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Tricks of the Trade: Debt and Imposed Sovereignty in Southernmost Kham in the Nineteenth to Twentieth Centuries 贸易的诡计:债务和强加的主权在最南端的康在19至20世纪
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0012
Stéphane Gros
ABSTRACT:Southernmost Kham, which borders Burma and Yunnan Province, remained at the juncture of several mutually competing political centers until the first half of the twentieth century. On the fringes of Tibetan, Naxi, and Chinese expansion and increasing political control, several Tibeto-Burman–speaking groups such as the Drung and Nung gradually became integrated into their neighbors’ polities. Their political dependency often arose from trading with and accepting loans from commercial agents and from the intermediaries of local rulers, Naxi and Tibetans alike. This article addresses this practice of providing credit, which was developed at the expense of impoverished groups who were often obliged to accept the terms of the transaction. The author particularly emphasizes the connections between this system of debt dependency, the relationship between creditors and debtors that has to be considered in terms of exchange and reciprocity, and the question of political legitimacy. Within this broader context of regional interethnic relations, the article provides a detailed analysis of the concrete terms of the political relationship that existed between Drung communities and Tibetan chiefs of Tsawarong, which contributes to an understanding of the workings of this relationship and its economic, territorial, and even ritual components.
摘要:直到20世纪上半叶,毗邻缅甸和云南的最南端康区一直处于几个相互竞争的政治中心的交汇处。在西藏、纳西族和汉人的扩张和日益增加的政治控制的边缘,一些说藏缅语的群体,如德隆族和农族,逐渐融入了他们邻国的政治体系。他们在政治上的依赖往往源于与商业代理人和地方统治者的中间人(纳西族和藏族都一样)进行贸易和接受贷款。本文论述了这种提供信贷的做法,这种做法是以牺牲贫困群体的利益为代价发展起来的,而贫困群体往往不得不接受交易条款。作者特别强调了这种债务依赖制度、必须从交换和互惠的角度考虑的债权人和债务人之间的关系以及政治合法性问题之间的联系。在区域间民族关系这一更广泛的背景下,本文详细分析了德隆社区和Tsawarong藏族酋长之间存在的政治关系的具体条款,这有助于理解这种关系的运作及其经济、领土甚至仪式组成部分。
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引用次数: 14
Memory Politics at Work in a Gyalrong Revolt in the Early Twentieth Century 记忆政治在20世纪初甲戎起义中的作用
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0013
Jinba Tenzin
A 1917 uprising led by Zöpa, a low-ranking monk who proclaimed himself emperor, attracted over four thousand participants in the Gyalrong region on the southeastern edge of the Tibetan Plateau. Some of the uprising’s agendas and goals contradicted one another. It targeted the Han with the shout of “Crush the Great Han,” even though Zöpa’s two main henchmen were Han. It evoked the support of a wider Gyalrong community and claimed to avenge Qing oppression (since the Jinchuan campaigns of the eighteenth century) while attempting to establish a Qing-branded kingdom. Also, this revolt targeted foreign intrusion, as evidenced by the burning of a Catholic church in Danba. This article offers a glimpse into how this uprising was embedded in sociopolitical changes during a critical transitional period from the Qing to the Republic in Sichuan’s Sino-Tibetan borderlands. It particularly examines how memories of the Qing’s atrocities and subsequent reforms, as well as of the “golden past” of Gyalrong, catalyzed ethnic and religious tensions. Above all, this study exemplifies the significance of integrating historical analyses with ethnographic investigations by examining the ways in which written documents and oral histories constitute competing yet complementary interpretive narratives about sociopolitical changes.
