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Contested Sovereignty: Local Politics and State Power in Territorial Conflicts on the Vietnam-China Border, 1650s–1880s 主权争议:1650 - 1880年代中越边境领土冲突中的地方政治与国家权力
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0017
Luân Đường Vũ
ABSTRACT:This article analyzes territorial disputes and political relationships at the border between China and Vietnam from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. Predominant Western scholarship argues that, owing to the tributary relationship among states and polities, there was no territorial boundary in premodern Asia; furthermore, it suggests, the concept of the “geo-body” of a nation or sovereign state only arose with the transfer of new mapping technology from Europe. This article argues instead that the absence of lines of demarcation on Vietnamese and Chinese maps before the late nineteenth century does not connote a lack of consciousness of the existence of borders. The quest for autonomy throughout history by local communities living between China and Vietnam gave rise to border conflicts, which led to the intervention by and expansion of these two states, as well as negotiations and territorial division between them. The transformation of the China-Vietnam border from a premodern to a modern form thus did not depend solely on its cartographic representation; it also involved the power of the state to control space. Additionally, this article demonstrates that tensions over the border did not simply involve central governments but often resulted from a combination of local conflicts and the complicated relations between local actors and the state. The article suggests a new approach to exploring the history of state borders from the perspective of local people, in which the “in-between communities” are not seen as passive objects of border demarcation but are also a driving force in the establishment of a frontier. While the “in-between communities” discussed in this article were behind conflicts over land and its division into national territories, their manipulations of ethnic identity and transgressive mobility also helped blur the border between the two countries.
摘要:本文分析了17世纪至19世纪中越边境的领土争端和政治关系。主流西方学者认为,由于国家和政治之间的朝贡关系,前现代亚洲没有领土边界;此外,它还表明,一个民族或主权国家的“地理体”概念只是随着欧洲新测绘技术的转移而出现的。本文认为,19世纪末以前越南和中国地图上没有分界线并不意味着缺乏对边界存在的意识。历史上,生活在中越之间的当地社区对自治的追求引发了边界冲突,导致了这两个国家的干预和扩张,以及它们之间的谈判和领土划分。因此,中越边界从前现代形态到现代形态的转变并不仅仅取决于它的地图表现;它还涉及到国家控制空间的权力。此外,本文还表明,边境紧张局势不仅涉及中央政府,而且往往是地方冲突以及地方行动者与国家之间复杂关系的综合结果。本文提出了一种从当地人的角度探索国家边界历史的新方法,在这种方法中,“中间社区”不再被视为边界划分的被动对象,而是建立边界的推动力。虽然本文讨论的“中间社区”是围绕土地及其国家领土划分的冲突背后的原因,但他们对种族认同和越界流动的操纵也帮助模糊了两国之间的边界。
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引用次数: 2
The Afterlives of An Chunggŭn in Republican China: From Sinocentric Appropriation to a Rupture in Nationalism 民国时期的一个Chunggŭn:从以中国为中心的挪用到民族主义的决裂
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0002
Inhye Han
abstract:This article examines Sino-Korean cultural relations in the 1920s and 1930s, focusing on representations of Korean anticolonial activist An Chunggŭn’s assassination of Japanese prime minister Itō Hirobumi (1909). Two different junctures in particular are considered: the release of the film Patriotic Spirit by Chŏng Kitak in 1928 and the Wanbaoshan Incident in 1931. Patriotic Spirit, a transnational dramatization of An’s story, was the first Chinese film directed by a Korean; the Wanbaoshan Incident was a violent conflict between Chinese and Koreans caused by the unofficial “discord-provoking policy” of the Japanese empire. The article tracks changes in Chinese responses to An’s story before and after these two junctures, showing that Patriotic Spirit subtly communicated transnationalism while also catering to the Sinocentric taste of Chinese audiences. It also examines how Chinese print media in 1928 appropriated Patriotic Spirit for nationalist ends. Following the Wanbaoshan Incident, An’s story resurfaced in China. Despite heightened anti-Korean sentiment in China at this time, An avoided Chinese condemnation because the Chinese unwittingly categorized him as Korean yet not Korean. Hence, while An’s story became integrated into Chinese discourse, this study reveals, the sign of An Chunggŭn caused a rupture in the Han/non-Han divide embedded in Republican-era Chinese nationalism.
