It is often argued that Cardinal Richelieu appropriated the Mercure françois, France’s first printed newspaper, immediately upon entering the king’s council in 1624. This consensus originates in a questionable nineteenth-century work by Louis Dedouvres yet has not been seriously challenged, seemingly because it tallies neatly with traditional étatiste understandings of Richelieu as a great state-builder. By refuting Richelieu’s control over the Mercure during the 1620s, this article buttresses revisionist re-evaluations of his influence over the French state during that period. It extends such revisionism to Richelieu’s regulation of the mainstream press and public sphere, and suggests the Mercure represents a valuable alternative source through which the earliest years of his second ministry might be better apprehended.
{"title":"Insubordination and the rise of absolutism: the Mercure françois under Richelieu","authors":"Caspar Paton","doi":"10.1093/fh/crae014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crae014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It is often argued that Cardinal Richelieu appropriated the Mercure françois, France’s first printed newspaper, immediately upon entering the king’s council in 1624. This consensus originates in a questionable nineteenth-century work by Louis Dedouvres yet has not been seriously challenged, seemingly because it tallies neatly with traditional étatiste understandings of Richelieu as a great state-builder. By refuting Richelieu’s control over the Mercure during the 1620s, this article buttresses revisionist re-evaluations of his influence over the French state during that period. It extends such revisionism to Richelieu’s regulation of the mainstream press and public sphere, and suggests the Mercure represents a valuable alternative source through which the earliest years of his second ministry might be better apprehended.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141011469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Barnave: The Revolutionary Who Lost His Head for Marie-Antoinette","authors":"Charles Walton","doi":"10.1093/fh/crae011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crae011","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140712604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Louis XV’s government led an ambitious communications campaign in 1771 to justify his power grab against the parlements. Chancellor Maupeou enlisted a propaganda office that notably included his personal secretary, Charles-François Lebrun, and François Marin, the secrétaire général of the Librairie. The minister also relied on the commitment of a group of writers. François-Marie Arouet Voltaire was the most famous of these writers, but other, less well-known authors also played a crucial part. This was notably the case with the Abbé Raymond Mary, a humble canon linked to the comtesse du Barry’s circle, who was arguably one of the most important actors in Versailles’ persuasion strategy. This article sketches a portrait of the publicists who put pen to paper in the monarchy’s service during the Maupeou revolution.
{"title":"‘A troupe of mercenary writers’: the publicists in Chancellor Maupeou’s service, 1771–1774","authors":"Vincent Cossarutto","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad046","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Louis XV’s government led an ambitious communications campaign in 1771 to justify his power grab against the parlements. Chancellor Maupeou enlisted a propaganda office that notably included his personal secretary, Charles-François Lebrun, and François Marin, the secrétaire général of the Librairie. The minister also relied on the commitment of a group of writers. François-Marie Arouet Voltaire was the most famous of these writers, but other, less well-known authors also played a crucial part. This was notably the case with the Abbé Raymond Mary, a humble canon linked to the comtesse du Barry’s circle, who was arguably one of the most important actors in Versailles’ persuasion strategy. This article sketches a portrait of the publicists who put pen to paper in the monarchy’s service during the Maupeou revolution.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140256710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the early 1950s French diplomats pondered over how much space to grant to forms of popular culture within French cultural diplomacy in Britain, which had largely relied on academic culture over the previous decades. The debate over what forms of culture were suitable for a British audience intensified over the role that should be given to cinema. This article argues that the democratization of cultural diplomacy in the postwar period did not follow the same rationale as the processes of democratization taking place in mainland France at the same time. For diplomats in Britain organizing film screenings and participative encounters around the French language and arts, the aim was not to build a more equal and open society, but rather to ensure that as broad an audience as possible understood the values of France and its significance for Britain and the world.
{"title":"‘Le cinéma n’est que la fiente de la culture’: negotiating the position and content of French culture in postwar Britain","authors":"Charlotte Faucher","doi":"10.1093/fh/crae010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crae010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In the early 1950s French diplomats pondered over how much space to grant to forms of popular culture within French cultural diplomacy in Britain, which had largely relied on academic culture over the previous decades. The debate over what forms of culture were suitable for a British audience intensified over the role that should be given to cinema. This article argues that the democratization of cultural diplomacy in the postwar period did not follow the same rationale as the processes of democratization taking place in mainland France at the same time. For diplomats in Britain organizing film screenings and participative encounters around the French language and arts, the aim was not to build a more equal and open society, but rather to ensure that as broad an audience as possible understood the values of France and its significance for Britain and the world.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140078111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"SSFH Society News","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/fh/crae001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crae001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140449505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cambridge History of the Napoleonic Wars. Volume II: Fighting the Napoleonic Wars","authors":"Graeme Callister","doi":"10.1093/fh/crae003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crae003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139959939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The political economy of the French Revolution struggled to reconcile the promises of economic abstraction and the challenges of embodying wealth. In their attempts to realize these dual aims, revolutionaries drew not only on Enlightenment ideas about laissez-faire but also on an economic theology of money and consumption with roots in alchemy and the Catholic sacrament of the Eucharist. Both strains of thought had radicalizing effects. Proponents of laissez-faire cast society as a self-regulating field of reciprocal exchanges, thereby obviating the need for fiscal redistribution and frustrating those demanding social welfare and manufacturing subsidies. When the anticipated prosperity of laissez-faire failed to materialize, revolutionaries put their hopes in the new paper currency, the assignat, believing that it would generate wealth ad infinitum and circulate it justly. Breaking with laissez-faire but still committed to economic theology, radicals such as Jacques Roux and Maximilien Robespierre joined the Parisian popular movement in justifying government oversight to ensure the satisfaction of an ever-expanding panoply of needs. Whereas historians now tend to explain the Terror as the outcome of ideological, psychological and institutional contingencies, the fate of laissez-faire suggests that political radicalization was intimately linked to revolutionaries’ abstract economic principles and beliefs.
