Bulletin of Spanish Studies最新文献_第6页

Los juvenilia teatrales de Lorca: ortodoxia, trascendencia y burla en clave simbolista 洛尔卡的戏剧少年:象征主义的正统、超越和嘲弄

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2254140

Emilio Peral Vega

引用次数: 0

Flower Power: Cultivating Creativity in Spanish Women’s Press Writings, 1845–1866 《花的力量:1845-1866年西班牙女性新闻写作中的创造力培养》

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2248766

Christine Arkinstall

AbstractIn keeping with a long tradition, nineteenth-century poems and poetic anthologies across Anglo-American and European cultures privileged flower tropes. Within Spain a plethora of periodicals and anthologies from 1845 onward bore titles allusive to flowers and gardens, while a number of Spanish women published under floral pseudonyms or represented themselves and each other as flowers. Floral symbolism, however, not only gave female authors license to write within sanctioned codes that identified femininity with nature rather than culture. Importantly, their reworking of floristic imagery allowed them to refashion conventional, socio-cultural parameters, express their subjectivity, affirm creative agency and denounce socio-political ills. Notes1 María Verdejo y Durán, ‘Al señor Don Joaquín de Monistrol’, La Mujer, 7, Año 2, 12 September 1852, p. 5. When quoting from original works, I have modernized spellings throughout.2 Philip Knight, Flower Poetics in Nineteenth-Century France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 5–6.3 Beverly Seaton, The Language of Flowers: A History (Charlottesville/London: Univ. of Virginia Press, 1995), 42–44.4 Knight, Flower Poetics in Nineteenth-Century France, 7.5 Seaton, The Language of Flowers, 44–75.6 See Knight, Flower Poetics in Nineteenth-Century France, 18–23, 51–54 & 88–89.7 Knight, Flower Poetics in Nineteenth-Century France, 61 & 246.8 See Susan Kirkpatrick, ‘Flor del agua: la autorrepresentación lírica de Carolina Coronado’, in her Las Románticas: escritoras y subjetividad en España, 1835–1850 (Madrid: Cátedra, 1991), 195–225; and Noël Valis, ‘Autobiography As Insult’, in Culture and Gender in Nineteenth-Century Spain, ed. Lou Charnon-Deutsch & Jo Labanyi (Oxford: Oxford U. P., 1996), 27–52.9 Valis, ‘Autobiography As Insult’, 31.10 This ‘sisterhood’ was a virtual community of female Romantic poets who, during the 1840s, mutually sustained their literary ambitions through publications and epistolary expressions of solidarity in the contemporary press. Regarding the ‘Hermandad Lírica’, see Susan Kirkpatrick, ‘La “hermandad lírica” de la década de 1840’, in Escritoras románticas españolas, ed. Marina Mayoral (Madrid: Fundación Banco Exterior, 1990), 25–41; Antonio Manzano Garías, ‘De una década extremeña y romántica (1845–55)’, Revista de Estudios Extremeños, 25:2 (1969), 281–332 (p. 283); and Marina Mayoral, ‘Las amistades románticas: Confusión de fórmulas y sentimientos’, in Escritoras románticas españolas, ed. Mayoral, 43–71.11 On the Isabelline canon and its writers, see Íñigo Sánchez Llama, Galería de escritoras isabelinas: la prensa periódica entre 1833 y 1895 (Madrid: Cátedra, 2000). On female writers who adopted a moderate liberal respectability, see Mónica Burguera, Las damas del liberalismo respetable: los imaginarios sociales del feminismo liberal en España (1834–1850) (Madrid: Cátedra, 2012).12 Knight, Flower Poetics in Nineteenth-Century France, 241.13 See Pensil del Bello Sexo. Colección de poe

