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BLOATED BUSKINS: SENECA AND THE SATIRIC IDEA OF TRAGEDY 臃肿的长统靴:塞内加与悲剧的讽刺思想
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.4
R. Cowan
If satire is epic's ‘evil twin’, then tragedy is satire's ugly sister. Both epic and tragedy soar aloft in the stratosphere of the generic hierarchy, viewed humbly and from a distance by satire's pedestrian muse, who at the same time scoffs at their overblown irrelevance. Many of the same criticisms, often framed as back-handed compliments, are cast at both genres by their poor relation, but there are also distinctions. Epic, even if cloistered in an ivory tower, is constructed as sharing the impossible purity of that ivory, the better for its lofty and noble themes to be befouled, debased and perverted in the distorting mirror held up by its evil twin. Tragedy, however, is itself a perversion, ethically and aesthetically, a mishmash of vice and excess which is a natural target for satire, the self-appointed social policeman, but which also bears an uncomfortable resemblance to satire's own nature. Much work has been done in recent years on satire's engagement with and tendentious construction of tragedy, but very little on tragedy's reciprocal engagement with satire. The latter will be the focus of this article, approached from two, closely-related angles.
如果说讽刺是史诗的“邪恶双胞胎”,那么悲剧就是讽刺的丑陋姐妹。史诗和悲剧都在普通等级的平流层中翱翔,被讽刺的行人缪斯谦逊地从远处观看,同时嘲笑它们被夸大的无关紧要。许多同样的批评,通常被认为是讽刺的赞美,都是由它们可怜的亲戚对这两种类型进行的,但它们也有区别。史诗,即使被隔离在象牙塔中,也是为了分享象牙的不可能的纯洁而构建的,因为它的崇高和高贵的主题在它邪恶的孪生兄弟举起的扭曲的镜子中被玷污,堕落和扭曲。然而,悲剧本身就是一种道德和美学上的变态,是邪恶和过度的大杂烩,是讽刺的自然目标,自诩为社会警察,但它也与讽刺本身的性质有一种令人不安的相似之处。近年来,关于讽刺与悲剧的互动以及对悲剧的倾向性建构的研究很多,但关于悲剧与讽刺的互动的研究却很少。后者将是本文的重点,从两个密切相关的角度进行探讨。
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引用次数: 1
SENECAN POSTSCRIPT
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.10
A. J. Boyle
Eliot was always right to a degree, banally so. Much of the visceral, emotional and intellectual force of Senecan tragedy, like that of the great Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatists whom Seneca inspired, is necessarily verbal. But, as Trinacty's closural analysis and the other studies of this volume attest, there are ‘further realities’—many and diverse: poetic, theatrical, political, rhetorical, psychological, moral, cultural—‘behind’ the language itself. This collection of critical essays is the latest manifestation of the resurgence of Senecan scholarly and intellectual energy which has taken place in the thirty plus years since the 1983 publication of the Ramus volume on Seneca Tragicus. That volume not only displayed with disdain the above quotation from Eliot, but paraded itself lamentably as ‘the first collection of critical essays devoted specifically to Senecan tragedy to be published in English’.
艾略特在某种程度上总是正确的,这是老生常谈。塞内加悲剧的许多内在的、情感的和智力的力量,就像受塞内加启发的伊丽莎白和詹姆士一世的伟大剧作家一样,必然是言语的。但是,正如三位一体的结束语分析和本卷的其他研究所证明的那样,在语言本身的“背后”还有“进一步的现实”——许多不同的:诗歌的、戏剧的、政治的、修辞的、心理的、道德的、文化的。这本评论文集是塞内加学者和知识分子能量复兴的最新表现,这种复兴发生在1983年出版的关于塞内加Tragicus的Ramus卷的三十多年里。那本书不仅轻蔑地引用了艾略特的上述语录,而且悲哀地自诩为“第一本专门研究塞内卡悲剧的英文评论文集”。
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引用次数: 0
VERBA ALITER INSTRVCTA: SENECAN POETICS Verba aliter的用法和样例
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.1
C. Trinacty, C. Sampson
Seneca recognizes the power of poetry. In his prose works, he discusses how poetry adds punch to moral sententiae, and he peppers his letters and dialogues with lines from Virgil, Ovid, and others. Seneca is there typically concerned with ethical matters and so seldom has much to say about poetics specifically. But, in a fragment preserved by Gellius (12.2.2-13), he faults Ennius as old-fashioned, and elsewhere writes that it is best to be alive and writing now (i.e. the first century CE) because of the many great works of literature one can draw upon: ‘one discovers words already prepared, which, when positioned differently, create a new form.’ The predilection for novelty is not blind to tradition, though poetry is a resource that requires careful handling: poets compose lines worthy of philosophers (Ep. 8.8, Nat. 4a.pr.19), but sometimes their words can be dangerous, arousing our passions (Ep. 115.12), our fears (Dial. 6.19.4), or even propagating misinformation (Dial. 7.26.6).
