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Stephen Foster and the Slavery Question 斯蒂芬·福斯特与奴隶制问题
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.40.1.01
C. Lynch, P. Graff, Erin E. Bauer, C. A. Norling
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引用次数: 0
Making an American Opera Career: Conductor May Valentine (1890–1974) and a Woman's Role(s) in the Business of Opera 开创美国歌剧事业:指挥家梅·瓦伦丁(1890–1974)与歌剧事业中的女性角色
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.40.1.04
C. A. Norling
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引用次数: 0
Navigating Black Identity and White Desire: Seven-Eleven and the 1920s Crossover Musical Comedy 驾驭黑人身份和白人欲望:7-11与20世纪20年代的跨界音乐喜剧
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.40.1.02
Peter Graff
On September 6, 1924, the Cleveland Gazette announced the arrival of the celebrated black musical comedy SevenEleven with a lengthy article that described the veracity of its character portrayals: “The authors of SevenEleven have striven to depict the southern ‘Negro’ in the true character, and the cast has been selected with the same point in view.”1 Appearing in the city’s daily black newspaper, this story attempted to reassure readers that SevenEleven was different from earlier black musicals that had been mired in damaging African American stereotypes. This show, according to the Gazette, was more realistic and honest. Similar claims of realism followed SevenEleven throughout its four years on the road as it toured black and later white theatrical circuits. When headlining as the first allblack show on the Columbia Burlesque Wheel, a national theater circuit catering primarily to white audiences, stories attesting to its truthful rendering of African American life became a main selling point on par with its acclaimed music and dancing. By relying on general promises of authenticity to promote the show across racial lines, SevenEleven effectively tapped into emerging desires within the largely segregated entertainment industry for uptodate black cultural products like music, dance, and fashion. SevenEleven was among the most popular black musicals of the early 1920s, yet it has largely been forgotten and its significance overlooked in favor of shows like Shuffle Along that dominated the New York City
1924年9月6日,《克利夫兰公报》宣布了著名的黑人音乐喜剧《SevenEleven》的到来,并发表了一篇长文,描述了其人物形象的真实性:“《SevenEleven》的作者们努力以真实的性格描绘南方的‘黑人’,演员阵容的选择也持同样的观点。“1这篇报道出现在该市的黑人日报上,试图让读者放心,《SevenEleven》与早期陷入破坏性非裔美国人刻板印象的黑人音乐剧不同。据《公报》报道,这场演出更为现实和诚实。《SevenEleven》在其四年的巡回演出中,也有类似的现实主义主张。哥伦比亚滑稽转轮是一个主要面向白人观众的国家剧院巡回演出,当它成为哥伦比亚滑稽转轮的第一场全黑人演出时,证明其真实再现非裔美国人生活的故事成为了其广受好评的音乐和舞蹈的主要卖点。SevenEleven依靠对真实性的普遍承诺来跨越种族界限宣传这部剧,有效地利用了在种族隔离严重的娱乐业中新兴的对音乐、舞蹈和时尚等最新黑人文化产品的渴望。《SevenEleven》是20世纪20年代初最受欢迎的黑人音乐剧之一,但它在很大程度上被遗忘了,它的重要性被忽视了,取而代之的是主导纽约市的《Shuffle Along》等节目
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引用次数: 0
Defining Conjunto Quantitatively: Classical and Modernist Styles in a Texas-Mexican Genre 从数量上定义连音:德克萨斯-墨西哥音乐流派中的古典和现代主义风格
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.40.1.03
Erin E. Bauer
Betraying the genre’s heritage in European influences, one of the most frequently recorded songs within the TexasMexican conjunto tradition is the “Beer Barrel Polka,” translated into Spanish as “El Barrilito.” Composed by Czech musician Jaromír Vejvoda and popular worldwide during World War II, the tune has been recorded by a variety of conjunto artists, including the socalled “father of conjunto music” Narciso Martínez; other eminent early stars like Tony De La Rosa, Valerio Longoria, and Ruben Vela; more stylistically innovative musicians like Flaco Jiménez; and even members of the subsequent generation like Max Baca. However, contemporary TexasMexican musicians like Juanito Castillo, Piñata Protest, and Sunny Sauceda have not recorded the classic song. This first group of artists represents a collective tradition comprising a common repertory passed down through oral tradition. Meanwhile, recent musicians like Castillo, Piñata Protest, and Sauceda instead create original repertory alongside borrowed songs and stylistic traits from rock, country, and the blues (among others). In addition, while conjunto itself and many of its early artists initiated in rural communities along the TexasMexican border in the Rio Grande Valley, this “modernist” group of musicians (my term) emanates from the urban center of San Antonio. The quantitative methods in this article then highlight two divergent