摘要19世纪英美和欧洲文化的诗歌和诗选都以花为比喻，这一传统源远流长。在西班牙，从1845年开始，大量的期刊和选集的标题都暗指鲜花和花园，而许多西班牙妇女用花的笔名出版，或者把自己和别人都描绘成花。然而，花的象征主义不仅给了女性作家在认可的代码中写作的许可，这些代码将女性特质与自然而不是文化联系在一起。重要的是，他们对植物意象的改造使他们能够重塑传统的社会文化参数，表达他们的主体性，肯定创造性的力量，谴责社会政治弊病。注1 María Verdejo y Durán， ' Al señor Don Joaquín de Monistrol '， La Mujer, 7, Año 2,1852年9月12日，第5页。在引用原著时，我对拼写进行了现代化的调整菲利普·奈特，《19世纪法国的花诗学》(牛津:克拉伦登出版社，1986)，5-6.3贝弗利·西顿，《花的语言:历史》(夏洛茨维尔/伦敦:弗吉尼亚大学出版社，1995)，42-44.4奈特，《19世纪法国的花诗学》，7.5西顿，《花的语言》，44-75.6见奈特，《19世纪法国的花诗学》，18 - 23,51 - 54和88-89.7奈特，《19世纪法国的花诗学》，61和246.8见苏珊·柯克帕特里克，《Flor del agua》;la autorrepresentación lírica de Carolina Coronado '，见其Las Románticas: escritoras y subjtividad en España, 1835-1850(马德里:Cátedra, 1991)， 195-225;和Noël Valis，“自传作为侮辱”，在19世纪西班牙的文化和性别，主编。Lou Charnon-Deutsch & Jo Labanyi(牛津:牛津联合出版社，1996)，27-52.9 Valis，“自传作为侮辱”，31.10这个“姐妹”是女性浪漫主义诗人的虚拟社区，在19世纪40年代，她们通过出版物和书信表达在当代媒体中团结一致，相互维持她们的文学抱负。关于“Hermandad Lírica”，见Susan Kirkpatrick，《La“Hermandad lírica”de La ddamacada de 1840》，载于《Escritoras románticas españolas》，Marina Mayoral主编(马德里:Fundación Banco external, 1990)，第25-41页;Antonio Manzano Garías， ' De una d诈骗者extremeña y romántica (1845-55) '， revsta De Estudios Extremeños, 25:2 (1969)， 281-332 (p. 283);Marina Mayoral， ' Las amistades románticas: Confusión de fórmulas y sentimientos '，见escriitoras románticas españolas, ed. Mayoral, 43-71.11关于伊莎贝尔经典及其作家，见Íñigo Sánchez Llama, Galería de escriitoras isabelinas: la prensa periódica entre 1833 y 1895(马德里:Cátedra, 2000)。12 .关于接受适度自由主义体面的女作家，见Mónica Burguera, Las damas del liberalismo可敬的:los imaginarios sociales del feminismo liberal en España(1834-1850)(马德里:Cátedra, 2012)《19世纪法国的花诗学》，第241.13页，见Pensil del Bello Sexo。Colección de poesías, novelitas, biografías, artículos等，编辑Víctor Balaguer(巴塞罗那:Imprenta de D. J. M. de Grau, 1845).14关于Pensiles，见Adolfo Perinat和María Isabel Marrades, Mujer, prensa y sociedad en España, 1800-1939(马德里:Centro de investigacones Sociológicas, 1980)， 20-23.15关于Flores y Perlas，见María del Carmen Simón Palmer， ' Revistas españolas femeninas del siglo XIX '， in Homenaje a don Agustín Millares Carlo, 2卷(Las Palmas: Caja Insular de Ahorros de Gran Canaria, 1975)， I, 401-45 (pp. 438-39).16其中一个例子是Concepción Gimeno de Flaquer的半自传体素描，其中诗意的声音，一个人格化的花，向她的导师或“jardinera”Carolina Coronado致敬，同时展示了她自己的植物学知识。参见Gimeno de Flaquer，“楼层历史:contada por ella misma”，El Parthenón, 1880年3月10日至15日，第151 - 57.17页。La Adalia，“Introducción”，El Vergel de Andalucía, 1845年10月19日，第3-5页(第4和5页)Anon，[无标题]，El Vergel de Andalucía, 1845年11月3日，2日，第25.19页。La Adalia， ' Educación '， El Vergel de Andalucía, 1845年11月4日，9日，第27-29页(第28页)La Adalia， ' La poesía '， El Vergel de Andalucía, 1845年11月30日，第43 - 45页(第43页)Iris Marion Young，“政体与群体差异:对普遍公民权理想的批判”，《女权主义与政治》，Anne Phillips主编(牛津:牛津联合出版社，1998)，401-29页(第420页)。22《自然法》，载克雷格·卡尔霍恩主编的《社会科学词典》(牛津:牛津联合出版社，2002年)，n.p.;见(2023年1月15日访问)参见玛蒂娜·罗伊特对沃斯通克拉夫特的《女权辩护》(1792)的分析，见她的《玛丽·沃斯通克拉夫特》电子书(剑桥:剑桥联合出版社，2022)Carolina Coronado， ' A las extremeñas '， El Vergel de Andalucía, 1, 1845年10月19日，第5-8页(第6页).25科罗纳多，“克劳迪娅”，El Vergel de

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引用次数: 0

‘A un poeta muerto (F. G. L.)’ de Luis Cernuda: Lorca como héroe trágico 路易斯·塞尔努达(Luis Cernuda)的《致死去的诗人(F. G. L.)》:洛尔卡作为悲剧英雄

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2253058

Gabriel Insausti

引用次数: 0

Comunión vs distanciamiento: un elemento discernidor en los poetas del medio siglo 交流与距离:半个世纪诗人的辨别元素

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2257056

Ángel L. Prieto de Paula

引用次数: 0

Emilia Pardo Bazán, folletinista and ‘noveladora moral’: La dama joven and Mujer Emilia Pardo bazan，福利作家和“道德小说家”:年轻的女士和女人

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2246833

Gareth Wood

This article seeks to understand how Emilia Pardo Bazán engaged with and utilized two iterations of creative writing - the folletín and the didactic novel - repudiated by her male peers in Spain's Restoration literary scene. It does so by engaging closely with La dama joven through publication history and close reading of the novella itself. It does likewise with the later novella, Mujer, while situating the discussion with a broad field of recent criticism on both the period and Pardo Bazán herself.

