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A Study in Early Māturīdite Theology: Abū l-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 493/1100) and His Discourse on God’s Speech 早期神学研究Māturīdite:阿布伊尔-尤瑟尔-巴兹达伊(493/1100)和他对上帝话语的论述
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340013
Sheridan Polinsky
Abū l-Yusr al-Bazdawī (d. 493/1100) was a notable early Māturīdite theologian who made an important contribution to the formation of his school by embracing kalām and promoting the image of al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944) as a Sunnite leader when the science was not yet popular in his region of Transoxania. This produced some tension in his thought as he negotiated rationalist and traditionalist doctrines and their adherents. Indications of this are found in his discussion of God’s speech in which he argues for the Sunnite doctrine of eternal divine speech while effectively affirming the createdness of scriptures; at the same time, he defends those who assert the uncreatedness of the Quran and maintains that God’s speech is truly written, memorized, recited, and heard.
abi - yusr al- bazdawi(公元493/1100年)是一位著名的早期Māturīdite神学家,当科学在Transoxania地区还不流行时,他通过拥护kalām并推广al-Māturīdī(公元333/944年)作为逊尼派领袖的形象,为他的学派的形成做出了重要贡献。这在他的思想中产生了一些紧张,因为他与理性主义和传统主义学说及其追随者进行了谈判。这方面的迹象可以在他对上帝话语的讨论中找到,他为逊尼派关于永恒神圣话语的教义辩护,同时有效地肯定了经文的创造;与此同时,他也为那些主张《古兰经》是非创造的人辩护,并坚持认为真主的话语确实是被写下来、被记忆、被背诵和被听到的。
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引用次数: 0
The Challenge of Evil in Islamic Thought: A Brief Survey 伊斯兰思想中邪恶的挑战:简述
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340009
Sajjad Rizvi, Mathieu Terrier
The challenge of evil to rational Abrahamic religions has clearly been articulated in modern philosophy of religion predicated on the incompatibility of the omnipotence, omnibenevolence, and omniscience of God with the existence of evils. Even within the Islamic theological and philosophical traditions, there is a venerable history of theodicies and defences of a good God and the efficacy of human free will. That is the context in which we wish to locate the contributions in this special issue that examine the ways in which evil is considered in Islamic philosophical accounts (particularly of the Šiʿi traditions) from the classical period to the present.
邪恶对理性亚伯拉罕宗教的挑战在现代宗教哲学中得到了明确的阐述,其前提是上帝的全能、全能和无所不知与邪恶的存在不相容。即使在伊斯兰神学和哲学传统中,也有一段神圣的历史,捍卫善良的上帝和人类自由意志的效力。这就是我们希望在本期特刊中找到的贡献的背景,这些贡献考察了从古典时期到现在伊斯兰哲学(特别是Šiʿi传统)中对邪恶的看法。
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引用次数: 0
The Question of Providence and the Problem of Evil in Suhrawardī 苏的天意问题与邪恶问题
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340008
J. Kaukua
Šihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī’s philosophical works seem to contain two conflicting views on providence: in the Talwīḥāt and the Mašāriʿ, he endorses the Avicennian view, only to deny providence altogether in the Ḥikmat al-išrāq. This contribution aims to explain the seeming inconsistency by investigating it in light of the underlying question of God’s knowledge of particular things. I will also argue that despite his qualms concerning providence, Suhrawardī accepts the closely related Avicennian answer to the problem of evil.
Šihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī的哲学著作似乎包含了两种关于天意的相互矛盾的观点:ḥāt和Mašāriʿ,他赞同阿维森人的观点,但在Ḥikmat al-išrāq。这篇文章旨在通过根据上帝对特定事物的认识这一根本问题来研究这种看似不一致的现象。我还将争辩说,尽管苏赫拉瓦迪对天意感到不安,但他接受了阿维森人对邪恶问题的密切相关的答案。
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引用次数: 0
Le mal subi, le mal rendu. Une lecture anthropologique des pratiques de lamentations et de malédictions dans le shiʿisme populaire iranien 遭受的邪恶,付出的邪恶。对伊朗流行什叶派悲叹和诅咒实践的人类学解读
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340005
Sepideh Parsapajouh
Dans le shiʿisme duodécimain iranien, deux catégories de traditions populaires (comprenant rituels, pratiques et croyances) ont pris forme au cours du temps autour de la question du mal, précisément des souffrances et de la mort subies par les personnes de la famille du Prophète (ahl al-bayt). La première catégorie comprend les expressions poétiques élégiaques (marṯīya) accompagnées de pratiques reflétant la passion et la compassion pour les victimes de la mort injuste, à commencer par le troisième imam Ḥusayn. La seconde catégorie comprend de violentes expressions satiriques de malédiction adressées aux auteurs de ce mal. Cette tradition mobilise aussi la récitation de prières et de formules dévotionnelles tirées du corpus scripturaire sacré, ainsi qu’un ensemble de pratiques particulières appelées ʿUmar-košī (« le meurtre de ʿUmar »). Cet article propose d’analyser la formation et la fonction de ces deux traditions, ainsi que l’évolution de leur forme et de leur signification dans le contexte social du shiʿisme iranien contemporain. Il montrera que ces deux traditions, tout en étant cohérentes avec le double principe shiʿite de tawallāʾ (loyauté et amour pour les imams) et tabarrāʾ (dissociation et haine à l’égard de leurs adversaires), reflètent clairement l’autonomie des croyants vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique comme de l’autorité religieuse institutionnelle. In Iranian Twelver Shiʿism, two categories of popular traditions (including rituals, practices and beliefs) have taken shape over time around the issue of evil, namely the harm and death suffered by the holy figures of the house of the Prophet (ahl al-bayt). The first category includes elegiac poetic expressions (marṯīya), accompanied by ritual practices reflecting passion and compassion for the victims of unjust death – notably the third imam, Ḥusayn. The second category includes violent and satirical expressions of maledictions, addressed to the authors of this evil. This tradition also involves the recitation of prayers and devotional formulas borrowed from the sacred scriptural corpus as well as particular practices called ʿUmar-košī (the murder of ʿUmar). This article offers an analysis of the formation and function of these two traditions, as well as the development of their form and meaning in the social context of contemporary Iranian Shiʿism. It shows that, by being in line with the double Shiʿi principle of tawallāʾ (loyalty and love towards the Imams) and tabarrāʾ (dissociation and hatred towards the enemies of the Imams), these two traditions clearly reflect the autonomy of the believers vis-à-vis both political power and institutional religious authority.
