Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650211
K. P. Misra
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Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650201
R. Krishna
IN the national debate on defence policy, sparked off by the Chinese Bomb explosion, alternative policies which are feasible in the situation that has arisen must be argued out more clearly than has been done so far, so that the nation may make its final judgement on the issue with full knowledge of the implications of every feasible policy. In this paper I shall attempt to spell out and examine three major alternative policies which are being proposed by different sections of public opinion: viz. (i) the present policy, (ii) the policy of alignment and (iii) the acquisition of an 'independent deterrent'; and indicate a fourth course that I would myself prefer.
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Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650219
Z. M. Quaraishi
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Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650206
J. Bandyopadhyaya
These two publications are not books written by Dr. Lohia, but collections of his speeches and ·writings. In his Preface to Marx, Gandhi and Socialism. Dr. Lohia explains that with the best of efforts one can discover or prove only an aspect of truth and not the whole of it, and that, therefore, it makes little difference whether one's views arc expressed in the form of a closely reasoned book or a collection of speeches and writings. One may or may not entirely accept this view, but the two books do reveal a general trend of argument and considerable originality of thought. As could he expected in such cases, there arc frequent repetitions and the mixing up of incidental matters with central points. But once one has laboriously gone through the volumes and discovered the main thread of reasoning, one cannot but be struck by the sheer brilliance of many of the arguments, the depth of thought and the tremendous humanist zeal which must have inspired them. In Marx, Gandhi and Socialism Dr. Lohia, broadly accepts the Marxist prognosis of capitalism as applied /to England and Germany of Marx's time and regards Marx as basically a democrat. :Marx did not think about the economicallv backward countries in formulating his.theories and Marxism, therefore, did not apply to such countries. The author regards the assault on the institution of private property as the greatest contribution of Marxism, apparently forgetting that the assault on private property was first launched not by Marx or the Marxists, but by pre-Marxian and nonMarxist anarchists like Winstanley, Godwin, Proudhon and Bakunin. However, the author believes that Marxism was distorted by Lenin and other Russian Communists and that Communism as government has been a great deviation from Marxism. Theoretically, he utterly rejects Communism because "It is impossible to adtleve the victory of truth
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Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650221
A. Devi
[The object of this feature is to offer, every quarter, scholars and students as well as libraries a compact bibliography of such current Indian publications in the field of social sciences as are received from publishers but not reviewed in this journal. While no claim is made to exhaustiveness, it is hoped that this section, together with the review section of this journal, does list publications of importance, useful for libraries and research workers in the social sciences. —Managing Editor.]
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Pub Date : 1965-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0974928419650204
Escott Reid
FOUR and a half years is a long time for a diplomat to serve in India. Four and a half years is a very short time for a Westerner to get to know much about India. India is not only an Asian nation; it is a nation of almost four hundred million inhabitants; it is a sub-continent. Because of its many racial strains, its many regions, languages and customs, it is indeed more comparable to the whole sub-continent of Western Europe than to any one nation state in Western Europe. India's predominant religion, Hinduism, is more remote from the predominant religion of the West than any other of the main religions of the world. India is composed mainly of illiterate, ill-clad, hungry peasants living in mud or straw huts. India is riddled by a social disease, casteism, to which there is nothing comparable in the West. The Indians whom the Westerner, and especially the Western ambassador, gets to know, are almost all members of a small governing class. This class constitutes less than one-quarter of one per cent of the population, and it is not representative of the mass of the people from whom it is divided by a deep gulf. It is therefore with hesitation and humility that I submit this valedictory report I have tried not to let recent developments bulk too large in my assessment but this is difficult. This report is written at a period of low ebb in India's fortunes. The last election (1957) demonstrated the strength of the divisive forces of casteism, communalism and factionalism. The communists have secured a beachhead in Kerala from which they can expand if the Congress Party does not have a virtual rebirth. The failure of Nehru to strengthen his cabinet by getting rid of some of the reactionaries and incompetents and by bringing in new blood, arouses apprehensions that his normal lack of ruthlessness and guile added to his fatigue and increasing years may mean that he will not lead the Congress Party to a rebirth. India is facing an agricultural crisis because of its
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