本文试图理解艾米莉亚·帕尔多Bazán是如何参与和利用两种创造性写作的迭代——folletín和说教小说——在西班牙复辟文坛上被她的男性同行所拒绝的。它通过出版历史和对中篇小说本身的仔细阅读，密切关注《大妈乔芬》。在后来的中篇小说《Mujer》中也是如此，同时将讨论置于一个广泛的近期批评领域，包括那个时期和Pardo Bazán本人。

引用次数: 0

La creación audiovisual como composición etnográfica: Archivo Cordero* 作为民族志构成的视听创作:科尔德罗档案*

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2258661

Gabriela Zamorano Villarreal

ABSTRACTEl proceso de producción del documental Archivo Cordero, del cual soy directora, involucró reflexión y diálogo sobre cómo aproximarse a los archivos fotográficos a partir de una combinación de métodos etnográficos, curatoriales y colaborativos. El documental es una exploración de las dimensiones sociales, afectivas e históricas de uno de los archivos visuales más relevantes de Bolivia. Al reivindicar el carácter ‘errante’ y transdisciplinario de esta obra, yo argumento que la producción audiovisual es un espacio fértil para extender las posibilidades del análisis etnográfico mediante prácticas de ‘arqueología de los medios’. Notes1 Italo Calvino, Colección de Arena, trad. Aurora Bernárdez (Madrid: Ediciones Siruela, 1984 [1ª ed. en italiano 1984]), 17.2 De acuerdo con Ximena Soruco, la categoría racial y cultural de ‘cholo o chola’ en Bolivia surge entre los los siglos XIX y XX como una cultura ‘intermedia’, ‘ilegible’ que ‘nunca se estabiliza’ y que por tanto constituye ‘un nosotros colectivo’ pasajero, fluido, móvil, que ‘emplea la propia ambigüedad del término cholo para mantener sus conexiones con ambos mundos [el indígena y el mestizo]’. Ver Ximena Soruco Sologuren, La ciudad de los cholos: mestizaje y colonialidad en Bolivia, siglos XIX y XX (La Paz: Programa de Investigación Estratégica en Bolivia/Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, 2011), 29. Para Soruco, por sus ‘patrones alternativos de ascenso social’, desde inicios del siglo XX la cultura chola ha desafiado al poder y economía criolla y sus propias visiones de ‘progreso y nación’ (29).3 Las fotografías consultadas fueron utilizadas para la investigación del libro: María Lagos & Emilse Escobar, Nos hemos forjado así: al rojo vivo y a puro golpe. Historias del Comité de Amas de Casa de Siglo XX (La Paz: Plural Editores, 2006). Esta investigación también dio lugar al documental Contar para no Olvidar: Comité Amas de Casa de Siglo XX (dir. María Lagos, 2015); disponible en <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zmnqaZg4MLI> (último acceso 24 de abril de 2023).4 Ver Media Archaeology: Approaches, Applications, and Implications, ed. Erkki Huhtamo & Jussi Parikka (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2011).5 Aunque se desconoce el número total de piezas que componen el archivo familiar, se puede calcular que son alrededor de 50.000 imágenes entre negativos e impresiones, de las cuales 17.000 imágenes producidas por el fotógrafo pionero entre 1900 y 1920 fueron vendidas a la Alcaldía de La Paz en octubre de 2013. Ver ‘Alcaldía paga Bs 1,4MM por el archivo fotográfico Cordero’, La Razón-La Revista, 16 de octubre de 2013, <https://www.la-razon.com/lr-article/alcaldia-paga-bs-14-mm-por-el-archivo-fotografico-cordero/> (último acceso, 28 de abril de 2023).6 Hugo José Suárez, ‘Archivo Julio Cordero (1900–1961): fotografía del progreso en Bolivia’, Relaciones. Estudios de Historia y Sociedad, 26:104 (2005), 106–33.7 Real Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua española, edición onlin