得克萨斯州墨西哥魔术传统中最常录制的歌曲之一是《啤酒桶波尔卡》(Beer Barrel Polka),这首歌被翻译成西班牙语“El Barrilito”,背叛了这一流派在欧洲的影响。这首歌由捷克音乐家Jaromír Vejvoda创作,在第二次世界大战期间风靡全球,由各种魔术艺术家录制,包括所谓的“魔术音乐之父”纳西索·马丁内斯;其他著名的早期明星,如托尼·德拉罗萨、瓦莱里奥·朗格利亚和鲁本·贝拉;更具风格创新的音乐家,如弗拉科·希门尼斯;甚至是像Max Baca这样的下一代成员。然而,当代得克萨斯州的墨西哥音乐家,如Juanito Castillo、Piñata抗议和Sunny Sauceda,并没有录制这首经典歌曲。第一批艺术家代表了一种集体传统,包括通过口头传统传承下来的共同剧目。与此同时,最近的音乐家,如Castillo、Piñata抗议和Sauceda,转而创作原创曲目,同时借鉴摇滚、乡村和蓝调(以及其他)的歌曲和风格特征。此外,这个“现代主义”音乐家群体(我的术语)来自圣安东尼奥的城市中心。本文中的定量方法强调了两个不同的
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引用次数: 0
Touring the Screen: Cinematic Resonances of Diaghilev's Ballets Russes 屏幕之旅:迪亚吉列夫芭蕾舞《俄罗斯》的电影共鸣
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.04
M. Simonson
In December 1916, as Sergei Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes company was crossing the United States to make its West Coast premiere in Los Angeles, the Metropolitan Musical Bureau attempted to generate additional publicity and sustain excitement by publishing the first (and only) issue of the Diaghilef Ballet Russe Courier. Squarely in the center of the front page, under the headline “Ballet Too Expensive for Filming,” was a letter from American film director and producer Thomas H. Ince, purportedly responding to impresario and publicist Robert Grau’s recommendation that Ince invite the ballet troupe to make a film:
1916年12月,谢尔盖·佳吉列夫(Sergei Diaghilev)的俄罗斯芭蕾舞团穿越美国,在洛杉矶进行西海岸首演时,大都会音乐局(Metropolitan Musical Bureau)试图通过出版第一期(也是唯一一期)《佳吉列夫俄罗斯芭蕾舞团信使》(Diaghilef Ballet Russe Courier)来获得更多的宣传和保持兴奋。在头版的正中间,标题为“拍摄芭蕾太贵了”的地方,有一封来自美国电影导演兼制片人托马斯·h·因斯的信,据说是为了回应经纪人兼公关罗伯特·格劳(Robert Grau)建议因斯邀请芭蕾舞团拍摄一部电影的建议:
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引用次数: 1
Imported Sophistication: The Ballets Russes Tours of the 1930s–50s and Toronto's Quest for Cultural Significance 外来的复杂:20世纪30年代至50年代的芭蕾舞团俄罗斯之旅和多伦多对文化意义的探索
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.06
Sarah Gutsche-Miller, C. Sumner
Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes tours across North America in 1916–17 were not a resounding financial or critical success, however, as the preceding articles in this collection have shown, the Russian dancers and their repertoire left a deep impression on audiences, and their performances continued to resonate long after the company returned to Europe: many Americans discovered a love of ballet after seeing the Ballets Russes and sought out classes or local dance productions, and orchestras increasingly incorporated Russian orchestral works and ballet music into their programs. Nevertheless, the impact of the Ballets Russes tours waned over the next several years, superseded by other touring companies of the 1910s and 1920s, in particular the much beloved Anna Pavlova.1 For most Americans, Diaghilev’s fabled company eventually faded into memory or became a distant object of curiosity to be followed through magazines and occasional news reports. When Diaghilev died in 1929
迪亚吉列夫的俄罗斯芭蕾舞团1916-17年在北美的巡演在财务或评论上都没有取得巨大成功,然而,正如本系列前面的文章所示,俄罗斯舞者及其曲目给观众留下了深刻印象,在该公司返回欧洲后很长一段时间,他们的表演一直引起共鸣:许多美国人在观看了俄罗斯芭蕾舞团后发现了对芭蕾舞的热爱,并寻找课程或当地舞蹈作品,管弦乐队越来越多地将俄罗斯管弦乐作品和芭蕾舞音乐融入他们的节目中。尽管如此,俄罗斯芭蕾舞团巡演的影响力在接下来的几年里逐渐减弱,被1910年代和1920年代的其他巡演公司所取代,尤其是备受喜爱的安娜·帕夫洛娃。1对大多数美国人来说,迪亚吉列夫传说中的公司最终消失在记忆中,或者成为杂志和偶尔的新闻报道关注的遥远好奇对象。迪亚吉列夫于1929年去世
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引用次数: 0
A "Brilliant Talk" and a "Stirring Appeal": How Women of Grand Rapids, Michigan, Built an Audience for the Ballets Russes in 1917 “精彩的演讲”和“激动人心的呼吁”:1917年密歇根州大急流城的女性如何为俄罗斯芭蕾舞团赢得观众
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.03
Julia Phillips Randel
By February 13, 1917, Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes had been crisscrossing the United States for four, grueling months, dancing to often disappointingly small houses, in which the appreciation of both critics and public was tempered with varying degrees of disapproval and bewilderment. When the company arrived that day in Grand Rapids, Michigan, it would have had little reason to expect anything different. But if the local press is to be believed, the performance there met with exceptional success. The Grand Rapids Herald began its review (signed C.M.S.), by celebrating the size, enthusiasm, and sophistication of the audience.