{"title":"Abstract and embodied: the political economy of the French Revolution","authors":"Charly Coleman, Charles Walton","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad062","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The political economy of the French Revolution struggled to reconcile the promises of economic abstraction and the challenges of embodying wealth. In their attempts to realize these dual aims, revolutionaries drew not only on Enlightenment ideas about laissez-faire but also on an economic theology of money and consumption with roots in alchemy and the Catholic sacrament of the Eucharist. Both strains of thought had radicalizing effects. Proponents of laissez-faire cast society as a self-regulating field of reciprocal exchanges, thereby obviating the need for fiscal redistribution and frustrating those demanding social welfare and manufacturing subsidies. When the anticipated prosperity of laissez-faire failed to materialize, revolutionaries put their hopes in the new paper currency, the assignat, believing that it would generate wealth ad infinitum and circulate it justly. Breaking with laissez-faire but still committed to economic theology, radicals such as Jacques Roux and Maximilien Robespierre joined the Parisian popular movement in justifying government oversight to ensure the satisfaction of an ever-expanding panoply of needs. Whereas historians now tend to explain the Terror as the outcome of ideological, psychological and institutional contingencies, the fate of laissez-faire suggests that political radicalization was intimately linked to revolutionaries’ abstract economic principles and beliefs.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139684075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article revisits the genesis of the Law of Suspects of 17 September 1793, locating it in the longer durée of community and police surveillance, and the semantic field of ‘suspicion’ from the early eighteenth century to April 1793. It argues that the hermeneutics of suspicion, deployed by both citizens and the police, as a means to ensure public safety was a practice of keeping a watch out for suspicious social types (vagabonds, demobilized soldiers, foreigners, religious minorities etc.): people out of place or without occupation. With the Revolution of 1789, the social valences of suspicion underwent a carnivalesque inversion: the idle were now aristocrats rather than the poor; the drifter was now an émigré rather than a vagabond, immigrant, or solider; the religious outsider was now the recusant priest. But as the crisis of 1793/94 deepened, fear corroded all efforts to classify the social world. The Law of Suspects was an effort to rein in popular violence by offering a new way of reading social life through speech, comportment, and behaviours, rather than fixed categories of identity. ‘The suspect’—an identity defined only by transgression—incarnated the evil-doppelgänger of ‘the citizen’, whose legal parameters were yet to be defined.
{"title":"Law, suspicion and social hermeneutics at the inception of the Terror, April 1793","authors":"Carla A Hesse","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad066","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article revisits the genesis of the Law of Suspects of 17 September 1793, locating it in the longer durée of community and police surveillance, and the semantic field of ‘suspicion’ from the early eighteenth century to April 1793. It argues that the hermeneutics of suspicion, deployed by both citizens and the police, as a means to ensure public safety was a practice of keeping a watch out for suspicious social types (vagabonds, demobilized soldiers, foreigners, religious minorities etc.): people out of place or without occupation. With the Revolution of 1789, the social valences of suspicion underwent a carnivalesque inversion: the idle were now aristocrats rather than the poor; the drifter was now an émigré rather than a vagabond, immigrant, or solider; the religious outsider was now the recusant priest. But as the crisis of 1793/94 deepened, fear corroded all efforts to classify the social world. The Law of Suspects was an effort to rein in popular violence by offering a new way of reading social life through speech, comportment, and behaviours, rather than fixed categories of identity. ‘The suspect’—an identity defined only by transgression—incarnated the evil-doppelgänger of ‘the citizen’, whose legal parameters were yet to be defined.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139603024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We draw on Colin Jones’ framing of the Sisters of Charity as medical practitioners rather than charitable carers (1989) to centre the entrepreneurialism of Marie Grand and Marie Fiansons’ medical practice in eighteenth-century Lyon. Although historians recognize the significance of early modern European women’s (medical) work, they often assume such work existed in the shadows of the medical marketplace. Archival erasures and gendered narratives obscure the flexibility of women’s medical practices. Grand and Fiansons’ documents, analysed alongside adverts for local medical services, elucidate working women’s medical practices. As silk-workers and self-defined ‘chymists’ and herbalists, Grand and Fiansons were at the centre of healthcare and medicine. The breadth of their practice and networks emerges through the exceptional survival of their ‘counter-archive’ in the consular court archives. Their story reveals the fluidity and porousness of boundaries between domestic and occupational medicine, precarity and commodified care work, and charity and entrepreneurialism.