塞内加认识到诗歌的力量。在他的散文作品中,他讨论了诗歌如何为道德句子增添冲击力,他在信件和对话中穿插了维吉尔、奥维德等人的诗句。塞内加主要关注的是伦理问题,所以很少具体谈论诗学。但是,在格里乌斯保存的一个片段中(12.2.2-13),他指责恩尼乌斯过时,并在其他地方写道,最好是活着,现在(即公元一世纪)写作,因为人们可以借鉴许多伟大的文学作品:“人们发现已经准备好的词语,当它们被不同的定位时,创造了一种新的形式。”对新奇事物的偏爱并不是对传统视而不见,尽管诗歌是一种需要谨慎处理的资源:诗人创作的诗句值得哲学家(Ep. 8.8, Nat. 4 . a.p .19),但有时他们的话语可能是危险的,激发我们的激情(Ep. 115.12),我们的恐惧(Dial. 6.19.4),甚至传播错误信息(Dial. 7.26.6)。
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引用次数: 0
TRAGIC CONTAMINATIO AND POLLUTED SACRIFICE IN SENECA'S OEDIPUS 塞内加的《俄狄浦斯》中的悲剧污染和被污染的牺牲
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.3
J. B. Debrohun
It has long been noticed that in his Oedipus, Seneca diverges conspicuously from his primary model, Sophocles’ Oedipus Tyrannus (OT), in a number of aspects. Prominent among these is an expansive, two-part ritual sequence at the play's center, comprising a prodigy-filled yet spectacularly unsuccessful sacrifice and extispicium followed by a more successful, if no less terrifying, necromancy to raise the slain Laius. This article concentrates on the sacrifice and extispicium (Sen. Oed. 288-402). I argue that in this episode Seneca has employed tragic contaminatio (the weaving into one play of significant elements from two or more different source plays) and allusion to produce an exceptionally innovative scene that is a remarkable display of the Roman playwright's ingenuity. For while Sophocles’ OT remains an active intertext, Seneca has also imported elements from Euripides’ Phoenissae. His primary model for the passage, moreover, is actually to be found in a different Sophoclean Theban play, Antigone. Specifically, Seneca has reworked and elaborated upon the climactic reversal scene between Creon and Tiresias in Antigone (998-1114), in which the seer reports on the corruption of the prophetic rites he has just performed and identifies Creon as the cause of the pollution, both for his continued refusal to allow the burial of the fallen Polyneices and for his entombment of the living Antigone.
