Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203328
Georgina M. Pagola Rodríguez, Rajiv Ranjan, Liber S. Di Paulo Torterolo
The turbulent unipolar world order is on the descendant, paving the way for a more representative multipolar global order. One of the early signs of this trend was the emergence of the G20 as a forum seeking to shape and strengthen the international economic and world governance architecture. Since then, the G20 along with other multilateral forums like the BRICS has played a role in consolidating the identities and interests of its Global South member states. The article discusses the debate over using ‘Global South’ identity instead of ‘Third World’ image. It also provides insights into Latin American perspectives on India’s G20 Presidency and as a leader of the Global South, given the historical and contemporary strategic significance of New Delhi in the emerging multipolar world order. The article also reflects on how India engages and interacts with Latin America in light of China’s growing influence in the region.
{"title":"India’s G20 Presidency: Implications for the Latin American Region in the Framework of the Global South","authors":"Georgina M. Pagola Rodríguez, Rajiv Ranjan, Liber S. Di Paulo Torterolo","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203328","url":null,"abstract":"The turbulent unipolar world order is on the descendant, paving the way for a more representative multipolar global order. One of the early signs of this trend was the emergence of the G20 as a forum seeking to shape and strengthen the international economic and world governance architecture. Since then, the G20 along with other multilateral forums like the BRICS has played a role in consolidating the identities and interests of its Global South member states. The article discusses the debate over using ‘Global South’ identity instead of ‘Third World’ image. It also provides insights into Latin American perspectives on India’s G20 Presidency and as a leader of the Global South, given the historical and contemporary strategic significance of New Delhi in the emerging multipolar world order. The article also reflects on how India engages and interacts with Latin America in light of China’s growing influence in the region.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"135 24","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203307
Andrew F. Cooper
India’s hosting of the 2023 G20 summit presents a number of serious tests. Taking on the presidency of the G20 offers India the prospect of enormous rewards related to an enhanced role in world politics. As this article lays out, however, the hosting function exposes India to risks of three types relating to organisational capacity and status. The highest profile of these risks comes from the changing external environment under which the New Delhi G20 will meet, set against a background of complicating geopolitical tensions. Moreover, beyond the highly charged stakes attached to this shifting external context, the basic organisational responsibilities of holding the presidency of the G20 in New Delhi present a second serious challenge. The hosting function comes with enormous logistical issues that are especially sensitive for India in terms of peer status. Hosting a global summit of this type—that is to say, an institution constructed without the cushion of legitimacy attached to formal international organisations—is also complicated by India’s self-identity. Performing the role of host conveys a message of India’s equality of peer status vis-à-vis the other structurally important members in the G20. Nonetheless, in playing up this (insider) side of India’s identity, the other side of India’s (outsider) identity that privileges India’s solidarity with the Global South and the privileging of aspirational multilateralism through the United Nations (UN) is potentially compromised. My article has two intertwined purposes. On the one hand, it examines the major tests that exist for India regarding the contextual, procedural, and institutional meaning dynamics of the G20, analysing the differentiated nature and implications of each of these challenges in turn. On the other hand, the article offers some insights concerning the techniques of how India has either addressed (or could address) the three tests and so ensure a positive reception for the summit process.
{"title":"Between Rewards and Risks: India as Host of the 2023 G20 Summit","authors":"Andrew F. Cooper","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203307","url":null,"abstract":"India’s hosting of the 2023 G20 summit presents a number of serious tests. Taking on the presidency of the G20 offers India the prospect of enormous rewards related to an enhanced role in world politics. As this article lays out, however, the hosting function exposes India to risks of three types relating to organisational capacity and status. The highest profile of these risks comes from the changing external environment under which the New Delhi G20 will meet, set against a background of complicating geopolitical tensions. Moreover, beyond the highly charged stakes attached to this shifting external context, the basic organisational responsibilities of holding the presidency of the G20 in New Delhi present a second serious challenge. The hosting function comes with enormous logistical issues that are especially sensitive for India in terms of peer status. Hosting a global summit of this type—that is to say, an institution constructed without the cushion of legitimacy attached to formal international organisations—is also complicated by India’s self-identity. Performing the role of host conveys a message of India’s equality of peer status vis-à-vis the other structurally important members in the G20. Nonetheless, in playing up this (insider) side of India’s identity, the other side of India’s (outsider) identity that privileges India’s solidarity with the Global South and the privileging of aspirational multilateralism through the United Nations (UN) is potentially compromised. My article has two intertwined purposes. On the one hand, it examines the major tests that exist for India regarding the contextual, procedural, and institutional meaning dynamics of the G20, analysing the differentiated nature and implications of each of these challenges in turn. On the other hand, the article offers some insights concerning the techniques of how India has either addressed (or could address) the three tests and so ensure a positive reception for the summit process.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"135 46","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136351674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203344
Shyam Saran
The forthcoming G-20 summit in New Delhi offers India the opportunity to represent the concerns and aspirations of the Global South even while serving as a bridge between the developed and the developing world. A large number of preparatory meetings have been hosted by India in several important domains such as finance, public health, climate change and the digital economy, among others. These promise substantive outcomes at the summit but the key will be practical follow-up. The summit is overshadowed by the sharp divisions among members over the ongoing Ukraine War. It will be a challenge for India to keep the focus on the urgent need for countries to work together on cross-national and cross-domain issues. The summit opens up an expanded diplomatic space for India and raises its regional and international profile.