本文考察了20世纪20年代和30年代的中韩文化关系,重点考察了韩国反殖民活动家安Chunggŭn(1909年)刺杀日本首相伊通博文事件的表现。这里特别考虑了两个不同的时刻:1928年Chŏng Kitak的电影《爱国精神》的上映和1931年的万宝山事变。《爱国精神》是一部将安的故事跨国改编的电影,是第一部由韩国人执导的中国电影;万宝山事变是由日本帝国非官方的“挑拨政策”引起的中国和朝鲜之间的暴力冲突。这篇文章追踪了在这两个转折点前后中国人对安的故事反应的变化,表明《爱国精神》巧妙地传达了跨国主义,同时也迎合了中国观众以中国为中心的品味。本文还考察了1928年的中国平面媒体如何将爱国精神用于民族主义目的。万宝山事件发生后,安的故事在中国重新出现。虽然当时中国的反韩情绪高涨,但安某回避了中国的谴责,因为中国人不自觉地把他归类为“韩国人”,而不是“韩国人”。因此,本研究揭示,当安氏故事融入中国话语时,安氏Chunggŭn的标志导致了共和时代中国民族主义中根深蒂固的汉族/非汉族分裂的破裂。
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引用次数: 0
A Russian Radical and East Asia in the Early Twentieth Century: Sudzilovsky, China, and Japan 激进的俄国人与二十世纪初的东亚:苏兹洛夫斯基、中国与日本
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0006
V. Tikhonov
abstract:This article deals with the noted Russian Narodnik revolutionary Nikolai Sudzilovsky-Russel (1850–1930), his views on China and Japan, and the background of those views in the Russian intellectual tradition. Russian revolutionaries tended to share many of the Eurocentric biases of their Westernizer (Zapadniki) mentors and often viewed Asia—East Asia included—as retrograde, Japan being seen as an exception. Russian Narodniks’ positive view of Japan was not unrelated to their belief in the unilineal hierarchy of progress and civilization, in which Japan was seen as topping Russia. Sudzilovsky-Russel’s views originally developed as a continuation of this paradigm. However, his observations of the contemporaneous Chinese revolutionary movement and personal exchanges with Sun Yat-sen (1866–1925) showed him the revolutionary potential of China. In the end, he accepted the idea that a political revolution in China would provide an important impulse to the cause of social revolutions in the West. Concurrently, in the dialogue between Russian and Chinese revolutionaries, something akin to a general strategy for radical change on the world’s agricultural periphery was taking shape, anticipating a number of later ideological and political developments in both China and Russia. Sudzilovsky-Russel viewed the tasks facing Russian and Chinese revolutionaries as essentially similar: while catching up with the supposedly advanced societies of the West, both were to bypass the “plutocratic” capitalist stage on their way to an emancipatory, alternative modern future.
