This article explores how the Free French, who were obsessed with establishing legitimacy and obtaining resources on the international scene, sought to create links with the Red Cross Movement. Firstly, it highlights the significance attached to affiliation with the Red Cross by a political committee-in-exile operating outside the traditional diplomatic framework. Although de Gaulle was relatively successful in this quest and obtained a partial diplomatic recognition within the Red Cross apparatus in 1943, this only extended to the transmission of information about prisoners of war. Secondly, it expands and deepens the history of the Red Cross Movement by illustrating the complexity of Red Cross philanthropy and the plurality of its transnational networks on the ground. In the Free French ‘archipelago’, local Red Cross structures—often led by women—were complicated by their own unique dynamics, entangled both in the geopolitics of the time and the local politics of their respective spaces.
{"title":"From dissident to recognized belligerent? The Free French and the Red Cross Movement, 1940–1943","authors":"Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, L. Humbert","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article explores how the Free French, who were obsessed with establishing legitimacy and obtaining resources on the international scene, sought to create links with the Red Cross Movement. Firstly, it highlights the significance attached to affiliation with the Red Cross by a political committee-in-exile operating outside the traditional diplomatic framework. Although de Gaulle was relatively successful in this quest and obtained a partial diplomatic recognition within the Red Cross apparatus in 1943, this only extended to the transmission of information about prisoners of war. Secondly, it expands and deepens the history of the Red Cross Movement by illustrating the complexity of Red Cross philanthropy and the plurality of its transnational networks on the ground. In the Free French ‘archipelago’, local Red Cross structures—often led by women—were complicated by their own unique dynamics, entangled both in the geopolitics of the time and the local politics of their respective spaces.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48825723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Narrative, Catastrophe and Historicity in Eighteenth-century French Literature","authors":"M. D’Auria","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48420075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the heart of Rebecca Dowd Geoffroy-Schwinden’s From Servant to Savant is the radical, tantalizing proposition that the rise of musical romanticism constituted not merely an aesthetic shift, but also a political one, precipitated by cataclysmic changes in social and economic relations in the wake of the French Revolution. She argues that musicians and composers were among the most vocal proponents of socio-economic overhaul during this period, advocating such liberal reforms as the protection of private property, copyright law, state artistic subsidy and democratic nationhood. With this assertion, Geoffroy-Schwinden boldly wades into a number of overlapping, contentious debates in French Revolutionary historiography concerning the degree of continuity and change wrought by this unprecedented event. While Marxist historians of the early twentieth century viewed the French Revolution as the catalyst for the rise of industrial capitalism (see, for example, Georges Lefebvre, Quatre-vingt-neuf (Paris: Éditions sociales, 1970)), revisionist scholars have noted that the economic changes established by the Revolution were limited, and that many of the Revolution’s most radical reforms were almost immediately reversed – first by Napoleon and then under the Bourbon Restoration (see François Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)). Similarly, many musicologists believed that the rise of an increasingly chromatic genre of so-called ‘rescue opera’ in the 1790s was evidence that the events of the Revolution had prompted the rise of musical romanticism (see Winton Dean, ‘Opera under the French Revolution’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 94/1 (1967– 1968), 77–96). However, others have since pointed to the persistence of more conservative musical trends (such as the revival of opéras-comiques from the 1750s and 1760s) as nuancing the idea that the French Revolution also ushered in a concurrent ‘revolution’ in musical taste (see Julia Doe, ‘Two Hunters, a Milkmaid, and the French “Revolutionary” Canon’, Eighteenth-Century Music 15/2 (2018), 177–205, and Mark Darlow, Staging the French Revolution: Cultural Politics and the Paris Opéra, 1789–1794 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012)). Geoffroy-Schwinden’s primary contribution to these debates is to suggest that the French Revolution, in abruptly ending the system of royal patronage and privilège that governed musical production under the ancien régime, oversaw shifts in the means of musical production based on three central principles: ‘the composer’s sovereignty, the work’s inviolability, and the nation’s supremacy’ (3). Public musical performance in ancien-régime France was kept under tight monarchical control in order to protect crown-funded monopolies. Following the mercantilist logic of Louis XIV’s finance minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, musicians or musical establishments required a special privilège in order to engage in public musical pro