{"title":"The G-20 Opportunity for India","authors":"Shyam Saran","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203344","url":null,"abstract":"The forthcoming G-20 summit in New Delhi offers India the opportunity to represent the concerns and aspirations of the Global South even while serving as a bridge between the developed and the developing world. A large number of preparatory meetings have been hosted by India in several important domains such as finance, public health, climate change and the digital economy, among others. These promise substantive outcomes at the summit but the key will be practical follow-up. The summit is overshadowed by the sharp divisions among members over the ongoing Ukraine War. It will be a challenge for India to keep the focus on the urgent need for countries to work together on cross-national and cross-domain issues. The summit opens up an expanded diplomatic space for India and raises its regional and international profile.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":" 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135242832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203320
Ali Omidi, Mahwish Hafeez
Close historical, social, cultural and economic ties and geographical proximity present ample opportunity for both Iran and India to advance their national interests by forging strong bilateral relations. Rich in energy resources, particularly oil and gas, Iran can meet India’s growing demand for energy while serving as an international transit route in India’s march towards global prominence and power. India, on the other hand, can help Iran in its testing times to end its isolation and contribute to its economic development. The ground reality, however, is different. India, while maintaining some level of cooperation with Iran, has been increasingly looking towards other countries like Saudi Arabia and Iraq to meet its energy demands. Based on descriptive-analytical research methodology, the article posits that the shift in the Indian foreign policy paradigm from Nehruism during the Cold War period to pragmatism in the post-Cold War period has negatively impacted Iran–India relations. A number of additional factors hinder the development of positive Iran–India relations. The present article considers the role of third countries such as the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and China as important factors impeding positive Tehran–Delhi relations.
{"title":"Indo-Iran Relations: Impact of Third-party Influence","authors":"Ali Omidi, Mahwish Hafeez","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203320","url":null,"abstract":"Close historical, social, cultural and economic ties and geographical proximity present ample opportunity for both Iran and India to advance their national interests by forging strong bilateral relations. Rich in energy resources, particularly oil and gas, Iran can meet India’s growing demand for energy while serving as an international transit route in India’s march towards global prominence and power. India, on the other hand, can help Iran in its testing times to end its isolation and contribute to its economic development. The ground reality, however, is different. India, while maintaining some level of cooperation with Iran, has been increasingly looking towards other countries like Saudi Arabia and Iraq to meet its energy demands. Based on descriptive-analytical research methodology, the article posits that the shift in the Indian foreign policy paradigm from Nehruism during the Cold War period to pragmatism in the post-Cold War period has negatively impacted Iran–India relations. A number of additional factors hinder the development of positive Iran–India relations. The present article considers the role of third countries such as the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and China as important factors impeding positive Tehran–Delhi relations.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":" 7","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203323
Abhinandan Kumar
Both the G20 and BRICS forums were established roughly at around the same time. This article examines India’s engagement with both these forums in the context of its complex position as a leader representing the Global South and a newly emerged power seeking an elevated status in international diplomacy. The study begins by highlighting India’s initial scepticism towards the G20 and its preference for the transformative potential of BRICS. However, under Modi, India’s approach gradually shifted towards embracing the G20, driven by multiple factors. The article also explores the relevance of BRICS for India amidst its growing inclination towards the G20. It argues that India cannot afford to undermine BRICS, as it would strengthen China’s claims as the sole representative of the Global South. However, its aim to balance China within the BRICS has proven to be challenging owing to recent developments that have complicated matters for India.