在伊朗十二世什叶派中,随着时间的推移,围绕邪恶问题形成了两类流行传统(包括仪式、习俗和信仰),特别是先知(Ahl al-Bayt)家人所遭受的痛苦和死亡。第一类包括挽歌诗意表达(marṯīya),伴随着反映对不公正死亡受害者的激情和同情的实践,从第三位伊玛目乌塞恩开始。第二类包括对这一邪恶行为的肇事者的暴力讽刺性诅咒表达,这一传统还涉及背诵神圣圣经语料库中的祈祷和虔诚公式,以及一套称为“Umar košī”(“Umar谋杀”)的特殊做法。本文分析了这两种传统的形成和功能,以及它们在当代伊朗什叶派社会背景下的形式和意义的演变。他将表明,这两种传统虽然符合塔瓦拉(对伊玛目的忠诚和爱)和塔巴拉(对对手的分离和仇恨)的双重什叶派原则,但清楚地反映了信徒对政治权力和制度宗教权威的自主性。在伊朗十二什叶派中,两类流行传统(包括仪式、习俗和信仰)随着时间的推移围绕着邪恶的问题形成,即先知之家(Ahl al-Bayt)的圣人所承受的伤害和死亡。第一类包括挽歌诗意表达(marṯīya),伴随着反映对不公正死亡受害者的激情和同情的仪式实践——特别是第三位伊玛目Ḥusayn。第二类包括针对这一邪恶作者的恶意词典的暴力和讽刺表达。这一传统还涉及对从神圣圣经语料库中借来的祈祷和虔诚公式的背诵,以及称为“Umar Košī”(Umar谋杀)的具体实践。本文分析了这两种传统的形成和功能,以及它们在当代伊朗什叶派社会背景下的形式和意义的发展。它表明,这两种传统符合Tawallāʾ(对伊玛目的忠诚和爱)和Tabarr਑(对伊玛目的敌人的分离和仇恨)的双重shiʿi原则,清楚地反映了信徒对政治权力和制度宗教权威的自主性。
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引用次数: 0
« Le mal ne s’enracine pas dans l’instauration ». La question du mal dans le shiʿisme ismaélien “邪恶不会在引入中扎根”。shiʿ中邪恶的问题多得多的ismaélien
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340004
Daniel De Smet
As is the case with other Shiʿi traditions, Ismailism developed a dualistic worldview ruled by the opposition between good and evil, light and darkness. However, it is a rather moderate form of dualism, as the principle of evil is not coexistent with the Creator or has not been created by Him. Evil only appears at a lower level of the cosmic hierarchy. This doctrine has been elaborated in four different ways in the history of Ismailism. We first meet a gnostic thesis where evil is the result of a rebellion in the intelligible world; second, there is a Neoplatonic thesis where evil and imperfection are caused by the process of emanation itself; and third, we distinguish a philosophical thesis where the generation of evil by “second intention” belongs to the rule of divine providence. Finally, Ṭayyibī authors in the 12th century made a synthesis of the three positions. L’ismaélisme, à l’instar d’autres courants shiʿites, prône une vision dualiste du monde marquée par l’opposition éternelle entre le bien et le mal, la lumière et les ténèbres. Cependant, il s’agit d’un dualisme mitigé, où le mal n’est ni coexistant avec le Créateur, ni instauré par Lui, mais apparaît à un degré inférieur de la hiérarchie cosmique. Cette thèse a été développée de quatre manières différentes au cours de l’histoire doctrinale de l’ismaélisme. Nous distinguons successivement une thèse gnostique où le mal est le résultat d’une révolte dans le monde intelligible, une thèse néoplatonicienne où le mal et l’imperfection sont générés par le processus de l’émanation, et une thèse philosophique où le mal est causé par « seconde intention » par la Providence divine. Une synthèse de ces trois thèses a été élaborée dans le Ṭayyibisme à partir du 12e siècle.
与其他什叶派传统一样,伊斯梅尔主义发展了一种由善与恶、光明与黑暗之间的对立支配的二元论世界观。然而,这是一种更温和的二元论形式,因为邪恶的原则不与创造者共存,也不是由他创造的。邪恶只出现在宇宙层次的较低层次。这一学说在伊斯梅尔主义史上以四种不同的方式阐述。我们第一次遇到了一篇诺斯替主义论文,其中邪恶是可理解世界叛乱的结果;第二,有一个新的理论,其中邪恶和不完美是由散发过程本身造成的;第三,我们区分了一个哲学论文,其中“第二意图”下的邪恶一代属于神的天意规则。最后,12世纪的Ṭayyibī作者综合了这三种立场。伊斯梅尔主义和其他什叶派潮流一样,提倡以善与恶、光明与黑暗之间永恒对立为标志的二元论世界观。然而,这是一种混合的二元论,其中邪恶既不与造物主共存,也不由造物主建立,而是出现在宇宙层次的较低层次。这篇论文在伊斯梅尔主义的教义史上以四种不同的方式发展。我们依次区分了诺斯替派理论,其中邪恶是可理解世界中反抗的结果,新柏拉图主义理论,其中邪恶和不完美是由散发过程产生的,以及哲学理论,其中邪恶是由神的天意的“第二意图”造成的。从12世纪开始,这三个论点的综合在Ṭayyibism中阐述。