本文论述了俄国著名的民粹派革命家苏齐洛夫斯基-罗素(1850-1930)及其对中国和日本的看法,以及这些观点在俄国知识分子传统中的产生背景。俄国革命者倾向于与他们的西方化导师(Zapadniki)分享许多以欧洲为中心的偏见,并经常将亚洲(包括东亚)视为逆行,日本被视为例外。俄罗斯民粹派对日本的积极看法与他们对进步和文明的单一制等级制度的信仰不无关系,在这种制度下,日本被视为超越俄罗斯。苏兹洛夫斯基-罗素的观点最初是作为这种范式的延续而发展起来的。然而,他对当时中国革命运动的观察,以及与孙中山(1866-1925)的个人交流,让他看到了中国的革命潜力。最后,他接受了这样一种观点,即中国的政治革命将为西方的社会革命事业提供重要的推动力。与此同时,在俄罗斯和中国革命者之间的对话中,某种类似于对世界农业外围地区进行激进变革的总体战略正在形成,预示着中国和俄罗斯后来的一些意识形态和政治发展。苏齐洛夫斯基-罗素认为,俄国和中国革命者面临的任务本质上是相似的:在追赶西方所谓的先进社会的同时,两者都要绕过“财阀”资本主义阶段,走向解放的、可选择的现代未来。
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引用次数: 4
Imagining Urban Community: Contested Geographies and Parallax Urban Dreams on Cheju Island, South Korea 想象城市社区:济州岛有争议的地理和视差的城市梦想,韩国
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0000
Tommy Tran
abstract:This article examines how urban space in Cheju City can be imagined as a site of experience and identity. The rapid development of Cheju City on Cheju Island, the Republic of Korea’s prime resort and ecological heritage destination, has foregrounded tensions between global tourism and local identity. How people experience cities physically has an intimate connection with how they imagine and represent urban space. Cheju City, which has transformed from being the modest seat of a long-marginalized periphery into a burgeoning tourism hub, is a battleground on which differing visions of urban space as the location of culture are staged. Such debates are as much about the right to represent identity as about the right to use urban space. While urban redevelopment in Cheju City erases entire city blocks for tourist facilities and elaborate monuments to distant pasts, emergent social movements are rearticulating sites of memory to recover a sense of a Cheju-specific landscape and to redefine local identity. Using ongoing ethnographic and archival research conducted since 2012, this article demonstrates how a new urban heritage paradigm is emerging in Cheju. Heritage is no longer confined to essentialist conclusions drawn from rural folklore but now directly addresses urban experience.
本文探讨济州市的城市空间如何被想象为一个体验和身份的场所。济州岛上的济州市是韩国的主要度假胜地和生态遗产目的地,它的快速发展凸显了全球旅游业和地方身份之间的紧张关系。人们对城市的实际体验与他们对城市空间的想象和表现有着密切的联系。济州市已经从一个长期边缘化的边缘地带转变为一个新兴的旅游中心,是一个战场,在这个战场上,不同的城市空间愿景作为文化的所在地上演。这样的辩论既涉及到使用城市空间的权利,也涉及到代表身份的权利。济州市的城市再开发将整个城市街区夷为平地,用于建设旅游设施和纪念遥远过去的精美纪念碑,而新兴的社会运动正在重新理清记忆遗址,以恢复济州市特有的景观感,并重新定义当地的身份。本文利用自2012年以来进行的人种学和档案研究,展示了济州如何形成一种新的城市遗产范式。遗产不再局限于从乡村民间传说中得出的本质主义结论,而是直接涉及城市经验。
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引用次数: 2
The Game People Played: Mahjong in Modern Chinese Society and Culture 人们玩的游戏:近代中国社会文化中的麻将
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0001
Maggie Greene
abstract:This article considers the discourse surrounding the popular Chinese table game of mahjong in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, using it as a barometer to trace social and cultural changes during the late Qing and Republican periods. After analyzing the connection between mahjong; its forerunner, madiao; and their antithesis, weiqi (go), it traces the changing position of mahjong in Chinese society from a game seemingly loathed by literati to a staple of bourgeois parlors. Drawing on a variety of journals, newspapers, and visual sources, the article further explores culture from class and gender perspectives in the late Qing and Republican periods, as mahjong moved from a visibly male activity to one largely associated with women. Finally, it considers the relationship between games and discourses of modernity, and the important changes taking place regarding leisure time in the twentieth century. The article argues that mahjong has been uniquely resistant to regulation and control. Enjoyment of the game spread across class and gender lines, despite the efforts of reformers, for reasons that reflect and embody key shifts from the late Qing dynasty through the end of the Republican period.