在我担任导演的纪录片《科尔德罗档案》的制作过程中，我对如何结合人种学、策展和合作的方法来处理摄影档案进行了反思和对话。这部纪录片探索了玻利维亚最相关的视觉档案之一的社会、情感和历史维度。在这篇文章中，我提出了一种方法，在这种方法中，人种学和人种学之间的关系可以被理解为一种关系，一种关系，一种关系，一种关系，一种关系，一种关系。伊塔洛·卡尔维诺，《沙集》，传统。极光bernardez(马德里:版本Siruela意大利1ª编辑,1984年[1984]),17.2同意Ximena Soruco,种族和文化类‘乔洛或警报在玻利维亚出现在19世纪和20世纪早期作为一个文化‘中间’,‘抓’‘永远稳定”,因此是“我们集体”、移动流利,乘客“ambigüedad乔洛一词本身用作维持与这两个世界[土著混血]”。参见Ximena Soruco Sologuren, La ciudad de los cholos: mestizaje y colonalidad en Bolivia, siglos XIX y XX(拉巴斯:玻利维亚战略研究项目/利马:法国安第斯研究所，2011)，29。对索鲁科来说，由于其“社会上升的替代模式”，自20世纪初以来，乔拉文化挑战了克里奥尔的权力和经济，以及他们自己对“进步和国家”的愿景参考的照片被用于研究这本书:maria Lagos & Emilse Escobar, Nos hemos forjado asi: al rojo vivo y a puro golpe。20世纪家庭主妇委员会的故事(拉巴斯:复数编辑，2006)。这项研究还产生了纪录片《不要忘记的故事:20世纪家庭主妇委员会》。maria Lagos, 2015);可在(最后访问2023年4月24日)参见媒体考古学:方法、应用和启示，Erkki Huhtamo & Jussi Parikka编辑(伯克利:加州大学出版社，2011)尚不清楚零件总数组成家庭,文件可以计算大约有50,000个图像之间的底片和印象,其中170映像的先锋摄影师在1900年至1920年被市长办公室2013年10月和平。参见“市长为羔羊摄影档案支付1.4毫米Bs”，La razon -La杂志，2013年10月16日，(最后访问，2023年4月28日)雨果jose suarez，“胡里奥·科尔德罗档案(1900 - 1961):玻利维亚进步摄影”，关系。《历史与社会研究》，26:104 (2005)，106 - 33.7 Real Academia espanola, Diccionario de la lengua espanola，在线版(2019)，s.v. ' archive '(最后访问2023年3月31日)雅克·德里达，《档案之病:弗洛伊德的印象》。Paco Vidarte(马德里:Editorial Trotta, 1997[1995年法语第1版])，95.9我感谢电影培训和培训中心(CEFREC)(拉巴斯)在项目的这一阶段提供的设备和摄影师Milton guzman的合作例如，参见罗兰·巴特的《lucida相机:摄影笔记》。Joaquim Sala-Sanahuja(巴塞罗那:paidos iberico, 1989[法语第1版，1980])这个编辑工作是由Nery Prado, Dorian Neyra和yvan Alberto lopez完成的。安娜·索莱尔和german·阿兰戈提供了剧本建议弗朗茨·塔马约(1879 - 1956)是一位诗人、知识分子和政治家。他是激进党(Radical party)的创始人和副总统，尽管在1943年赢得了总统选举，但由于军事政变而未能就职。他的作品包括《国家教育学》(1910)和诗歌《新箴言》(1922)。参见传记和生活。在线传记百科全书(最后一次访问是2023年4月24日)。至于“跛脚的Patzi”，胡里奥说他是一个受欢迎的人物，是他祖父的朋友，两人都是自由党的同情者。Patzi因走在Comercio街附近的街道上大喊支持该党和总统伊斯梅尔·蒙特斯(1904 - 1909和1913 - 1917)而闻名参见Karen Strassler的《折射的愿景:爪哇的流行摄影和国家现代性》(Durham, NC: Duke u.p.， 2010);Christopher Pinney & Nicolas Peterson编(Durham, NC: Duke u.p.， 2003)， 202 - 20;格雷格·格兰丁，《次等人能被看到吗?》摄影and the Affects of Nationalism, the Subaltern能看见吗?Fernando Coronil，《西班牙裔美国人历史评论》，84:1(2004)，83 - 111.14见Diana Taylor, The Archive and The Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in The Americas (Durham, NC: Duke u.p.， 2003)， 22 - 26。

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引用次数: 0

El somni d’una nit d’estiu en la traducció de Josep Carner: la versificació* 何塞普-卡尔纳翻译的《夏夜之梦》：诗化*。

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2245293

Marcel Ortín

Josep Carner’s translation of A Midsummer’s Night Dream (El somni d’una nit d’estiu, 1908) is but an indirect version, based on François-Victor Hugo’s prose translation into French. However, its solutions are not fully dependent on those of the French text: they are often determined by a sophisticated new versification which put strict requirements of metre and rhyme. This article first shows that Carner’s decisions regarding word choice and order, verse forms, and transfer of literal sense, are mutually conditioned; then it gives reasons for his aim at language innovation and virtuosity in versification at this initial stage of his career.

Josep Carner的《仲夏夜之梦》(El somni d 'una nit d 'estiu, 1908)只是一个间接的版本，以法国作家雨果的散文翻译为基础。然而，它的解决方案并不完全依赖于法语文本的解决方案:它们通常由复杂的新版本决定，这些版本对韵律和押韵提出了严格的要求。本文首先表明，卡纳对词语的选择和顺序、诗歌形式和字面意义转移的决定是相互制约的;在此基础上，分析了他在诗歌创作初期追求语言创新和诗歌精湛的原因。

引用次数: 0

Rethinking Tenderness in the Early Poetry of Juan Gelman 重新思考胡安·格尔曼早期诗歌中的温柔

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2249343

Ben Bollig

The poetry of Juan Gelman (1930–2014) is eminently suited to an edition of BSS that simultaneously celebrates a centenary of Hispanist research in the UK and attempts to survey the current state of the field. Gelman—poet, journalist and political activist—with an oeuvre that emerges from the socially engaged verse of the 1950s, engaging with Anglophone poetry, pseudonymous translations mysticism, and culminating in the Premio Cervantes 2007. An assessment of his early work, particularly the presence of ternura therein, draws on influential work in affect theory and speaks to signal moments in the history of UK Hispanism.