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引用次数: 1
La philosophie shiʿite face au problème du mal : essais de théodicée chez Mīr Dāmād (m. 1040/1631) et deux de ses élèves shiʿite理念很难对付的问题:试验théodicée MīrāMāD家1040/1631 (M)和他的两个学生
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340006
M. Terrier
The problem of the goodness of God, the freedom of man and the origin of Evil, i.e. theodicy, proves to be particularly acute in Twelver Shiʿi Islam, because of the historical awareness of evil within the community and of the fundamental dualism, metaphysical as well as moral, of the doctrine. However, this problem was the subject of various essays by Iranian Shiʿi philosophers of Neoplatonic inspiration, trying to harmonize the teachings of the Shiʿi tradition (i.e. the ḥadīṯs attributed to the Impeccable imams) with the arguments of the Avicennian philosophy. The first part of the article focuses in detail on the works of the philosopher, theologian and lawyer Mīr Dāmād (m. 1041/1631). His reflections on the problem are not collected in a single book, as they are in Leibniz, but scattered in works belonging to different fields (fiqh, kalām, or philosophy per se), in Arabic or in Persian. He deals successively with the problem of human freedom (qadar) versus divine determinism (ǧabr); with the Imami notion of badāʾ, i.e. the apparent change of the divine Will in the course of history; with Good and Evil with regard to the ontological categories of essence (ḏāt), accident (ʿaraḍ), existence (wuǧūd), and non-existence (ʿadam); with the execution of eschatological threats and the punishment of the damned – thus embracing all the dimensions of the problem and phenomenon of evil. The second part of the article considers some logical and unexpected developments of Mīr Dāmād’s theses in the works of two of his students, Mullā Šamsā Gīlānī (m. 1064/1654), in a brief epistle on perfection, and Quṭb al-Dīn Aškiwarī (m. between 1088/1677 and 1095/1684), in a monumental history of universal wisdom. This should make appear that the problem of Evil was a powerful catalyst for the emergence of a “Shiʿi philosophy” in the 11th/17th century. Le problème de la bonté de Dieu, de la liberté de l’homme et de l’origine du mal, c’est-à-dire de la théodicée, s’avère particulièrement délicat dans l’islam shiʿite duodécimain, du fait de la conscience historique du mal dans la communauté et du dualisme foncier, moral et métaphysique, de la doctrine. Ce problème fit pourtant l’objet de véritables essais de théodicée chez des philosophes shiʿites iraniens d’inspiration néoplatonicienne, s’efforçant de concilier les enseignements de la tradition shiʿite (les ḥadīṯs attribués aux imâms impeccables) et les arguments de la philosophie avicennienne. La première partie de l’article se concentre sur l’œuvre du philosophe, théologien et juriste Mīr Dāmād (m. 1041/1631). Ses réflexions sur le problème ne sont pas rassemblées dans un même livre, à la différence de Leibniz, mais disséminées dans des ouvrages de différents domaines (fiqh, kalām, philosophie per se), en arabe et en persan. Il traite successivement du problème de la liberté humaine (qadar) vs le déterminisme divin (ǧabr) ; de la notion imâmite de badāʾ, le changement apparent de la Volonté divine dans le cours de l’hi