{"title":"From Servant to Savant: Musical Privilege, Property, and the French Revolution","authors":"James H. Johnson","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad022","url":null,"abstract":"At the heart of Rebecca Dowd Geoffroy-Schwinden’s From Servant to Savant is the radical, tantalizing proposition that the rise of musical romanticism constituted not merely an aesthetic shift, but also a political one, precipitated by cataclysmic changes in social and economic relations in the wake of the French Revolution. She argues that musicians and composers were among the most vocal proponents of socio-economic overhaul during this period, advocating such liberal reforms as the protection of private property, copyright law, state artistic subsidy and democratic nationhood. With this assertion, Geoffroy-Schwinden boldly wades into a number of overlapping, contentious debates in French Revolutionary historiography concerning the degree of continuity and change wrought by this unprecedented event. While Marxist historians of the early twentieth century viewed the French Revolution as the catalyst for the rise of industrial capitalism (see, for example, Georges Lefebvre, Quatre-vingt-neuf (Paris: Éditions sociales, 1970)), revisionist scholars have noted that the economic changes established by the Revolution were limited, and that many of the Revolution’s most radical reforms were almost immediately reversed – first by Napoleon and then under the Bourbon Restoration (see François Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)). Similarly, many musicologists believed that the rise of an increasingly chromatic genre of so-called ‘rescue opera’ in the 1790s was evidence that the events of the Revolution had prompted the rise of musical romanticism (see Winton Dean, ‘Opera under the French Revolution’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 94/1 (1967– 1968), 77–96). However, others have since pointed to the persistence of more conservative musical trends (such as the revival of opéras-comiques from the 1750s and 1760s) as nuancing the idea that the French Revolution also ushered in a concurrent ‘revolution’ in musical taste (see Julia Doe, ‘Two Hunters, a Milkmaid, and the French “Revolutionary” Canon’, Eighteenth-Century Music 15/2 (2018), 177–205, and Mark Darlow, Staging the French Revolution: Cultural Politics and the Paris Opéra, 1789–1794 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012)). Geoffroy-Schwinden’s primary contribution to these debates is to suggest that the French Revolution, in abruptly ending the system of royal patronage and privilège that governed musical production under the ancien régime, oversaw shifts in the means of musical production based on three central principles: ‘the composer’s sovereignty, the work’s inviolability, and the nation’s supremacy’ (3). Public musical performance in ancien-régime France was kept under tight monarchical control in order to protect crown-funded monopolies. Following the mercantilist logic of Louis XIV’s finance minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, musicians or musical establishments required a special privilège in order to engage in public musical pro","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46682050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ceremonial Splendor: Performing Priesthood in Early Modern France","authors":"Hilary J Bernstein","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47008479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the politics of the Catholic American aid delivered in French-controlled Algeria between 1942 and 1947. Using the archives of the White Fathers (Missionnaires d’Afrique [AGMAfr]), the Archives Nationales d’Outre Mer [ANOM] and the archives of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops at the Catholic University of America in Washington this article traces how humanitarian relief funds sent in support of missionaries in Algeria altered their status in the colonial order. The article focuses on the transformative aspects of this American intervention in a complex colonial environment. The paper argues that the American Catholic intervention, with its focus on indigenous patients rather than colonial settlers, renewed older and broader provisions of missionary relief in Algeria. American aid funded missionary work and resourced social work and later aligned Catholic relief with anti-communist activities in France.
{"title":"The politics of Catholic humanitarian Aid: missionaries and American relief in Algeria 1942–47","authors":"B. Taithe","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the politics of the Catholic American aid delivered in French-controlled Algeria between 1942 and 1947. Using the archives of the White Fathers (Missionnaires d’Afrique [AGMAfr]), the Archives Nationales d’Outre Mer [ANOM] and the archives of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops at the Catholic University of America in Washington this article traces how humanitarian relief funds sent in support of missionaries in Algeria altered their status in the colonial order. The article focuses on the transformative aspects of this American intervention in a complex colonial environment. The paper argues that the American Catholic intervention, with its focus on indigenous patients rather than colonial settlers, renewed older and broader provisions of missionary relief in Algeria. American aid funded missionary work and resourced social work and later aligned Catholic relief with anti-communist activities in France.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45230516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Guerre révolutionnaire doctrine was conceived of as a riposte to the new form of warfare which the French Army encountered and fell victim to in Indochina. Taking inspiration from both the Indochina experience and communist writers, the doctrine inevitably advocated and replicated totalitarian tactics and methods. One of its major tenets was the intrusion of the army into the realm of politics, an incursion which resulted in huge turmoil. Previous studies have centred on a discussion of the doctrine itself, with limited consideration of its impact within political circles. The current article seeks to address this gap in the literature with an exploration of far-right ideological precepts present in guerre révolutionnaire doctrine and to explain why this doctrine struck a chord with l’extrême-droite in France. Given the extent of far-right political action during the Algerian War in defence of l’Algérie française, an examination of this connection is of significant interest.