胡安·格尔曼(Juan Gelman, 1930-2014)的诗歌非常适合《西班牙语研究年鉴》的一个版本，它同时庆祝英国西班牙语研究一百周年，并试图调查该领域的现状。格尔曼，诗人，记者和政治活动家，他的作品从20世纪50年代的社会参与诗歌中脱颖而出，与英语诗歌，笔名翻译神秘主义，并在2007年塞万提斯的作品中达到高潮。对他早期作品的评价，特别是其中ternura的存在，借鉴了情感理论中有影响力的工作，并谈到了英国西班牙语史上的标志性时刻。

引用次数: 0

On the Matter of Imitation: Spanish Petrarchism, Boscán and Garcilaso 论模仿问题:西班牙彼特拉克主义，Boscán和加尔西拉索

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2246799

Anne J. Cruz

AbstractThis essay revisits and reassesses the first major renewal of Spain’s lyric tradition led by Juan Boscán and Garcilaso de la Vega. While not pretending to discover or disclose new revelations, it regards anew the historiography of the reception by both these poets of Petrarchism, a cultural project that has by now entered the mythology of Spanish poetry. I reflect on earlier Spanish literary histories, rereading their texts alongside late twentieth-century theories of imitation and recent critical and theoretical studies of early modern poetic production to sketch a brief trajectory of the shifting contours of Spanish Renaissance poetry and poetics. Notes1 Louise Glück, ‘Formaggio’, in The New Bread Loaf Anthology of Contemporary American Poetry, ed. Michael Collier & Stanley Plumly (Hanover/London: Univ. Press of New England, 1999), 92.2 The move toward historical reckoning, as posited by ‘New Historicism’, has been compared to the cultural materialism in vogue in Britain. See Steven Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago/London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1980). For a perspective of the two, see John Brannigan, New Historicism and Cultural Materialism (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016).3 The binarism of these critical methods had its critics. Writing in 1981, Jerome McGann praised intrinsic studies as ‘the most influential work in literary criticism during the past fifty years’ (‘The Text, the Poem, and the Problem of Historical Method’, in Interpretation and Literary History, New Literary History, 12:2 [1981], 269–88 [p. 269]). See also Robert Foulke, ‘Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Criticism: A Valid Distinction?’, Modern Language Studies, 7:2 (1977), 3–10.4 George W. Pigman, III, ‘Versions of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Renaissance Quarterly, 33:1 (1980), 1–32; Thomas M. Greene, ‘Petrarch and the Humanist Hermeneutics’, in Italian Literature: Roots and Branches: Essays in Honor of Thomas Goddard, ed. Giose Rimanelli & Kenneth John Atchity (New Haven, CT: Yale U. P., 1976), 201–24.5 There are almost 2,000 entries of books, articles and reviews on imitation in Renaissance Quarterly alone. Important twentieth-century studies before Greene include the above-mentioned John Edwin Sandys, Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 1905); Richard McKeon, ‘Literary Criticism and the Concept of Imitation in Antiquity’, Modern Philology, 34:1 (1936), 1–35; Nancy S. Struever, The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism (Princeton: Princeton U. P., 1970); John M. Steadman, The Lamb and the Elephant: Ideal Imitation and the Context of Renaissance Allegory (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1974); Elaine Fantham, ‘Imitation and Evolution: The Discussion of Rhetorical Imitation in Cicero De oratore 2.87–97 and Some Related Problems of Ciceronian Theory’, Classical Philology, 73:1 (1978), 1–16; Elaine Fantham, ‘Imitation and Decline:

