈阿密艺术家温贝托·迪奥尼西奥(Humberto Dionisio) 1986年的作品《无题(白色十字架)》(Untitled (White Crucifix))则背离了古巴人的易读性,转向了白色。通过迪奥尼西奥的作品,本文提出了一种奇怪的色彩分析,将jos Esteban Muñoz的“棕色公地”项目与白色的柔和梯度的讨论结合起来,或者本文所说的“感觉off-white”。本文将迪奥尼西奥的作品与宗教、鸟类隐喻和疾病的跨国文化语言联系起来,认为艺术家通过在一个失去色彩的世界中从性流放的优势角度看待流行病,从而创新了艾滋病的视觉效果。
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引用次数: 0
“The Requisite Local Coloring” “必要的局部着色”
IF 0.2 2区 艺术学 0 ART Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/717646
J. Germann
This is a three-part perspective on a single work of art: Edward Savage’s The Washington Family (1789–96). Mia L. Bagneris’s essay places this painting alongside other images of George Washington with African diasporic subjects from the eighteenth century to the present to illuminate how the iconic image of the founding father—upheld as a symbol of the values of the nation itself—was and is inextricably bound up in White supremacy and anti-Blackness. Jennifer Van Horn’s analysis is cartographic in focus, situating the painting in relation to geographic debates about slavery and the racialized contest over mobility in light of the relocation of the enslaved person depicted, and in relation to a second version of the image displayed at Henry Clay’s Kentucky plantation. Jennifer Germann uncovers the hidden history of the painting’s London creation to explore Savage’s choice of the enslaved attendant portrait format, and his selection of free Black model John Riley, amidst the uncertainty surrounding the portrayal of Black figures in the 1780s and 1790s. She elucidates how disremembering has obscured John Riley as well as historical Black subjects in American art more broadly.
这是一幅由三部分组成的作品:爱德华·萨维奇的《华盛顿家族》(1789-96)。Mia L.Bagneris的文章将这幅画与乔治·华盛顿从18世纪到现在的其他非洲流散主题的图像放在一起,以阐明这位开国元勋的标志性形象——作为国家自身价值观的象征——过去和现在都与白人至上主义和反黑人密不可分。詹妮弗·范·霍恩(Jennifer Van Horn)的分析以制图为重点,将这幅画与关于奴隶制的地理辩论以及鉴于所描绘的被奴役者的重新安置而对流动性的种族化竞争联系起来,并与亨利·克莱(Henry Clay)在肯塔基州种植园展示的第二个版本的图像联系起来。詹妮弗·杰曼(Jennifer Germann)揭示了这幅画在伦敦创作的隐藏历史,探讨了萨维奇在1780年代和1790年代黑人人物刻画的不确定性中,对奴隶随从肖像格式的选择,以及对自由黑人模特约翰·莱利的选择。她阐述了对约翰·莱利以及美国艺术中更广泛的黑人历史主题的怀念是如何模糊的。
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引用次数: 0
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American Art
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