人们早就注意到,塞内加的《俄狄浦斯》在许多方面与他最初的原型索福克勒斯的《俄狄浦斯王》(Oedipus Tyrannus, OT)大相径庭。其中最突出的是戏剧中心的两部分宏大的仪式序列,包括一个充满奇才但非常失败的祭祀和灭绝,然后是一个更成功的,即使不那么可怕的,复活被杀的拉伊乌斯的巫术。这篇文章集中讨论了祭祀和祭品(Sen. Oed. 288-402)。我认为,在这一集里,塞内加运用了悲剧污染(将两个或两个以上不同来源的戏剧的重要元素编织到一个戏剧中)和典故,创造了一个异常创新的场景,这是罗马剧作家独创性的非凡展示。虽然索福克勒斯的《旧约》仍然是一个活跃的互文,但塞内加也从欧里庇得斯的《凤凰纪》中引入了元素。此外,他的这段话的原型,实际上可以在另一部索福克勒斯·底比斯的戏剧《安提戈涅》中找到。具体来说,塞内加重新制作并阐述了《安提戈涅》(998-1114)中克里翁和泰雷西亚斯之间的高潮反转场景,在这个场景中,先知报告了他刚刚完成的预言仪式的腐败,并确定克里翁是污染的原因,因为他一直拒绝允许埋葬堕落的波利涅克斯,并埋葬了活着的安提戈涅。
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引用次数: 0
RMU volume 46 issue 1-2 Cover and Back matter RMU第46卷第1-2期封面和封底
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2018.2
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引用次数: 0
UNSETTLING THE SENECAN FIRST ACT 第一幕让人不安
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.2
C. Sampson
Beginnings matter. In tragedy, specifically, the first act is the initial tableau in a larger composition, introducing the raw material—themes, characters, and mythological crisis—whose development and consequences will comprise the poetic action. Seneca's are a case in point: although scholars have noted that his first acts can be ‘somewhat separate’ from the main action of the plot and overly general or preliminary in character, this is only true in dramatic terms; a holistic approach to Senecan tragedy regularly reveals the artistry of a first act in retrospect, from the standpoint of a play's conclusion. The scattering of Hippolytus’ companions (Pha. 1-30), for example, foreshadows his eventual dismemberment; and the extent of his patron's Diana's dominion (54-72) is ultimately dwarfed and subsumed by that of Amor. Echoes of the ghost of Thyestes’ prologue in Cassandra's final speech (Ag. 1004-11), similarly, approximate the epic technique of ring-composition, with supernatural voices of authority replacing that of epic's third-person narrator at the bookends of the drama. However dramatically detached a first act might appear, Senecan technique prioritizes the establishment of thematic, intellectual, and lexical foundations for what follows.
的开端。具体地说,在悲剧中,第一幕是一个更大的作品的初始场景,介绍原材料——主题、人物和神话危机——它们的发展和后果将构成诗歌的行动。塞内加就是一个很好的例子:虽然学者们注意到,他的第一幕可能与情节的主要行动“有些分离”,在性格上过于笼统或初步,但这只在戏剧方面是正确的;从戏剧结局的角度来看,对塞内坎悲剧的整体研究经常揭示了回顾第一幕的艺术性。例如,希波吕托斯同伴的分散(Pha. 1-30)预示着他最终的肢解;而他的赞助人戴安娜的统治范围(54-72)最终被阿莫尔的统治所取代。在卡桑德拉最后的演讲(公元1004-11年)中,提耶斯忒斯鬼魂的开场白的回声,同样近似于环形作曲的史诗技巧,用超自然的权威声音取代了史诗的第三人称叙述者在戏剧的两端。无论第一幕看起来多么戏剧化,塞内卡的技巧都优先为接下来的情节建立主题、智力和词汇基础。
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引用次数: 0
RETROSPECTIVE READING IN SENECAN TRAGEDY 悲剧中的回顾阅读
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.9
C. Trinacty
Conclusions matter in Senecan prose and poetry. At the conclusion of his epistles, Seneca often includes an unexpected quote or alters his subject-matter in a surprising manner—a technique that Fowler has helpfully classified as an example of ‘Romantic Irony’ in the vein of Heine or selected Horatian odes. His dialogues display a similar penchant for such endings, e.g. the post-mortem speech of Cremutius Cordus to his daughter, Marcia, in the finale of the Consolatio ad Marciam (Dial. 6.26.2-7). Seneca's tragedies likewise conclude in a beguiling fashion, ‘Part of the dramatic force of the Senecan ending is its avoidance of any note of easy resolution; it serves rather to sharpen and/or problematize the central issues of the particular play.’ As a way to further encourage the reader to question or recognize major themes of the play, Seneca's conclusions feature an intertext that casts these themes in a different light or elicits metapoetic commentary. These intertexts stress ideas and language important to the particular play, especially those found in the prologue, in order to create a type of ring-composition to the tragedy as a whole. This paper investigates these intertexts and indicates not only how they operate on an inter/intratextual level, but also why Seneca would think of the texts that he does at the conclusion of his tragedies. Seneca looks back to some of his major literary influences at the conclusions of his plays (Ovid, Horace, and Virgil unsurprisingly; Seneca the Elder perhaps more surprisingly), which reveals that these moments are diagnostic of his intertextual method in general. The larger situational or generic context of the sources shade the words uttered by Senecan protagonists, but Seneca stresses the tragic impact of such intertextual echoes again and again; Seneca tragicus surely is a pessimistic reader of the Augustan tradition. The reiteration of similar language and imagery throughout the play ‘primes’ the reader to recognize the intertext at the play's conclusion—thus intratextual repetitions signpost the intertextual reference. Seneca wants these references to be noticed; he promotes a retrospective reading technique in which these intertexts recast language and themes found earlier in the play, now vis-à-vis the literary and rhetorical source material. In creating such dense verbal connections, he encourages further contemplation of the major motifs of the tragedies and inherently endorses the position of his plays as ‘open’ texts that beg for further supplementation by further reading and rereading, again and again.