1917年,一位自称为皇帝的低级僧人Zöpa领导了一场起义,在青藏高原东南边缘的嘉戎地区吸引了4000多名参与者。起义的一些议程和目标相互矛盾。虽然Zöpa的两个主要追随者都是汉人,但它还是以“打倒大汉人”的口号来攻击汉人。它引起了更广泛的甲戎社区的支持,并声称要报复清朝的压迫(自18世纪的金川战役以来),同时试图建立一个清朝的王国。此外,这次起义的目标是外国入侵,丹巴的一座天主教堂被烧毁就是明证。这篇文章让我们得以一窥四川汉藏边境地区从清朝到民国的关键过渡时期,这场起义是如何嵌入到社会政治变革中的。它特别研究了清朝的暴行和随后的改革,以及嘉戎的“黄金过去”是如何催化民族和宗教紧张关系的。最重要的是,本研究通过考察书面文献和口述历史构成有关社会政治变化的相互竞争但又互补的解释性叙述的方式,举例说明了将历史分析与民族志调查相结合的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Afterword: Why Kham? Why Borderlands? Coordinating New Research Programs for Asia 后记:为什么是康?为什么边境?为亚洲协调新的研究项目
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0014
C. P. Giersch
Author(s): Giersch, C. Patterson | Abstract: This special issue of Cross-Currents is dedicated to Kham, or Eastern Tibet, which, according to the European Research Council grant supporting these articles, can be called a “Sino-Tibetan Borderlands.” But why should East Asianists, including readers of this journal, care about Kham, and does it in any way help us to conceive of the region as a “borderlands”? The first question was on my mind in May 2015 as I participated in the first of two workshops devoted to Kham; the second was raised by rightfully skeptical participants—most of them experts on Kham—at the February 2016 conference in Paris that concluded this project. The two questions are related, I believe, and this afterword suggests that one possible answer to both lies in using local Kham history to push the boundaries of global borderlands studies. My goal is to argue for an approach that both frames the complexities of Kham for outsiders, including myself, and provides one (but certainly not the only) option for coordinating the diverse research agendas of Kham specialists...
摘要:本期《跨流》特刊的主题是康区,即西藏东部,根据欧洲研究理事会的资助,这里可以被称为“汉藏边境”。但是,为什么东亚主义者,包括本杂志的读者,要关心康区?它是否在某种程度上帮助我们把这个地区想象成一个“边疆”?第一个问题是在2015年5月,我参加了两个关于康的研讨会中的第一个;第二个问题是2016年2月在巴黎结束该项目的会议上,持怀疑态度的参与者(其中大多数是康语专家)合情合理地提出的。我相信,这两个问题是相关的,这篇后记表明,一个可能的答案是利用当地的康史来推动全球边界研究的边界。我的目标是提出一种方法,既能为包括我在内的局外人勾勒出康的复杂性,又为协调康专家的各种研究议程提供一种(但肯定不是唯一的)选择……
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引用次数: 17
Street Theater and Subject Formation in Wartime China: Toward a New Form of Public Art 战时中国的街头戏剧与主体形成:走向公共艺术的新形式
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0004
Xiaobing Tang
abstract:Based on archival research, this article presents a succinct history of the street theater movement in China through the 1930s. It examines how complex discourses and competing visions, as well as historical events and practices—in particular the War of Resistance against Japan—both shaped and propelled the movement. The author focuses on theoretical and practical issues that promoters and practitioners of street theater dealt with and reflected on in three succeeding stages. Observing that the street theater movement hastened the formation of a modern national imagination, the author argues that the movement presented a paradigmatic development as it foregrounded the imperative to engage rural China as well as the need for participants to acquire new subject positions.
本文以文献资料为基础,简要介绍了20世纪30年代中国街头戏剧运动的历史。它考察了复杂的话语和相互竞争的观点,以及历史事件和实践——尤其是抗日战争——是如何塑造和推动了这场运动的。作者将街头戏剧的推动者和实践者在接下来的三个阶段中处理和反思的理论和实践问题作为重点。观察到街头戏剧运动加速了现代民族想象的形成,作者认为,这一运动呈现出一种范式发展,因为它强调了参与中国农村的必要性,以及参与者获得新的主体地位的需要。
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引用次数: 2
A Tale of a Global Family: Shifts and Connections among Different Streams of Marriage Migrations in Asia 《一个全球家庭的故事:亚洲不同婚姻移民流的转变与联系
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-16 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0036
Hongfang Hao
Transnational marriage migration is an important global phenomenon, yet each marriage remains an intimate, personal, and life-shaping event. This article traces the life of a family in rural northeast China that has developed global connections through marriage. In particular, it focuses on the story of a Chinese husband and his Vietnamese wife, which provides insight into the expansion of marriage migrations to and from China over the last decade. The article analyzes how different streams of marriage migrations are linked, specifically the flow of wives from China to Japan and South Korea, and from Vietnam to Taiwan, South Korea, and China. These flows are interconnected in many ways, including through personal networks, brokerage, remittances, and flows of information. Such interconnections in turn exemplify how apparently independent and unrelated migration flows may present multilayered connections of migration factors, diversification, and increasing complexity of migration experiences.