摘要本文回顾和重新评价了胡安Boscán和加尔西拉索·德拉维加领导的西班牙抒情传统的第一次重大复兴。虽然没有假装发现或披露新的启示，但它重新审视了这两位诗人对彼得拉克主义的接受的历史编纂，这个文化项目现在已经进入了西班牙诗歌的神话。我回顾了早期的西班牙文学史，重新阅读了他们的文本，以及20世纪晚期的模仿理论和最近对早期现代诗歌生产的批评和理论研究，以勾勒出西班牙文艺复兴时期诗歌和诗学变化轮廓的简要轨迹。注1 Louise gl<e:1> ck，“Formaggio”，《新面包面包当代美国诗歌选集》，Michael Collier和Stanley Plumly编辑(汉诺威/伦敦:新英格兰大学出版社，1999年)，92.2“新历史主义”所主张的历史计算的趋势，已被比作英国流行的文化唯物主义。参见Steven Greenblatt，《文艺复兴时期的自我塑造:从更多到莎士比亚》(芝加哥/伦敦:芝加哥大学出版社，1980)。对于两者的观点，见约翰·布兰尼根，新历史主义和文化唯物主义(伦敦:布鲁姆斯伯里学术，2016)这些批判方法的二元论受到了批评。杰罗姆·麦克甘(Jerome McGann)在1981年的作品中称赞内在研究是“过去五十年来文学批评中最具影响力的作品”(“文本、诗歌和历史方法的问题”，《解释与文学史》，《新文学史》，12:2[1981]，269-88页)。269])。参见Robert Foulke的《内在批评vs外在批评:一个有效的区别?》George W. Pigman, III，“文艺复兴时期的模仿版本”，《文艺复兴季刊》33:1 (1980)，1-32;托马斯·m·格林，“彼得拉克和人文主义解释学”，载于《意大利文学:根与枝:纪念托马斯·戈达德的论文》，乔斯·里马内利和肯尼斯·约翰·阿奇蒂主编(康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，1976年)，第21 - 24页。仅在《文艺复兴季刊》上就有近2000篇关于模仿的书籍、文章和评论。格林之前重要的20世纪研究包括上述约翰·埃德温·桑迪斯的《哈佛复兴学习讲座》(剑桥:剑桥联合大学，1905年);理查德·麦基恩，《古代文学批评与模仿概念》，《现代文字学》，34:1(1936)，第1-35页;Nancy S. Struever，《文艺复兴时期的历史语言:佛罗伦萨人文主义的修辞与历史意识》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿联合大学，1970);约翰·斯蒂德曼，《羔羊与大象:理想模仿与文艺复兴寓言的语境》(圣马力诺:亨廷顿图书馆，1974年);伊莱恩·范瑟姆:《模仿与进化:论西塞罗·德·奥拉托雷2.87-97中的修辞模仿和西塞罗理论的一些相关问题》，《古典文字学》，73:1 (1978)，1-16;Elaine Fantham，“模仿与衰落:基督后一世纪的修辞理论与实践”，《古典语言学》，73:2 (1978)，102-16;泰伦斯·凯夫，《丰饶文本:法国文艺复兴时期的写作问题》(牛津:牛津联合出版社，1979)8.托马斯·m·格林，《特洛伊之光:文艺复兴时期诗歌的模仿与发现》(纽黑文，康涅狄格州/伦敦:耶鲁大学联合出版社，1982年)，罗纳德·a·雷布霍尔兹，《特洛伊之光:文艺复兴时期诗歌的模仿与发现》评论，《现代语言学》，82:4(1985)，414 - 16(第414页)格林:特洛伊之光，41.9格林:特洛伊之光，38-43.10为了达到他的目的，肯尼迪把柏拉图主义定义为诗歌的狂热，把亚里士多德主义定义为写作的修辞艺术。参见William J. Kennedy，《工作中的Petrarchism:莎士比亚时代的语境经济》(Ithaca/London: Cornell up .， 2016)， 2.11 Greene，《特洛伊之光》，2.12 Ernest H. Wilkins，《文艺复兴时期Petrarchism概览》，比较文学，2:4(1950)，327-42。威尔金斯还提到了葡萄牙的彼特拉克主义者，主要是弗朗西斯科·萨伊德·米兰达。13威尔金斯，“文艺复兴时期彼特拉克主义总论”，333.14见威廉·j·肯尼迪，《授权彼特拉克》(伊萨卡/伦敦:康奈尔大学，1995年);威廉·j·肯尼迪:《彼特拉克主义的遗址:意大利、法国和英国的早期现代民族情绪》(巴尔的摩:约翰·霍普金斯联合出版社，2003)，第15页虽然肯尼迪没有引用伦纳德·福斯特的《冰冷的火》，但很难想象他不知道这项研究，与他的研究相反，这项研究认为彼得拉克主义是超越国界的。16 .见伦纳德·福斯特，《冰冷的火:欧洲彼得拉克主义的五项研究》(剑桥:剑桥联合大学，1969年)肯尼迪，彼特拉克主义的遗址，6.17见，在20世纪下半叶发表的关于彼特拉克主义的其他研究中:约瑟夫G。摘要本文回顾和重新评价了胡安Boscán和加尔西拉索·德拉维加领导的西班牙抒情传统的第一次重大复兴。虽然没有假装发现或披露新的启示，但它重新审视了这两位诗人对彼得拉克主义的接受的历史编纂，这个文化项目现在已经进入了西班牙诗歌的神话。我回顾了早期的西班牙文学史，重新阅读了他们的文本，以及20世纪晚期的模仿理论和最近对早期现代诗歌生产的批评和理论研究，以勾勒出西班牙文艺复兴时期诗歌和诗学变化轮廓的简要轨迹。注1 Louise gl<e:1> ck，“Formaggio”，《新面包面包当代美国诗歌选集》，Michael Collier和Stanley Plumly编辑(汉诺威/伦敦:新英格兰大学出版社，1999年)，92.2“新历史主义”所主张的历史计算的趋势，已被比作英国流行的文化唯物主义。参见Steven Greenblatt，《文艺复兴时期的自我塑造:从更多到莎士比亚》(芝加哥/伦敦:芝加哥大学出版社，1980)。对于两者的观点，见约翰·布兰尼根，新历史主义和文化唯物主义(伦敦:布鲁姆斯伯里学术，2016)这些批判方法的二元论受到了批评。杰罗姆·麦克甘(Jerome McGann)在1981年的作品中称赞内在研究是“过去五十年来文学批评中最具影响力的作品”(“文本、诗歌和历史方法的问题”，《解释与文学史》，《新文学史》，12:2[1981]，269-88页)。269])。参见Robert Foulke的《内在批评vs外在批评:一个有效的区别?》George W. Pigman, III，“文艺复兴时期的模仿版本”，《文艺复兴季刊》33:1 (1980)，1-32;托马斯·m·格林，“彼得拉克和人文主义解释学”，载于《意大利文学:根与枝:纪念托马斯·戈达德的论文》，乔斯·里马内利和肯尼斯·约翰·阿奇蒂主编(康涅狄格州纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，1976年)，第21 - 24页。仅在《文艺复兴季刊》上就有近2000篇关于模仿的书籍、文章和评论。格林之前重要的20世纪研究包括上述约翰·埃德温·桑迪斯的《哈佛复兴学习讲座》(剑桥:剑桥联合大学，1905年);理查德·麦基恩，《古代文学批评与模仿概念》，《现代文字学》，34:1(1936)，第1-35页;Nancy S. Struever，《文艺复兴时期的历史语言:佛罗伦萨人文主义的修辞与历史意识》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿联合大学，1970);约翰·斯蒂德曼，《羔羊与大象