{"title":"Walking a Tightrope: Assessing India’s Engagements with G20 and BRICS","authors":"Abhinandan Kumar","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203323","url":null,"abstract":"Both the G20 and BRICS forums were established roughly at around the same time. This article examines India’s engagement with both these forums in the context of its complex position as a leader representing the Global South and a newly emerged power seeking an elevated status in international diplomacy. The study begins by highlighting India’s initial scepticism towards the G20 and its preference for the transformative potential of BRICS. However, under Modi, India’s approach gradually shifted towards embracing the G20, driven by multiple factors. The article also explores the relevance of BRICS for India amidst its growing inclination towards the G20. It argues that India cannot afford to undermine BRICS, as it would strengthen China’s claims as the sole representative of the Global South. However, its aim to balance China within the BRICS has proven to be challenging owing to recent developments that have complicated matters for India.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":" 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135242517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203305
Shantesh Kumar Singh, None Radha
Healthcare must be prioritised in multilateral platforms like the G20, especially in light of the COVID-19 pandemic from which the world is still recovering. India’s G20 presidency in 2023 is being hailed by various emerging economies and international organisations for its potential in espousing universal health coverage (UHC), digital health innovation, better healthcare architecture and service delivery as primary drivers in achieving robust healthcare systems in the twenty-first century. This leadership year of G20 gives a unique chance to boost sustainable growth in healthcare across the country, the developing world, and beyond. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the role of G20 in promoting global health as a vital agenda on its platform comprising the developed world, emerging economies and low- and middle-income countries. The article also seeks to review the health track priorities under India’s presidency and its potential for developing global health architecture in the forthcoming years. Last but not least, the article delves into the question of what are the challenges encountered by the G20 multilateral platform, along with some potential avenues for future cooperation.
{"title":"India’s G20 Presidency: An Opportune Time for Strengthening Global Health Agenda","authors":"Shantesh Kumar Singh, None Radha","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203305","url":null,"abstract":"Healthcare must be prioritised in multilateral platforms like the G20, especially in light of the COVID-19 pandemic from which the world is still recovering. India’s G20 presidency in 2023 is being hailed by various emerging economies and international organisations for its potential in espousing universal health coverage (UHC), digital health innovation, better healthcare architecture and service delivery as primary drivers in achieving robust healthcare systems in the twenty-first century. This leadership year of G20 gives a unique chance to boost sustainable growth in healthcare across the country, the developing world, and beyond. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the role of G20 in promoting global health as a vital agenda on its platform comprising the developed world, emerging economies and low- and middle-income countries. The article also seeks to review the health track priorities under India’s presidency and its potential for developing global health architecture in the forthcoming years. Last but not least, the article delves into the question of what are the challenges encountered by the G20 multilateral platform, along with some potential avenues for future cooperation.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":" 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135242661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203329
Archana Srivastava, Somesh Kumar Mathur, Rachna Mathur, Prabir De
The article analyses the ex-ante effects of India’s possible alignment with G20 countries. The study considers G7, G12 and G20 countries as separate blocks. The study analyses India’s bilateral tariff and non-tariff liberalisation, free flow of factors of production, Global Value Chain (GVC) participation, output-oriented technological progress in manufacturing, transport and communication and the introduction of shipping technology in India. The study considers liberalisation in G7 standalone, G12 standalone, G20 standalone and also G20 comprehensive liberalisation. The study also considers India’s bilateral standalone liberalisation with G7, G12 and G20 countries separately using computable general equilibrium (CGE) analysis with the help of the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) 10 database. The overall results indicate that strengthening of GVC standalone in the G20 region may bring maximum welfare to the region. Further, the sectors which may gain the most seem to be grain crops, meat and meat products, textiles and apparel, etc., and in terms of factors of production, all other factors of production would gain but land and natural resources seem to lose in terms of real returns to factor of production. Addressing issues related to factor movements and policies strengthening GVCs can bring about relatively higher growth and welfare, respectively, in the G20 nations as compared to other trade and industrial policies.
{"title":"Assessment of Possible Economic Alignment Between G20 Nations with Special Focus on India, G7 and G12: A General Equilibrium Analysis","authors":"Archana Srivastava, Somesh Kumar Mathur, Rachna Mathur, Prabir De","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203329","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the ex-ante effects of India’s possible alignment with G20 countries. The study considers G7, G12 and G20 countries as separate blocks. The study analyses India’s bilateral tariff and non-tariff liberalisation, free flow of factors of production, Global Value Chain (GVC) participation, output-oriented technological progress in manufacturing, transport and communication and the introduction of shipping technology in India. The study considers liberalisation in G7 standalone, G12 standalone, G20 standalone and also G20 comprehensive liberalisation. The study also considers India’s bilateral standalone liberalisation with G7, G12 and G20 countries separately using computable general equilibrium (CGE) analysis with the help of the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) 10 database. The overall results indicate that strengthening of GVC standalone in the G20 region may bring maximum welfare to the region. Further, the sectors which may gain the most seem to be grain crops, meat and meat products, textiles and apparel, etc., and in terms of factors of production, all other factors of production would gain but land and natural resources seem to lose in terms of real returns to factor of production. Addressing issues related to factor movements and policies strengthening GVCs can bring about relatively higher growth and welfare, respectively, in the G20 nations as compared to other trade and industrial policies.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"157 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203324
Divya Mishra
The sustainability of food security and adequate nutrition is a global challenge. The G20 nations, representing two-thirds of the global population bear half of the world’s malnutrition burden in the form of either excessive or inadequate intake of nutrition. The general risks associated with food insecurity in terms of climate change, ecology and resource contraction vis-à-vis population are macro issues involving the global commons. This article which relates to the micro issue of the gender gap in household food security is based on public data and international indices on the status of food security and the gender gap. The study indicates the presence of a gender gap in nutrition for reasons more socio-cultural, than economic. The study is focused on G20 nations, especially India as it bears the largest burden of nutrition-related disease within the G20. Data from the Global Hunger Index and the Global Gender Gap Index of 2022 has portrayed India as a dismal performer despite the fact that India runs the largest public food security programme that has targeted nutrition programs for women beneficiaries. The present article identifies the common challenges faced by the G20 nations in the realm of food security and the steps taken for mitigation. The article also examines cooperation within G20 in realising the Sustainable Development Goals related to ending hunger and realising gender equity in food.