跨国婚姻移民是一个重要的全球现象,但每一次婚姻都是亲密的、个人的、塑造人生的事件。这篇文章追溯了中国东北农村一个家庭的生活,他们通过婚姻建立了全球联系。该书特别关注的是一位中国丈夫和他的越南妻子的故事,这让人们深入了解了过去十年来中国婚姻移民的扩大。本文分析了不同的婚姻移民流是如何联系在一起的,特别是从中国到日本和韩国,从越南到台湾、韩国和中国的妻子流动。这些流动以许多方式相互联系,包括通过个人网络、经纪、汇款和信息流。这种相互联系反过来又说明了明显独立和不相关的迁移流动如何呈现出迁移因素、多样化和迁移经验日益复杂的多层联系。
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引用次数: 0
Regional Cultural Enterprises and Cultural Markets in Early Republican China: The Motion Picture as Case Study 民初地域文化企业与文化市场:以电影为例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-16 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0041
Matthew D Johnson
The transition of the motion picture from foreign amusement to local enterprise was primarily the result of transnational commercial activity linking investors, entrepreneurs, and entertainment professionals. Amid the ongoing urbanization of China’s early Republican period, the enterprises emerging from this activity became increasingly profitable and, as a result, film production and exhibition became regularized phenomena, rooted in identifiable genres and standardized approaches to engaging audiences within the immersive space of the theater. By the early 1920s, those closest to the nascent industry were eager to legitimize its power by portraying the medium as a tool for political and social reform. However, commercial strategies and aesthetics remained relatively undisturbed despite this progressive rhetoric. In geographic terms, motion picture–related enterprises and culture remained strongly regional: affected and constrained by the non-Chinese national industries operating in politically divided China, by competing forms of local popular culture, and by existing geographies of exchange and infrastructure. The early Republican “experimental” period in Chinese cinema was, from an enterprise-centered perspective, one of numerous coexisting subnational cultural centers and zones.
电影从外国娱乐到当地企业的转变主要是跨国商业活动将投资者、企业家和娱乐专业人员联系起来的结果。在中国民国初期持续的城市化进程中,从这种活动中涌现出来的企业越来越有利可图,因此,电影制作和放映成为常态化的现象,植根于可识别的类型和标准化的方法,以吸引观众进入影院的沉浸式空间。到20世纪20年代初,那些最接近这个新兴产业的人渴望通过将媒体描绘成政治和社会改革的工具来使其权力合法化。然而,尽管有这种进步的修辞,商业策略和美学仍然相对不受干扰。从地理上看,与电影相关的企业和文化仍然具有很强的地域性:受到在政治分裂的中国经营的非中国民族产业、当地流行文化的竞争形式以及现有的交流地理和基础设施的影响和制约。从以企业为中心的角度来看,民国早期的中国电影“实验”时期是众多地方文化中心和文化区并存的时期之一。
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引用次数: 3
Gender and Power Dynamics in Transnational Marriage Brokerage: The Ban on Commercial Matchmaking in Taiwan Reconsidered 跨国婚姻中介中的性别与权力动态:台湾商业婚介禁令再思考
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-16 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0032
Hsunhui Tseng
Taiwan attracted a considerable number of marriage migrants from Southeast Asia and China through brokers in the late 1990s and early 2000s. With widely circulated, sensational news stories about foreign spouses being abused and advertisements of foreign brides as objects for sale, women involved in the business were gradually seen by the public as victims of transnational marriage brokerage. Under pressure from some women’s groups in Taiwan and the anti-trafficking campaign in the international community, the Taiwanese government eventually banned transnational commercial matchmaking in 2008. This article examines the gender politics behind the ban by reviewing the debate over this policy. It also provides an ethnographic study of women’s power relationships with other parties involved in the marriage business. By exposing the market and cultural logic that made this business blossom, this article challenges the binaries of perpetrator/victim and exploitation/freedom in the dominant representations of the transnational marriage market. It calls for a transnational and transclass perspective to understand these women’s “active submission” to the market and concludes that, without this consideration, the enforcement of the 2008 ban ends up serving only to save the international reputation of the host country and fulfill the liberal middle-class imaginary of moral order of the host society, rather than solving women’s problems per se.