本文考察了19世纪和20世纪围绕中国流行的桌上游戏麻将的话语,并将其作为追踪清末民国时期社会文化变迁的晴雨表。分析完麻将之间的联系;它的前身,马雕;它追溯了麻将在中国社会中地位的变化,从一种似乎为文人所厌恶的游戏,变成了资产阶级客厅的主食。借助各种期刊、报纸和视觉资源,文章进一步从阶级和性别的角度探讨了晚清和民国时期的文化,因为麻将从一种明显的男性活动转变为一种主要与女性有关的活动。最后,它考虑了游戏和现代性话语之间的关系,以及20世纪关于休闲时间发生的重要变化。这篇文章认为,麻将一直以来都具有独特的抗管制性。尽管改革家做出了种种努力,但由于反映和体现了从清末到民国末期的关键转变,人们对足球的喜爱跨越了阶级和性别的界限。
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引用次数: 7
Against the Nihilism of Suffering and Death: Richard E. K. Kim and His Works 反对痛苦与死亡的虚无主义:理查德·e·k·金及其作品
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0003
Jooyeon Rhee
abstract:This article examines the life and works of Richard E. K. Kim (1932–2009), a first-generation Korean diasporic writer in the United States. It focuses on how Kim struggled to overcome the nihilism of suffering and death that derived from colonialism and the Korean War through his literary works. Kim witnessed firsthand these two major historical events, which caused irrevocable psychological and physical damage to many people of his generation. In his autobiographical fiction, he conveys painful memories of the events by reviving the voices of people in that era. What his works offer us goes beyond vivid memories of the past, however; they also present the power of forgiveness as a condition to overcome the nihilism of suffering and death. Remembrance and forgiveness are, therefore, two major thematic pillars of his works that enable us to connect to these difficult and traumatic times. These themes are portrayed in such a gripping way mainly because Kim tried to maintain a certain distance—an emotional and linguistic distance—from the familiar, in order to elucidate the reality of the human condition: an ontological position of the exile from which he produced his works. This article argues that Kim’s works provide us the possibility to transcend the nihilism of historical trauma through articulating the meaning of remembrance and forgiveness from his self-assumed position of exile.
本文考察了美国第一代朝鲜流散作家理查德·金(1932-2009)的生平和作品。主要讲述了金氏如何通过文学作品克服殖民主义和6•25战争带来的痛苦和死亡的虚无主义。金正日亲眼目睹了这两大历史事件,给他那一代的许多人造成了不可挽回的心理和身体上的伤害。在他的自传体小说中,他通过唤起那个时代人们的声音,传达了对那个事件的痛苦记忆。然而,他的作品带给我们的不仅仅是对过去的生动回忆;他们还把宽恕的力量作为克服痛苦和死亡的虚无主义的条件。因此,回忆和宽恕是他作品的两大主题支柱,使我们能够与这些困难和创伤的时期联系起来。这些主题以如此扣人心弦的方式被描绘出来,主要是因为金姆试图与熟悉的事物保持一定的距离——情感和语言上的距离,以阐明人类状况的现实:他创作作品时所处的流亡的本体论立场。本文认为,金氏的作品以他自居的流亡身份,通过表达记忆和宽恕的意义,为我们提供了超越历史创伤的虚无主义的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Domesticating Hybridity: Straits Chinese Cultural Heritage Projects in Malaysia and Singapore 驯化杂交:马来西亚与新加坡海峡华人文化遗产项目
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-13 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0005
K. M. Teoh
abstract:This article examines the literal and figurative domestication of Straits Chinese, or Peranakan, history in selected heritage projects in late twentieth-century Malaysia and Singapore. These projects simultaneously foreground Straits Chinese history as a symbol of interracial harmony and marginalize it as a cultural artifact. Over the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the ethnoculturally hybrid Straits Chinese positioned themselves as “the King’s Chinese,” champions of a Confucian-values renaissance, and citizens of independent Malaysia and Singapore. Their adaptability helped them survive the upheaval of imperialism, decolonization, and nation building, but it was also controversial for its suggestion of political flexibility. Today, Southeast Asian governments and the Peranakan themselves depict the community as a uniquely local model of ethnic integration. Museums and historic homes emphasize portrayals and consumption of supposedly feminine aspects of Peranakan culture (e.g., fashion and cuisine), while downplaying purportedly masculine elements (e.g., the possession of multiple nationalities). By conflating femininity, tradition, and racial hybridity, this approach reifies stereotypes about gender and cultural identity, and replaces transgressive potential with politically anodyne nostalgia and commercialization. As anxieties about race, national history, and belonging continue to undergird the modern polity, transnationalism and transculturalism are acceptable as long as they are confined to the past.