结论在塞内加散文和诗歌中很重要。在他的书信的结尾,塞内加经常包括一个意想不到的引用,或者以一种令人惊讶的方式改变他的主题——福勒将这种技巧归类为“浪漫讽刺”的一个例子,与海涅或贺拉斯的颂歌相似。他的对话也表现出对这样的结局的类似偏好,例如,在《安慰与玛西亚》(Dial. 6.26.2-7)的结尾,克里穆提乌斯·科多斯对他的女儿玛西亚的死后讲话。塞内加的悲剧也同样以一种令人迷惑的方式结束,“塞内加悲剧结局的部分戏剧性力量在于它避免了任何轻松解决的注意;它的作用是使特定戏剧的中心问题变得尖锐和/或成问题。作为进一步鼓励读者质疑或认识戏剧主题的一种方式,塞内卡的结论以互文为特色,以不同的方式投射这些主题,或引出元诗歌的评论。这些互文强调了对特定戏剧重要的思想和语言,特别是在序言中发现的那些,以便为整个悲剧创造一种环构图。本文对这些互文进行了研究,不仅指出了它们是如何在文本间/文本内的层面上运作的,而且还指出了塞内加为什么会在悲剧结束时想到他所做的文本。塞内加回顾了他的一些主要的文学影响在他的戏剧的结论(奥维德,贺拉斯和维吉尔不出所料;老塞内加也许更令人惊讶),这揭示了这些时刻是他互文方法的诊断。更大的情境或来源的一般背景遮蔽了塞内加主人公所说的话,但塞内加强调这种互文呼应的悲剧性影响一次又一次;塞内加无疑是奥古斯都传统的悲观读者。在整个戏剧中,相似的语言和意象的重复“启动”读者在戏剧结尾时认识到互文——因此,文本内重复为互文参考指明了方向。塞内加想让人们注意到这些引用;他提倡一种回顾式的阅读技巧,在这种阅读技巧中,这些互文改写了戏剧早期发现的语言和主题,现在看到-à-vis文学和修辞的原始材料。在创造这种密集的语言联系时,他鼓励人们进一步思考悲剧的主要母题,并从本质上支持他的戏剧作为“开放”文本的地位,要求通过进一步阅读和重读来进一步补充,一遍又一遍。
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引用次数: 0
HERCVLES FVRENS AND THE SENECAN SUBLIME
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.8
C. Littlewood
In the first throes of madness Seneca's Hercules declares, ‘I shall be borne aloft to the world's high spaces’ (in alta mundi spatia sublimis ferar, HF 958). To Amphitryon these are the unspeakable thoughts of a mind that is hardly sane, but nevertheless great (pectoris sani parum, / magni tamen, 974f.). For Gilbert Lawall, writing the first essay in the 1983 collection of Ramus essays on Senecan tragedy, the fundamental question of the play is the moral quality of its hero, who in his madness becomes a ‘caricature of his real self’. John Fitch, writing just a few years later, argued for a continuity of characterization between the hero of the labours and the murderer of his family. My own essay is concerned less with the morality of Hercules’ character and actions than with the poetics of sublime aspiration and the imagery of grand literary endeavour. Seneca's conception of sublime poetry, as embodied in the figure of tragic Hercules, I discuss through his reception of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace. The ambivalence Fitch and others have observed in this tragedy of Herculean overreaching I interpret first in the light of a plurality of literary models of transgressive poetics. Juno and the chorus both see violence and danger in the figure of Hercules, but yet do not see the same figure. This difference is located to some degree in the different genres and particular texts which define their perspectives. The Hercules who makes war on the heavens and commits the drama's primary action is very much the creation of Juno and the tragic energies of famous programmatic passages of Aeneid 1 and 7. Lyric offers an alternative conception of sky-towering fame. In the latter part of the article I consider the Lucretian paradigm of heroic rebellion against tradition and Hercules’ failure to break the pattern of Junonian madness. Finally I reflect on the tensions of the Georgics—ars and labor holding ingenium and furor in fragile balance—and see them overwhelmed in the civil war which Hercules Furens, a more powerful Orpheus, wages with himself.