20世纪90年代末和21世纪初,台湾通过中介吸引了大量来自东南亚和中国大陆的婚姻移民。随着有关外籍配偶被虐待的耸人听闻的新闻广为流传,以及外国新娘作为出售对象的广告,参与这项业务的妇女逐渐被公众视为跨国婚姻中介的受害者。在台湾一些妇女团体和国际社会反拐卖运动的压力下,台湾政府最终于2008年禁止跨国商业相亲。本文通过回顾对这一政策的争论来审视禁令背后的性别政治。它还提供了一项关于女性与婚姻事务中其他各方的权力关系的民族志研究。通过揭示促使这一行业蓬勃发展的市场和文化逻辑,本文挑战了跨国婚姻市场中占主导地位的加害者/受害者和剥削/自由的二元对立。它呼吁以一种跨国和跨阶级的视角来理解这些女性对市场的“主动服从”,并得出结论,如果不考虑这一点,2008年禁令的执行最终只是为了挽救东道国的国际声誉,实现自由中产阶级对东道国社会道德秩序的想象,而不是解决妇女问题本身。
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引用次数: 10
Surviving Socialism: Private Industry and the Transition to Socialism in China, 1945–1958 幸存的社会主义:1945-1958年中国的私营工业和向社会主义的过渡
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-16 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0031
Robert Cliver
During the 1950s, China’s hybrid economy recovered from years of war and crisis. China’s Communist revolutionaries and “national capitalists” (minzu zibenjia 民族资本家) cooperated in this effort and were often successful, but the relationship was not unproblematic. This article focuses on the survival strategies of factory owners in the silk industry during what the Chinese Community Party terms the “socialist transformation of private industry and commerce.” This process was initiated and mobilized by the central government but implemented by local officials, and it was influenced by capitalists’ diverse responses, which showed adaptability, perseverance, manipulation, and even resistance. One surprising discovery is that many factory owners welcomed effective state involvement in the economy, such as expansion of the system of state-contracted production in private firms, and agitated to accelerate the transition to socialism. From the Five Antis Campaign in 1952 through the “socialist high tide” of 1956, the relationship between private businesses and the state changed dramatically and reshaped China’s economy, often in unpredictable ways. In this light, China’s transition to socialism appears more complex and contested than historians have previously imagined.