到1917年2月13日,佳吉列夫的俄罗斯芭蕾舞团已经在美国进行了四个月的巡回演出,演出地点往往小得令人失望,评论家和公众的赞赏都受到不同程度的反对和困惑的影响。当公司那天到达密歇根州的大急流城时,没有什么理由期待会有什么不同。但如果当地媒体可信的话,在那里的演出取得了非凡的成功。《大急流城先驱报》(Grand Rapids Herald)的评论一开始(署名为C.M.S.)就称赞了观众的规模、热情和老练。
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引用次数: 0
Guest Editor's Introduction: The Ballets Russes in North America 特邀编辑简介:北美的俄罗斯芭蕾舞团
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.01
M. Simonson, Samuel N. Dorf
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引用次数: 0
Diaghilev's Ballets Russes in the American Midwest 佳吉列夫的俄罗斯芭蕾舞团在美国中西部
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.02
Samuel N. Dorf
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引用次数: 0
"It Must Be Preserved": Adolph Bolm's Revival of Le Coq d'Or “它必须被保留”:阿道夫·博尔姆对勒科多尔的复兴
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/19452349.39.4.05
Carolyn J. Watts
Upon the death of the impresario Serge Diaghilev in 1929, the Russian dancerchoreographer Adolph Bolm (1884–1951) penned a retrospective for an American publication, The Dance Magazine. Drawing from his tenure as premier danseur with the Ballets Russes from 1909 to 1917, he wrote of the late impresario’s character, accomplishments, and influence on the art world at large. The nowfamiliar tropes were rehearsed: Diaghilev was an autocratic “genius of the theater,” whose persistence and unfailing taste reinvigorated ballet in the West; Diaghilev mobilized Europe’s leading artistic figures for ballet, revolutionizing music and the scenic arts along the way; Diaghilev shone the spotlight on the male dancer and fostered the careers of the era’s leading Russian choreographers. Bolm ended his tribute with a simple, but imperative, appeal to his readers: “Diaghileff left a great legacy to the world of art, and it must be preserved.”1 How does one preserve a legacy? More crucially for Bolm, how does one preserve the legacy of a figure celebrated for his monumental impact on ballet, an artform notorious for its ephemerality? This question has long troubled dancemakers, old and new, from the fields of concert dance to folk dance.2 Diaghilev himself set up obstacles to these efforts by refusing to allow Ballets Russes productions to be filmed and failing to have the company’s choreographic works routinely notated. Nevertheless, the impresario’s trace remains in the vast array of musical scores, artworks, and photographs he commissioned during his career. The
1929年,经理人Serge Diaghilev去世后,俄罗斯舞蹈编舞家Adolph Bolm(1884–1951)为美国出版物《舞蹈杂志》撰写了一篇回顾展。他在1909年至1917年担任俄罗斯芭蕾舞团首席舞者期间,写下了这位已故经理人的性格、成就以及对整个艺术界的影响。现在熟悉的比喻被排练过:迪亚吉列夫是一位专制的“戏剧天才”,他的坚持和不懈的品味重振了西方芭蕾舞的活力;迪亚吉列夫动员了欧洲顶尖的芭蕾舞艺术人物,一路走来,音乐和风景艺术发生了革命性的变化;迪亚吉列夫将聚光灯对准了这位男舞者,并培养了当时俄罗斯顶尖编舞家的职业生涯。博尔姆在结束他的致敬时,向读者发出了一个简单但必要的呼吁:“迪亚吉列夫给艺术界留下了伟大的遗产,必须加以保护。”1如何保护遗产?对博姆来说,更重要的是,如何保护一个因其对芭蕾舞的巨大影响而闻名的人物的遗产,芭蕾舞是一种因其短暂性而臭名昭著的艺术形式?从音乐会舞蹈到民间舞蹈,这个问题一直困扰着新老舞蹈制作人。2迪亚吉列夫本人拒绝拍摄俄罗斯芭蕾舞团的作品,也没有对该公司的舞蹈作品进行常规注释,从而为这些努力设置了障碍。尽管如此,这位经理人的踪迹仍然存在于他职业生涯中委托制作的大量乐谱、艺术品和照片中。这个
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