在疯狂的第一次阵痛中,塞内加的《大力神》宣称,“我将被高举到世界的高处”(In alta mundi spatia sublimis ferar, HF 958)。对安菲提翁来说,这些都是难以言说的思想,这是一个几乎不理智的头脑,但仍然是伟大的(pectoris sani parum, / magni tamen, 974页)。吉尔伯特·拉沃尔(Gilbert Lawall)在1983年的《拉穆斯散文集》(Ramus essays)中撰写了第一篇关于塞内坎悲剧的文章,他认为这部戏剧的根本问题是主人公的道德品质,他在疯狂中成为了“真实自我的漫画”。约翰·费奇(John Fitch)在几年后的一篇文章中主张,劳动者的英雄和杀害家人的凶手之间的人物塑造是连贯的。我自己的文章关注的不是赫拉克勒斯性格和行为的道德,而是崇高抱负的诗学和伟大文学努力的意象。我将通过塞内加对卢克莱修、维吉尔和贺拉斯的接待来讨论塞内加对崇高诗歌的概念,这种概念体现在悲剧人物赫拉克勒斯身上。费奇和其他人在这场悲剧中观察到的矛盾心理,我首先根据多种越界诗学的文学模式来解释。朱诺和合唱队都在赫拉克勒斯的形象中看到了暴力和危险,但却没有看到同一个形象。这种差异在某种程度上取决于不同的体裁和特定的文本,这些文本定义了它们的视角。大力神向天空发动战争,完成了戏剧的主要行动,这在很大程度上是朱诺的创造,也是埃涅伊德第1章和第7章中著名的节奏性段落的悲剧能量。Lyric提供了另一种高耸入云的名声概念。在文章的后半部分,我将探讨卢克莱特式的英雄反抗传统的范例,以及赫拉克勒斯未能打破朱诺式疯狂的模式。最后,我反思了格鲁吉亚人的紧张关系——在脆弱的平衡中,工人和工人保持着天真和愤怒——并看到他们在内战中被压倒,赫拉克勒斯·富伦斯,一个更强大的俄耳甫斯,与自己进行了战争。
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引用次数: 0
TABLEAUX AND SPECTACLES: APPRECIATION OF SENECAN TRAGEDY BY EUROPEAN DRAMATISTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES 舞台与场面:十六、十七世纪欧洲剧作家对塞内坎悲剧的欣赏
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.7
S. Braund
Did Sophocles or Seneca exercise a greater influence on Renaissance drama? While the twenty-first century public might assume the Greek dramatist, in recent decades literary scholars have come to appreciate that the model of tragedy for the Renaissance was the plays of the Roman Seneca rather than those of the Athenian tragedians. In his important essay on Seneca and Shakespeare written in 1932, T.S. Eliot wrote that Senecan sensibility was ‘the most completely absorbed and transmogrified, because it was already the most diffused’ in Shakespeare's world. Tony Boyle, one of the leading rehabilitators of Seneca in recent years, has rightly said, building on the work of Robert Miola and Gordon Braden in particular, that ‘Seneca encodes Renaissance theatre’ from the time that Albertino Mussato wrote his neo-Latin tragedy Ecerinis in 1315 on into the seventeenth century. The present essay offers a complement and supplement to previous scholarship arguing that Seneca enjoyed a status at least equal to that of the Athenian tragedians for European dramatists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. My method will be to examine two plays, one in French and one in English, where the authors have combined dramatic elements taken from Seneca with elements taken from Sophocles. My examples are Robert Garnier's play, staged and published in 1580, entitled Antigone ou La Piété (Antigone or Piety), and the highly popular play by John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee entitled Oedipus, A Tragedy, staged in 1678 and published the following year.