在20世纪50年代,中国的混合经济从多年的战争和危机中复苏。中国的共产主义革命者和“民族资本家”在这方面进行了合作,并且经常取得成功,但这种关系并非没有问题。本文主要探讨丝绸业厂主在中共所谓的“私营工商业的社会主义改造”过程中的生存策略。这一过程由中央政府发起和动员,但由地方官员实施,并受到资本家不同反应的影响,表现出适应、坚持、操纵甚至抵制。一个令人惊讶的发现是,许多工厂主欢迎国家对经济的有效干预,例如扩大私营企业的国有承包生产制度,并鼓动加快向社会主义的过渡。从1952年的五反运动到1956年的“社会主义高潮”,私营企业与国家之间的关系发生了巨大变化,并以不可预测的方式重塑了中国经济。从这个角度来看,中国向社会主义的过渡似乎比历史学家先前想象的更加复杂和充满争议。
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引用次数: 4
The “Fake Marriage” Test in Taiwan: Gender, Sexuality, and Border Control 台湾的“假婚姻”测试:性别、性行为与边境管制
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-12-16 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0030
Mei-Hua Chen
According to many reports, migrant sex workers often use marriages of convenience to cross national borders in order to avoid laws criminalizing commercial sex in many destination countries. Taiwan is one of the countries developing strategies to prevent this illicit migration, particularly through the application of a fake marriage test. Based on in-depth interviews with eighteen Chinese migrant sex workers and thirteen officers of Taiwan’s National Immigration Agency (NIA), this article argues, first, that the discourse of “national security” has been widely drawn on to justify Taiwan’s rigid border control at the expense of stigmatized Chinese prostitutes who have been scapegoated. Border control is therefore not only racialized or classed but also sexualized, to the extent that all Chinese migrant women are considered potential prostitutes. Second, this article reveals how the exclusion of and hostility toward Chinese sex workers are simultaneously linked with a gender regime that seeks to exclude Chinese spouses who deviate from Taiwanese gender and social norms. The border is therefore a contested site where gender, sexuality, and nationality are interwoven.
根据许多报告,移徙性工作者经常利用便利婚姻跨越国界,以逃避许多目的地国家将商业性行为定为犯罪的法律。台湾是制定防止这种非法移民的战略的国家之一,特别是通过应用假结婚测试。本文基于对18名中国大陆移徙性工作者和13名台湾国家移民局官员的深度访谈,认为首先,“国家安全”的话语被广泛地用来为台湾严格的边境管制辩护,而牺牲了被污名化的中国大陆妓女作为替罪羊。因此,边境管制不仅是种族化或阶级化的,而且是性化的,以至于所有的中国移民妇女都被认为是潜在的妓女。其次,这篇文章揭示了对中国性工作者的排斥和敌意是如何同时与性别制度联系在一起的,这种制度试图排除偏离台湾性别和社会规范的中国配偶。因此,边界是一个有争议的地点,性别、性取向和国籍交织在一起。
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引用次数: 11
The South Manchurian Railway Company and the Mining Industry: The Case of the Fushun Coal Mine 南满铁路公司与矿业:以抚顺煤矿为例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2015-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2015.0039
T. Chen
Following the Japanese victory over Czarist Russia in the Russo-Japanese War and the signing of the Treaty of Portsmouth in 1905, the southernmost section of the southern branch of the China Far East Railway (Changchun–Port Arthur) was transferred to Japanese control. A new, semi-privately held company, the South Manchuria Railway Company (SMR, Mantetsu, was established with 85.6 percent capitalization by the Japanese government and foreign bonds to operate the railroad and to develop settlements (including highways, public health facilities, educational institutions,) and industries (coal mines, harbor facilities, electrical power plants, shale oil plants, chemical plants, and restaurants) along its route. SMR nonetheless emphasized railway and mining investment. The centerpiece of its mining interests was the Fushun Coal Mine. Starting in 1917, SMR began to prosper, with most profits coming from its coal mines, and it soon spun off subsidiary companies. In this sense, although the factors that influenced development of the Fushun Coal Mine in each period were different, this development still shows continuity of the business management.
随着日本在日俄战争中战胜沙皇俄国和1905年朴次茅斯条约的签署,中国远东铁路南线最南端(长春-亚瑟港)被移交给日本控制。成立了一家新的半私人控股公司——南满洲铁路公司(SMR, Mantetsu),由日本政府和外国债券出资85.6%,负责运营铁路,并在沿线开发定居点(包括高速公路、公共卫生设施、教育机构)和工业(煤矿、港口设施、发电厂、页岩油厂、化学工厂和餐馆)。尽管如此,SMR还是强调铁路和矿业投资。其矿业利益的核心是抚顺煤矿。从1917年开始,SMR开始蓬勃发展,大部分利润来自其煤矿,并很快剥离了子公司。从这个意义上说,虽然抚顺煤矿在各个时期影响其发展的因素是不同的,但这种发展仍然表现出企业管理的连续性。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Cross-Currents-East Asian History and Culture Review
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