摘要:本文考察了20世纪后期马来西亚和新加坡选定的遗产项目中海峡华人或土生华人的字面和比喻化的驯化历史。这些项目同时突出了海峡华人历史作为种族间和谐的象征,并将其作为文化产物边缘化。在19世纪末和20世纪,民族文化混合的海峡华人将自己定位为“国王的华人”,儒家价值观复兴的捍卫者,以及独立的马来西亚和新加坡的公民。他们的适应性帮助他们在帝国主义、去殖民化和国家建设的剧变中幸存下来,但也因其暗示的政治灵活性而引起争议。今天,东南亚各国政府和土生华人自己都把这个社区描绘成一个独特的当地种族融合模式。博物馆和历史建筑强调土生华人文化中所谓的女性元素的描绘和消费(例如,时尚和美食),同时淡化所谓的男性元素(例如,拥有多个国籍)。通过将女性气质、传统和种族杂交混为一谈,这种方法将关于性别和文化身份的刻板印象具体化,并用政治上的怀旧和商业化取代了违法的潜力。随着对种族、民族历史和归属感的焦虑继续支撑着现代政治,只要跨国主义和跨文化主义局限于过去,它们是可以接受的。
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引用次数: 9
Guozhuang Trading Houses and Tibetan Middlemen in Dartsedo, the “Shanghai of Tibet” “西藏上海”达色都的国庄商行和藏商
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0010
Yudru Tsomu
Within the field of Sino-Tibetan frontier studies, there is very little indepth scholarly discussion about commerce, trade, and the people who facilitated these activities across the Sino-Tibetan border; studies in English are particularly sparse. This article aims to contribute to a wider and deeper understanding of the nature of trade on the Sino-Tibetan frontier and the role of women as facilitators by looking at some of the actual “dealmakers.” In the border town of Dartsedo—the “Shanghai of Tibet”—guozhuang (trading houses, Tib. achak khapa) not only evolved into convenient spaces for travelers to come to rest, but also were spaces of flux. It was in these trading houses that traditional notions of gender, class, and hierarchy were called into question and played out in unexpected ways. Women came to dominate the guozhuang because the work was likened to managing a household and therefore viewed as a lower-status occupation. This notion was reinforced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when Chinese values and customs were introduced into the local society through frequent intermarriages between Han and Tibetan inhabitants in Dartsedo.
在汉藏边境研究领域,很少有深入的学术讨论商业,贸易,以及推动这些活动跨越汉藏边境的人;学习英语的人特别少。本文旨在通过观察一些实际的“交易撮合者”,有助于更广泛、更深入地理解汉藏边境贸易的本质,以及女性作为促进者的作用。在有“西藏上海”之称的边境小镇达特塞,西藏的国庄商行。Achak khapa)不仅演变为方便旅行者休息的空间,而且也是流动的空间。正是在这些贸易公司中,传统的性别、阶级和等级观念受到了质疑,并以意想不到的方式发挥了作用。妇女开始主导锅庄,因为这项工作被比作管理家庭,因此被视为地位较低的职业。这种观念在19世纪末和20世纪初得到加强,当时中国的价值观和习俗通过达特塞多汉族和藏族居民之间频繁的通婚被引入当地社会。
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引用次数: 11
“To Control Tibet, First Pacify Kham”: Trade Routes and “Official Routes” (Guandao) in Easternmost Kham “要控制西藏,首先要平定康区”:康区最东端的贸易路线和“官道”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0008
Patrick R. Booz
ABSTRACT:This article focuses on the trade routes in the western Sichuan borderlands that facilitated contact and trade between Chinese counties and Eastern Tibet. In particular, the article offers a description of “official routes” (guandao)—which the Chinese emperor twice proclaimed to be the vital mode of access between China and Tibet—from Chengdu, Sichuan’s provincial capital, to Khampa areas, with Lhasa as the final destination. The exchange of goods in this region followed various routes during different periods. From the tenth to sixteenth centuries, transactions occurred primarily along the borders of Amdo (Tib. A mdo, Northeastern Tibet), but for political, economic, and practical reasons, such exchanges became more limited geographically and eventually focused along the Sichuan-Kham/Ngawa border. Many routes shifted to the towns of Kangding (Tib. Dartsedo) and Songpan (Tib. Zungchu), the main sites of distribution, where rich opportunities for trade and a strictly limiting transport geography made them important entrepôts that evolved into centers of prosperity. The geographic range of this article reaches to these two towns and leaves the investigation of the routes that led to western centers such as Derge, Batang, Chamdo, and Jyekundo for future research.