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引用次数: 0

Black Festive Practices in the Early Modern Iberian World: Sources and Challenges 近代早期伊比利亚世界的黑色节日习俗:来源与挑战

3区文学 0 LITERATURE, ROMANCE

Bulletin of Spanish Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/14753820.2023.2246796

Miguel A. Valerio

AbstractIn the early-modern Iberian world, people of African descent engaged in festive practices both in isolation and as part of wider religious and civic communities. Based on contemporary chronicles, festival accounts and visual sources, our knowledge of these practices remains partial, both because contemporary writers and artists were largely non-Black and because these authors and artists inscribed these traditions within the Eurocentric exotic genre. In this article, I turn to festival accounts, government reports and visual sources, discuss the challenges and opportunities they present and develop diasporic, transgeographic and transtemporal methodologies allowing us to identify continuities across the Afro-Iberian diaspora. Notes1 Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España (manuscrito ‘Guatemala’) (1632), ed. José Antonio Barbón Rodríguez (México D.F.: Colegio de México/UNAM, 2005), Chapter 201, 755. The original manuscript had ‘más de çiento y çinquenta’ (Historia verdadera, ed. Barbón Rodríguez, 755, note 5; emphasis added). Díaz del Castillo, writing some fifty years after the events he describes, later crosses out ‘çiento y’. On the Indigenous elements of these festivities, see Patricia Lopes Don, ‘Carnivals, Triumphs, and Rain Gods in the New World: A Civic Festival in the City of México-Tenochtitlán in 1539’, Colonial Latin American Review, 6:1 (1997), 17–40.2 This armistice ended the second of the three Italian Wars (1521–1526, 1536–1538 and 1542–1546) sparked by Charles V’s election as Holy Roman Emperor. This ceasefire was significant for New Spain (as colonial Mexico was then known) because the Emperor’s war with France had caused instability in the viceroyalty. See David Porter, Renaissance France at War: Armies, Culture and Society, c.1480–1560 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2008), 30–37.3 The most famous example is Estebanico in Álvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios (1542).4 Andrés Pérez de Rivas, Corronica y historia religiosa de la provincia de la Compañia de Jesús de Mexico en Nueva España, 2 vols (Ciudad de México: Sagrado Corazón, 1896), I, 250–51.5 Peter Mason, Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. P., 1998), 40.6 On autoethnography in this performative tradition, see Miguel A. Valerio, Sovereign Joy: Afro-Mexican Kings and Queens, 1539–1540 (Cambridge: Cambridge U. P., 2022), Chapter 3.7 On early modern Black Christian identity, see, for example, Chloe Ireton, ‘ “They Are Blacks of the Caste of Black Christians”: Old Christian Black Blood in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth-Century Iberian Atlantic’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 97:4 (2017), 579–612. On Afropolitanism, see Achille Mbembe, ‘Afropolitanism’, Nka, 46 (2020), 56–61.8 ‘Requerimento dos Pretos devotos da S[enhora] do Rosario da Bahia’, Bahia, 1786, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Bahia, cx. 71, doc. 12235 (cota antiga), s.f.; English translation available, in Patricia A. Mulve