{"title":"Women at the centre: medical entrepreneurialism and ‘la grande médecine’ in eighteenth-century Lyon","authors":"Cathy McClive, Lisa W Smith","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad067","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We draw on Colin Jones’ framing of the Sisters of Charity as medical practitioners rather than charitable carers (1989) to centre the entrepreneurialism of Marie Grand and Marie Fiansons’ medical practice in eighteenth-century Lyon. Although historians recognize the significance of early modern European women’s (medical) work, they often assume such work existed in the shadows of the medical marketplace. Archival erasures and gendered narratives obscure the flexibility of women’s medical practices. Grand and Fiansons’ documents, analysed alongside adverts for local medical services, elucidate working women’s medical practices. As silk-workers and self-defined ‘chymists’ and herbalists, Grand and Fiansons were at the centre of healthcare and medicine. The breadth of their practice and networks emerges through the exceptional survival of their ‘counter-archive’ in the consular court archives. Their story reveals the fluidity and porousness of boundaries between domestic and occupational medicine, precarity and commodified care work, and charity and entrepreneurialism.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139609270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the largest and most striking submissions to the 1791 Salon, The Harp Lesson by Jean-Antoine-Théodore Giroust was an ambitious but spectacularly ill-timed intervention in revolutionary politics. It emerged from Félicité de Genlis’ remarkable educational project for the children of the duc d’Orléans, especially Princess Adélaïde, which mixed bold ideas about gender and civic virtue with specific political ambition. This article situates the painting within the experimental politics and sentimental crises of the Orléans household. It argues that Giroust, an intimate of this household, sought to exemplify some of Genlis’ boldest claims for the capacities and potential of the royal children in her care, especially at the expense of their biological mother. It demonstrates how Giroust engaged with the visual languages of recent Salon painting to create a domestic scene of female accomplishment that was also freighted with national purpose. The failure of the painting to resonate with the public illuminates the desperate gamble of different figures in the Orléanist camp as well as the unfulfilled possibilities of summer 1791.
让-安托万-泰奥多尔-吉罗斯特（Jean-Antoine-Théodore Giroust）的《竖琴课》是 1791 年沙龙最大、最引人注目的作品之一，它雄心勃勃，但却不合时宜地介入了革命政治。它源于费丽泰-德-热利斯（Félicité de Genlis）为奥尔良公爵的子女，尤其是阿德莱德公主（Princess Adélaïde）开展的一项杰出的教育计划，该计划将有关性别和公民美德的大胆想法与具体的政治野心结合在一起。本文将这幅画置于奥尔良家庭的实验政治和情感危机之中。文章认为，作为奥尔良家庭的亲密成员，吉罗斯特试图体现热那亚对她所照顾的皇室子女的能力和潜力的一些大胆主张，尤其是以牺牲他们的生母为代价。这幅画展示了吉罗斯特如何运用近期沙龙绘画的视觉语言，创造出一个女性成就的家庭场景，同时也蕴含着国家使命。这幅画未能引起公众的共鸣，揭示了奥尔良阵营中不同人物的孤注一掷，以及 1791 年夏天未能实现的可能性。
{"title":"Harping on patriotism: female education meets Orléanist ambition in Jean-Antoine-Théodore Giroust’s The Harp Lesson (1791)","authors":"Amy Freund, Tom Stammers","doi":"10.1093/fh/crad060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fh/crad060","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 One of the largest and most striking submissions to the 1791 Salon, The Harp Lesson by Jean-Antoine-Théodore Giroust was an ambitious but spectacularly ill-timed intervention in revolutionary politics. It emerged from Félicité de Genlis’ remarkable educational project for the children of the duc d’Orléans, especially Princess Adélaïde, which mixed bold ideas about gender and civic virtue with specific political ambition. This article situates the painting within the experimental politics and sentimental crises of the Orléans household. It argues that Giroust, an intimate of this household, sought to exemplify some of Genlis’ boldest claims for the capacities and potential of the royal children in her care, especially at the expense of their biological mother. It demonstrates how Giroust engaged with the visual languages of recent Salon painting to create a domestic scene of female accomplishment that was also freighted with national purpose. The failure of the painting to resonate with the public illuminates the desperate gamble of different figures in the Orléanist camp as well as the unfulfilled possibilities of summer 1791.","PeriodicalId":43617,"journal":{"name":"French History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139611021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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