关于神的善、人的自由和恶的起源的问题,即神正论,在十二派什叶派伊斯兰教中被证明是特别尖锐的,因为历史上对社区内的恶的认识,以及教义的基本二元论,形而上学的和道德的。然而,这个问题是受新柏拉图主义启发的伊朗什叶派哲学家的各种论文的主题,他们试图将什叶派传统的教义(即ḥadīṯs归于无可指摘的伊玛目)与阿维森纳哲学的论点协调起来。文章的第一部分详细介绍了哲学家、神学家和律师m īr Dāmād (m. 1041/1631)的著作。他对这个问题的思考并没有像莱布尼茨那样集中在一本书中,而是分散在阿拉伯语或波斯语的不同领域的作品中(伊斯兰教,kalām或哲学本身)。他先后处理了人类自由(qadar)与神的决定论(ǧabr)的问题;与伊玛目的概念,即在历史进程中神的意志的明显变化;善与恶的本体论范畴是本质(ḏāt)、偶然性(al - araha)、存在(wuǧūd)和不存在(al - adam);随着末世论的威胁和对被诅咒者的惩罚的执行,从而涵盖了邪恶问题和现象的所有方面。文章的第二部分考虑了一些逻辑和意想不到的发展,在他的两个学生的作品中,Mullā Šamsā Gīlānī (m. 1064/1654),在一个关于完美的简短书信中,Quṭb al- d ān Aškiwarī (m. 1088/1677和1095/1684之间),在宇宙智慧的不朽历史中。这应该表明,邪恶的问题是11 /17世纪“什叶派哲学”出现的有力催化剂。关于上帝的问题、关于人的自由和起源的问题、关于 电子烟和其他电子烟的问题、关于电子烟和其他电子烟的问题、关于电子烟和其他电子烟的问题、关于良心的问题、关于电子烟和其他电子烟的问题、关于道德和其他电子烟的问题、关于教义的问题。这些问题适用于pattant l ' object de vacimritables, essais de the samodicsames chedes philosophes shi ' ites iraniens and 'inspiration nacimoplatonicienne, s ' effordants de concilier les enseignements de la tradition shi ' ite (les ḥadīṯs attribus im ms无瑕)和les arguments de la philosophie avicennienne。第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定的第1条规定。这些不同的交换条件可以解决不同的问题,例如:不同的交换条件和不同的交换条件(même livre、莱布尼茨交换条件、不同的交换条件和不同的交换条件(fiqh、kalām、哲学本身)、不同的交换条件和不同的交换条件。将“人权自由问题的继承”(卡塔尔)与“人权自由问题的继承”(ǧabr)进行比较;de la notion imite de badha ā n, le changement apparent de la volont divine dans le cours de l 'histoire;杜宾和杜马尔认为,所有的变异都是关于本质和偶然(ḏāt)、存在和不存在(wuǧūd)的存在论(adam);de l 'execution des威胁eschatologiques, du chatiment des该死的——embrassant全部的尺寸问题等杜phenomene du mal。洛杉矶防守姿势一部分de l 'article我们莱斯prolongements,像鹅相干inattendus, des论文de Mīr DāMāD在两德ses eleves考虑āŠamsāGīlānī(M。1064/1654),在一个epitre苏尔La完美,瞿等ṭb al-Dīn个škiwarī(M . 1088/1677到1095/1684之间),在一个故事de La智universelle校长。Le problem me du mal appart_(法国)_(法国)_(法国)_(法国)_(法国)_(法国)。
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引用次数: 0
Le mal moral chez Avicenne : perspectives éthiques et politiques 阿维森纳的道德邪恶:伦理与政治视角
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340010
M. Sebti
La question du mal problème pose un problème aigu au sein de la doctrine de l’âme d’Avicenne. Comment l’âme humaine qui est une substance spirituelle inaltérable impassible peut-elle être affectée par le mal commis ? Répondre à cette question nécessite l’étude de l’eschatologie avicennienne de même que celle du statut des normes éthiques. Ces dernières ne sont, selon Avicenne, pas universelles et donc pas accessibles à l’intellect mais sont données par la révélation. On ne peut comprendre la question du mal moral chez Avicenne sans la replacer dans le système métaphysique et éthique du philosophe persan. The question of evil poses an acute problem within Avicenna’s doctrine of the soul. How can the human soul, which is an unalterable spiritual substance, be affected by the evil committed? Answering this question requires the study of Avicenna’s eschatology as well as the study of the status of ethical norms. The latter, according to Avicenna, are not universal and therefore not accessible to the intellect but are given by revelation. The question of moral evil in Avicenna cannot be understood without placing it in the metaphysical and ethical system of the Persian philosopher.