摘要:本文主要研究川西边陲的贸易路线,这些贸易路线为中国县域与藏东地区的联系和贸易提供了便利。这篇文章特别描述了从四川省会成都到康巴地区的“官方路线”(关道)——中国皇帝两次宣布这是中国和西藏之间的重要通道——以拉萨为最终目的地。这一地区的货物交换在不同时期有不同的路线。从10世纪到16世纪,交易主要发生在安多(xz)边境。但由于政治、经济和实际原因,这种交流在地理上变得更加有限,最终集中在四川-康/阿坝边境。许多路线转移到康定(xz)的城镇。达特塞多和松潘(xz。在那里,丰富的贸易机会和严格限制的交通地理使它们变得重要entrepôts,并逐渐发展成为繁荣的中心。本文的地理范围到达了这两个城镇,对通往西部中心的路线,如德格、巴塘、昌都和济昆都的调查,留给未来的研究。
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引用次数: 2
Victorianizing Guangxu: Arresting Flows, Minting Coins, and Exerting Authority in Early Twentieth-Century Kham 维多利亚化光绪:20世纪初康的拦流、造币与行使权力
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/ACH.2016.0011
Scott Relyea
ABSTRACT:In the late Qing and early Republican eras, eastern Tibet (Kham) was a borderland on the cusp of political and economic change. Straddling Sichuan Province and central Tibet, it was coveted by both Chengdu and Lhasa. Informed by an absolutist conception of territorial sovereignty, Sichuan officials sought to exert exclusive authority in Kham by severing its inhabitants from regional and local influence. The resulting efforts to arrest the flow of rupees from British India and the flow of cultural identity entwined with Buddhism from Lhasa were grounded in two misperceptions: that Khampa opposition to Chinese rule was external, fostered solely by local monasteries as conduits of Lhasa’s spiritual authority, and that Sichuan could arrest such influence, the absence of which would legitimize both exclusive authority in Kham and regional assertions of sovereignty. The intersection of these misperceptions with the significance of Buddhism in Khampa identity determined the success of Sichuan’s policies and the focus of this article, the minting and circulation of the first and only Qing coin emblazoned with an image of the emperor. It was a flawed axiom of state and nation builders throughout the world that severing local cultural or spiritual influence was possible—or even necessary—to effect a borderland’s incorporation.
摘要:清末民初,西藏东部是一个处于政治经济变革风口浪尖的边疆地区。它横跨四川省和西藏中部,是成都和拉萨都觊觎的地方。在领土主权的绝对主义观念下,四川官员试图在康区施加排他性的权力,使其居民不受区域和地方的影响。因此,阻止来自英属印度的卢比的流动,以及与拉萨佛教交织在一起的文化认同的流动,是基于两种误解:康巴对中国统治的反对是外部的,仅仅是由当地寺院作为拉萨精神权威的渠道所培养的;四川可以阻止这种影响,如果没有这种影响,康巴的排他权威和地区主权主张都将合法化。这些误解与佛教在康巴身份中的重要性的交集决定了四川政策的成功,这篇文章的重点是,第一枚也是唯一一枚刻有皇帝形象的清朝硬币的铸造和流通。对于世界各地的国家和民族建设者来说,切断当地的文化或精神影响是可能的,甚至是必要的,这是一个有缺陷的公理。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Cross-Currents-East Asian History and Culture Review
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