{"title":"Vanguards of the counter-revolution: the far right and the French Army’s guerre révolutionnaire doctrine","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/fh/crac074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crac074","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Guerre révolutionnaire doctrine was conceived of as a riposte to the new form of warfare which the French Army encountered and fell victim to in Indochina. Taking inspiration from both the Indochina experience and communist writers, the doctrine inevitably advocated and replicated totalitarian tactics and methods. One of its major tenets was the intrusion of the army into the realm of politics, an incursion which resulted in huge turmoil. Previous studies have centred on a discussion of the doctrine itself, with limited consideration of its impact within political circles. The current article seeks to address this gap in the literature with an exploration of far-right ideological precepts present in guerre révolutionnaire doctrine and to explain why this doctrine struck a chord with l’extrême-droite in France. Given the extent of far-right political action during the Algerian War in defence of l’Algérie française, an examination of this connection is of significant interest.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48399045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bordels militaires de campagne (BMCs) were French military brothels in North Africa under colonial occupation. This system was extended to metropolitan France during the First and Second World Wars due to fears of sexual violence or consensual relationships between Moroccan men and French women. Even after brothels were banned in metropolitan France in 1946, French military authorities illegally brought hundreds of Moroccan women to France to work in BMCs because of the Moroccan soldiers still present in the metropole. With poor living conditions, underage labour and a high workload, French military brothels exploited Moroccan women to theoretically ‘protect’ European women against sexual violence from Moroccan men. This was based on a racialized understanding of Moroccan masculinity. This article uses the experiences of these Moroccan women and details of the sex work system in Morocco to understand the systemic cruelty behind the operation of these French military brothels.
BMCs (Bordels militaires de campagne)是法国在北非殖民统治时期的军事妓院。在第一次和第二次世界大战期间，由于担心摩洛哥男子和法国妇女之间的性暴力或双方同意的关系，这一制度扩展到法国大都市。即使在1946年法国大城市禁止妓院之后，法国军事当局仍然非法将数百名摩洛哥妇女带到法国的bmc工作，因为摩洛哥士兵仍然存在于大都市。由于恶劣的生活条件，未成年劳工和高工作量，法国军队妓院剥削摩洛哥妇女，理论上“保护”欧洲妇女免受摩洛哥男子的性暴力。这是基于对摩洛哥男子气概的种族化理解。本文以这些摩洛哥妇女的经历和摩洛哥性工作系统的细节，来了解这些法国军队妓院运作背后的系统性残酷。
{"title":"Between metropole and colony: Bordels militaires de campagne in colonial Morocco and France in the twentieth century","authors":"Catherine Phipps","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Bordels militaires de campagne (BMCs) were French military brothels in North Africa under colonial occupation. This system was extended to metropolitan France during the First and Second World Wars due to fears of sexual violence or consensual relationships between Moroccan men and French women. Even after brothels were banned in metropolitan France in 1946, French military authorities illegally brought hundreds of Moroccan women to France to work in BMCs because of the Moroccan soldiers still present in the metropole. With poor living conditions, underage labour and a high workload, French military brothels exploited Moroccan women to theoretically ‘protect’ European women against sexual violence from Moroccan men. This was based on a racialized understanding of Moroccan masculinity. This article uses the experiences of these Moroccan women and details of the sex work system in Morocco to understand the systemic cruelty behind the operation of these French military brothels.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43349915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1937, Justin Godart was despatched by the Popular Front government to undertake a mission of inquiry in French India and Indochina. This article examines the objectives and repercussions of the Godart mission at a time of burgeoning Vietnamese nationalism and its repression by colonial authorities. It highlights the tensions between the Popular Front’s ‘democratic colonialism’—and the French left’s commitment to democratization more generally —and the demands of colonized subjects who were making claims to civil, social and political rights.
{"title":"‘Democratic colonialism’, citizenship and the 1937 Godart mission to Indochina","authors":"M. Edwards","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In 1937, Justin Godart was despatched by the Popular Front government to undertake a mission of inquiry in French India and Indochina. This article examines the objectives and repercussions of the Godart mission at a time of burgeoning Vietnamese nationalism and its repression by colonial authorities. It highlights the tensions between the Popular Front’s ‘democratic colonialism’—and the French left’s commitment to democratization more generally —and the demands of colonized subjects who were making claims to civil, social and political rights.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44469650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Seventh Member State: Algeria, France and the European Community","authors":"L. Brunet","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41310349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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