邪恶问题的问题在阿维森纳的灵魂学说中提出了一个尖锐的问题。人类的灵魂是一种不可改变的、不可改变的精神物质,怎么会受到所犯错误的影响呢?要回答这个问题,需要研究阿维森纳末世论以及伦理规范的地位。根据阿维森纳的说法,后者不是普遍的,因此智力无法获得,而是由启示给予的。要理解阿维森纳的道德邪恶问题,就必须把它放在波斯哲学家的形而上学和伦理体系中。邪恶的问题在阿维森纳的灵魂学说中提出了一个尖锐的问题。人类的灵魂,这是一种不可改变的精神物质,怎么能受到邪恶的影响呢?要回答这个问题,需要研究阿维森纳的末世论以及伦理规范的地位。根据阿维森纳的说法,后者不是普遍的,因此智力无法获得,而是由启示提供的。《阿维森纳道德问题of evil)现场抄写“be without placing it in The metaphysical波斯从哲学和伦理system of The。
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引用次数: 0
Considering Divine Providence in Mullā Ṣadrā Šīrāzī (d. 1045/1636): The Problem of Evil, Theodicy, and the Divine Eros 在叙利亚的穆拉(公元1045/1636)思考神圣的天意:邪恶、狄奥多西和神圣的爱神的问题
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-11-18 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340007
Sajjad Rizvi
Despite the extensive work on the Safavid thinker Mullā Ṣadrā Šīrāzī (d. 1045/1636) nowadays in metropolitan academia, certain areas of philosophical and theological concern remain understudied, if studied at all – and even then, there is little attempt to consider his work in the light of philosophical analysis. We know of a venerable philosophical tradition of analysing the question of providence as a means for examining questions of creation (ex nihilo or otherwise), the problem of evil, determinism and free will, and the larger question of theodicy (and whether this world that we inhabit is indeed the ‘best of all possible worlds’). I propose to examine these questions through an analysis of a section of the theology in al-Asfār al-arbaʿa (The Four Journeys) of Mullā Ṣadrā (mawqif VIII of safar III) and juxtapose it with passages from his other works, all the while contextualising it within the longer Neoplatonic tradition of providence and evil. The section of the Asfār plays a pivotal role in outlining a wider theory of divine providence: following the analysis of the Avicennian proof for the existence of God as the Necessary Being and her attributes, and before the culmination on the emanative scheme of creation (or the incipience of the cosmos – ḥudūṯ al-ʿālam), Mullā Ṣadrā discusses the question of divine providence where one can clearly discern the influence of previous thinkers on him, namely Avicenna (d. 428/1037, al-Šifāʾ and Risālat al-ʿišq) al-Ġazālī (d. 505/ 1111, Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn), and Ibn ʿArabī (d. 638/1240, al-Futūḥāt al-makkīya). The section can be divided into four discussions: defining providence as well as the nature of good and evil, accounting for the ‘presence’ of evil in the cosmos, the ‘best of all possible worlds’, and erotic motion of the cosmos as well as the erotic attraction of humans for one another and back to their Origin. What emerges, however, is an account of providence that is subservient to Mullā Ṣadrā’s wider ontological commitment to the primary reality of being, its modulation and essential motion – the tripartite doctrines of aṣālat al-wuǧūd, taškīk al-wuǧūd and al-ḥaraka al-ǧawharīya – and fits within his overall approach to the procession of the cosmos from the One as a divine theophany and its reversion back to the One through theosis. Thus, an analysis of providence and evil demonstrates that underlying significance of Mullā Ṣadrā’s metaphysical commitments to a modulated monism.
尽管对萨非王朝思想家MullāṢadrāŠīrāzī(d.1045/1636)如今,在大都市学术界,哲学和神学关注的某些领域仍然研究不足,即使进行了研究,也很少有人试图从哲学分析的角度来考虑他的作品。我们知道一个古老的哲学传统,即分析天意问题,将其作为研究创造问题(无论是非尼希洛问题还是其他问题)、邪恶问题、决定论和自由意志问题,以及更大的神权问题(以及我们所居住的这个世界是否真的是“所有可能世界中最好的”)的手段。我建议通过分析Mullā的《四个旅程》中的神学部分来研究这些问题Ṣadrā(萨法尔三世的mawqif VIII),并将其与其他作品中的段落并置,同时将其置于更长的新柏拉图天意和邪恶传统中。Asfār一节在概述更广泛的天意理论方面发挥着关键作用:在分析阿维森人关于上帝作为必要存在及其属性的存在的证明之后,在创造的散发方案达到顶峰之前(或宇宙的开端——ḥ乌德ṯ al-ālam)、MullāṢadrā讨论了天意的问题,在这个问题上,人们可以清楚地看到以前的思想家对他的影响,即Avicenna(d.428/1037,al-Šifāʾ和Risālat al-ʿišq)al-Ġazālī(d.505/111,iḥyāʾʿulām al-dīn)和伊本·阿拉伯(公元638/1240年,al-Futīḥāt al-makkīya)。本节可分为四个讨论:定义天意以及善与恶的性质,解释宇宙中邪恶的“存在”,“所有可能的世界中最好的”,宇宙的色情运动以及人类对彼此的色情吸引力,并回到他们的起源。然而,出现的是一种服从于Mullā的天意Ṣadrā对存在的主要现实、其调节和本质运动的更广泛的本体论承诺&ṣālat al-wu、taškīk al-wu和al-ḥaraka al-ǧawharīya–并符合他对宇宙从“一”作为神圣神显的过程及其通过神化回归“一”的整体方法。因此,对天意和邪恶的分析表明,MullāṢ阿的形而上学承诺,调制一元论。
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引用次数: 1
The Muʿtazila on Covenantal Theology: A Study of Individualist Approaches 关于契约神学的穆:个人主义方法研究
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340002
T. Jaffer
This article examines how three leading exegetes of the Muʿtazilite school tradition – ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025), Jishumī (d. 494/1101), and Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144) – conceptualized the Qurʾānic idea of covenant in divergent ways. It also illustrates how they related the idea of covenant to their broader thought world to forge an interpretation of the meaning of human history and salvation. It argues that these three commentators, although they are linked to one another by a loose form of teacher-student discipleship, share only basic ideas and applied hermeneutical devices and interpretive principles in considerably different ways. It is unlikely that they relied on one another when they composed their commentaries.