{"title":"Gender Gap in Food Security and Nutrition: Special Case of India in the G20","authors":"Divya Mishra","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203324","url":null,"abstract":"The sustainability of food security and adequate nutrition is a global challenge. The G20 nations, representing two-thirds of the global population bear half of the world’s malnutrition burden in the form of either excessive or inadequate intake of nutrition. The general risks associated with food insecurity in terms of climate change, ecology and resource contraction vis-à-vis population are macro issues involving the global commons. This article which relates to the micro issue of the gender gap in household food security is based on public data and international indices on the status of food security and the gender gap. The study indicates the presence of a gender gap in nutrition for reasons more socio-cultural, than economic. The study is focused on G20 nations, especially India as it bears the largest burden of nutrition-related disease within the G20. Data from the Global Hunger Index and the Global Gender Gap Index of 2022 has portrayed India as a dismal performer despite the fact that India runs the largest public food security programme that has targeted nutrition programs for women beneficiaries. The present article identifies the common challenges faced by the G20 nations in the realm of food security and the steps taken for mitigation. The article also examines cooperation within G20 in realising the Sustainable Development Goals related to ending hunger and realising gender equity in food.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"135 34","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135725058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203319
Chris Ogden
New Delhi’s taking on the G20 Presidency represents a highly important—if not watershed—moment for Indian diplomacy. For an India that is transitioning from being a developing to a developed economy and whose great power rise centres upon core goals relating to development, modernisation, status, leadership, importance, prestige and pride, assuming the G20 Presidency seems transformational. A central part of the G20’s remit also concerns constructing and maintaining global financial architectures and governance mechanisms, which India can now crucially influence as her own economic clout increases on the global stage. Moreover, New Delhi’s Presidency signifies a pivotal time for the legitimacy of the G20 and one which potentially heralds a more representative era for the grouping, which will only enhance India’s global pre-eminence.
{"title":"Perceptions, Promotion and Pre-eminence: India’s Presidency of the G20","authors":"Chris Ogden","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203319","url":null,"abstract":"New Delhi’s taking on the G20 Presidency represents a highly important—if not watershed—moment for Indian diplomacy. For an India that is transitioning from being a developing to a developed economy and whose great power rise centres upon core goals relating to development, modernisation, status, leadership, importance, prestige and pride, assuming the G20 Presidency seems transformational. A central part of the G20’s remit also concerns constructing and maintaining global financial architectures and governance mechanisms, which India can now crucially influence as her own economic clout increases on the global stage. Moreover, New Delhi’s Presidency signifies a pivotal time for the legitimacy of the G20 and one which potentially heralds a more representative era for the grouping, which will only enhance India’s global pre-eminence.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"135 19","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135724896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-05DOI: 10.1177/09749284231203304
Vivek Katju
Bette Dam, Looking for The Enemy: Mullah Omar and the Unknown Taliban (HarperCollins, 2021). Pp. 352, ₹362. ISBN-10: 9354892795. ISBN-13: 978-9354892790. Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan (London, OPU, 2023). Pp. 600, $24.95. ISBN: 9780197645499.
{"title":"The Making of the Afghan Emirate","authors":"Vivek Katju","doi":"10.1177/09749284231203304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284231203304","url":null,"abstract":"Bette Dam, Looking for The Enemy: Mullah Omar and the Unknown Taliban (HarperCollins, 2021). Pp. 352, ₹362. ISBN-10: 9354892795. ISBN-13: 978-9354892790. Carter Malkasian, The American War in Afghanistan (London, OPU, 2023). Pp. 600, $24.95. ISBN: 9780197645499.","PeriodicalId":43647,"journal":{"name":"India Quarterly-A Journal of International Affairs","volume":"135 21","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135724895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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