在近代早期的伊比利亚世界，非洲人后裔既孤立地参与节日活动，也作为更广泛的宗教和公民社区的一部分参与节日活动。根据当代编年史、节日记录和视觉来源，我们对这些习俗的了解仍然是片面的，因为当代作家和艺术家大多是非黑人，因为这些作家和艺术家将这些传统融入了以欧洲为中心的异国情调流派。在这篇文章中，我转向节日记录，政府报告和视觉来源，讨论他们所带来的挑战和机遇，并发展散居，跨地理和跨时间的方法，使我们能够识别非洲-伊比利亚散居的连续性。注1 Bernal Díaz del Castillo，《新征服的历史》España(危地马拉手抄本)(1632年)，joss<s:1> Antonio Barbón Rodríguez编(m.m.xico D.F: m.m.xico /UNAM, 2005)，第201章，755页)。原稿有“más de iento y inquenta”(verdadera，编Barbón Rodríguez, 755，注5;重点补充道)。Díaz del Castillo在他所描述的事件发生大约50年后写作，后来划掉了“iento y”。关于这些庆祝活动的土著元素，参见Patricia Lopes Don，“新世界的嘉年华，胜利和雨神:1539年México-Tenochtitlán城市的公民节日”，殖民拉丁美洲评论，6:1(1997)，17-40.2这场停战结束了查理五世当选为神圣罗马帝国皇帝引发的三次意大利战争(1521-1526,1536-1538和1542-1546)中的第二次。这次停火对新西班牙(当时的殖民地墨西哥)意义重大，因为皇帝与法国的战争导致了总督辖区的不稳定。见大卫·波特，文艺复兴时期的法国战争:军队，文化和社会，c.1480-1560(伍德布里奇:博伊德尔出版社，2008)，30-37.3最著名的例子是伊斯特巴尼科在Álvar Nuñez卡贝萨·德·瓦卡的Naufragios (1542)安德里萨斯·普赫雷斯·德·里瓦斯，《科罗尼卡省宗教史》Compañia de Jesús《墨西哥新历史》España, 2卷(Ciudad de msamicico: Sagrado Corazón, 1896)， I, 250-51.5彼得·梅森，《不幸福:异域的表现》(巴尔的摩:约翰·霍普金斯联合出版社，1998)，40.6关于这种表演传统中的自我民族志，见米格尔·a·瓦莱里奥，《主权喜悦:非洲裔墨西哥国王和王后》，1539-1540(剑桥:剑桥大学，2022)，第3.7章，关于早期现代黑人基督徒身份，例如，参见Chloe Ireton，“他们是黑人基督徒种姓的黑人”:16世纪和17世纪早期伊比利亚大西洋的旧基督教黑人血统”，《西班牙裔美国历史评论》，97:4(2017)，579-612。关于非洲政治主义，见Achille Mbembe，“非洲政治主义”，Nka, 46(2020)， 56-61.8“巴伊亚州罗萨里奥的要求”，巴伊亚，1786年，Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino，巴伊亚，cx。71年,医生。12235 (cota antiga)， s.f;9 .见Patricia A. Mulvey，“巴西的奴隶兄弟会:他们在殖民社会中的角色”，《美洲》，39:1(1982)，39-68(第47页)玛丽·路易斯·普拉特，“接触区的艺术”，《职业》(1991)，33-40页(第35页);参见她的《帝国之眼:旅行写作和跨文化》(伦敦/纽约:劳特利奇出版社，1992)，7.10我选择回到“克里奥尔化”这个词，因为我想把“克里奥尔”这个词从拉丁美洲研究中渗透进来的白人化和它所描述的过程中拯救出来。正如El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega所写的那样，criollo这个词(来自葡萄牙语crioulo[家庭男孩奴隶]，而crioulo又来自criar[抚养])最初用于出生在美洲的非洲后裔。参见加尔西拉索·德拉维加:《真正的评注》(里斯本:佩德罗·克拉斯贝克出版社，1609年)。255. 我在斯图尔特·霍尔(Stuart Hall)那里找到了最好的定义，他将克里奥尔化描述为这样一个过程，“以这样一种方式发生，仿佛产生了‘第三空间’——一种‘本地的’或土著的方言空间，其特征是融合了来自所有原始文化的文化元素，但产生了一种配置，在这种配置上，这些元素虽然从来都不平等，但不能再分解或恢复到原来的形式。”因为他们不再以“纯粹”的状态存在，而是被永久地“翻译”(斯图尔特·霍尔，“克里奥尔化和克里奥尔化的过程”，在克里奥尔化的欧洲:遗产和转变中，Encarnación gutirez Rodríguez & Shirley a . Tate[利物浦:利物浦联合出版社，2015]，12-25页。15)。我把节日空间定义为第三个加速翻译的空间。简而言之，我想突出非洲人后裔(negros criollos)在拉丁美洲文化形成过程中所扮演的角色参见Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, La población negra de msamuxico, 1519-1810: estudio etnohistórico (msamuxico d.f.: FCE, 1989[第1版，1946]);赫尔曼·L。附加指控见“Carta del virrey martin enriquez”，墨西哥城，1572年4月28日，AGI, Mexico 19, N. 82;“总督martin enriquez的信”，墨西哥城，1579年10月18日，墨西哥阿吉20号，N. 29;“lopez de Azoca的信，墨西哥观众犯罪市长”，墨西哥城，1609年2月8日，AGI，墨西哥73,R. 1 & N. 4;《路易斯·德·贝拉斯科总督的信》，墨西哥城，1609年2月13日，墨西哥AGI R.17 & N. 63;“关系到çamiento自由黑人和穆拉托俘虏了墨西哥城的新西班牙教历hazer反对西班牙Quaresma 1612年,说唱了caveças和危害,Mexico City, 1612, in的几个角色2010年秘鲁和墨西哥,BNE大地/ fols 158—64。参见maria Elena martinez，“The Black Blood of New Spain: Limpieza de Sangre, Racial Violence, and Gendered Power in Early Colonial Mexico”，The William and Mary Quarterly, 61:3 (2004)， 479 - 520;和Daniel Nemser，“三角测量黑人:墨西哥城，1612”，墨西哥研究/Estudios Mexicanos, 33:3(2017)， 344 - 66.21门多萨，“安东尼奥·德·门多萨总督报告”，s.f.22门多萨在信中要求查理五世停止向新西班牙进口非洲奴隶，但1542年废除土著奴隶制将增加对非洲奴隶劳工的需求关于杀人的主权权力，见米歇尔·福柯，《性的历史》，跨罗伯特·赫尔利，3

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