索福克勒斯和塞内加谁对文艺复兴戏剧的影响更大?虽然21世纪的公众可能会认为是希腊剧作家,但近几十年来,文学学者们开始认识到,文艺复兴时期的悲剧模式是罗马塞内加的戏剧,而不是雅典悲剧家的戏剧。t·s·艾略特在1932年写的一篇关于塞内加和莎士比亚的重要文章中写道,塞内加的情感是“最被完全吸收和改造的,因为它已经是莎士比亚世界中最广泛传播的”。托尼·博伊尔是近年来为塞内加平反的主要人物之一,他在罗伯特·米奥拉和戈登·布雷登的作品基础上,正确地说,“塞内加是文艺复兴时期戏剧的标志”,从1315年阿尔贝蒂诺·穆萨托创作他的新拉丁悲剧《埃切里尼》开始,一直持续到17世纪。这篇文章对以前的学术研究提供了一个补充和补充,认为塞内加在16和17世纪的欧洲剧作家中至少享有与雅典悲剧家同等的地位。我的方法是研究两个剧本,一个是法语的,一个是英语的,这两个剧本的作者结合了塞内加和索福克勒斯的戏剧元素。我举的例子是1580年上演并出版的罗伯特·加尼耶的戏剧《安提戈涅或虔诚》,以及1678年上演并于次年出版的约翰·德莱顿和纳撒尼尔·李的著名戏剧《俄狄浦斯,一出悲剧》。
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引用次数: 0
VT ET HOSTEM AMAREM: JOCASTA AND THE POETICS OF CIVIL WAR IN SENECA'S PHOENISSAE 论塞内加的《腓尼基记》中的约卡斯塔与内战诗学
4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/rmu.2017.5
L. Ginsberg
Over the past two decades, scholars have devoted increasing attention to Roman civil war literature and its poetics, from the vocabulary of nefas, paradox, and hyperbole to the pervasive imagery of the state as a body violated by its citizens. Thebes and especially the civil war between Oedipus’ sons became prominent lenses through which Romans explored their country's strife-ridden past. Seneca's Phoenissae, however, has received comparatively little attention in this regard, often overshadowed by Statius’ epic Thebaid of the next generation. This paper investigates Seneca's contribution to the wider poetics of civil war through his expansion of the theme of incest, which Seneca uses to articulate civil war's most invasive, penetrative, and disintegrative effects. In particular, Seneca capitalizes on both the metaphorical potential of maternal violation and the eroticized imagery of Roman conquest to create disturbing points of contact between two generations of Jocasta's sons: the one who invaded her bed in the past, and the other who will soon invade his mother city. Seneca writes his Phoenissae to be an escalated return to the original sins of Oedipus’ incesta domus as another of Thebes’ native sons prepares to conquer his motherland.
在过去的二十年里,学者们对罗马内战文学及其诗学投入了越来越多的关注,从nefas、悖论和夸张的词汇到国家作为一个被公民侵犯的实体的普遍形象。底比斯,尤其是俄狄浦斯的儿子们之间的内战,成为罗马人探索他们国家充满冲突的过去的重要镜头。然而,塞内加的《腓尼基》在这方面受到的关注相对较少,往往被斯塔提乌斯的史诗《下一代的底比斯》所掩盖。本文通过塞内卡对乱伦主题的扩展来研究塞内卡对更广泛的内战诗学的贡献,塞内卡用这个主题来阐明内战最具侵入性、渗透性和分裂性的影响。特别是,塞内加利用了母性侵犯的隐喻潜力和罗马征服的色情意象,在约卡斯塔的两代儿子之间创造了令人不安的接触点:一个在过去侵犯了她的床,另一个即将入侵他的母城。塞内加笔下的腓尼基是对俄狄浦斯乱伦的原罪的升级回归,因为底比斯的另一个本土儿子准备征服他的祖国。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
RAMUS-CRITICAL STUDIES IN GREEK AND ROMAN LITERATURE
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