这篇文章考察了穆塔齐利特学派传统的三个主要训词——阿布德·贾比尔(415/1025年)、吉舒米(494/1101年)和扎马赫沙尔(538/1144年)——是如何以不同的方式概念化《古兰经》的盟约思想的。它还说明了他们是如何将盟约的理念与更广阔的思想世界联系起来,以形成对人类历史和救赎意义的解释的。它认为,这三位评论者虽然通过松散的师生门徒训练形式相互联系,但他们只有基本的想法,并以截然不同的方式应用解释学手段和解释原则。他们在撰写评论时不太可能相互依赖。
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引用次数: 2
The Case of the Missing Disciple: Abū l-Ḥasan al-Rustughfanī and the First Reception of al-Māturīdī’s Theology in Samarqand 失踪弟子案例:阿布勒-鲁斯图格凡与马杜里迪神学在撒马尔罕的首次接受
IF 0.3 3区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1163/18778372-12340001
Ramon Harvey
Despite recognition of Abū l-Ḥasan al-Rustughfanī (d. ca. 345/956) as the most important student of Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944), a sustained treatment of his theological views has not hitherto appeared. One of the challenges that has been identified in prior studies is a lack of primary sources. To overcome this obstacle, I analyse manuscripts of “Bāb al-mutafarriqāt min fawāʾid” and “al-Asʾila wa-l-ajwiba,” two texts recording al-Rustughfanī’s theological responsa, locating them within available bibliographic information and discussing the question of literary structure. I then contextualise the material within the polemical milieu of mid-fourth/tenth century Samarqand, arguing that al-Rustughfanī is the earliest figure in the Samarqandī Ḥanafī kalām tradition to self-consciously adopt the full name ahl al-sunna wa-l-jamāʿa to express his theological identity. Finally, I provide an annotated theological overview of the main doctrines found in the texts with a detailed case study on divine speech and the Qurʾān, showing how al-Rustughfanī bridges the gap between al-Māturīdī’s rationalistic kalām and the Ḥanafī traditionalism of al-Ḥakīm al-Samarqandī (d. 342/953).
尽管承认阿布尔-Ḥasan al-Rustughfanī(约345/956年)是阿布曼最重要的学生ṣ对其神学观点的持续处理迄今尚未出现。先前研究中发现的挑战之一是缺乏主要来源。为了克服这一障碍,我分析了“BāB al-mutafariqāt min fawāʾid”和“al-Asʾ; ila wa-l-ajwiba”的手稿,这两本书记录了al-Rustughfanī的神学回应,将它们定位在可用的书目信息中,并讨论了文学结构问题。然后,我将这些材料置于四世纪中期/10世纪撒马尔罕的争论环境中,认为al-Rustughfanī是撒马尔罕最早的人物Ḥanafīkalām传统自觉地采用全名ahl al-sunna wa-l-jamāa来表达他的神学身份。最后,我对文本中的主要教义进行了注释神学概述,并对神圣言论和《古兰经》进行了详细的案例研究,展示了al-Rustughfanī如何弥合al-Māturīdī的理性主义kalāM和Ḥ阿那法传统主义-Ḥ撒马尔罕(公元342/953年)。
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引用次数: 0
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