Family background or home environment can be an indicator of how people’s engagement with the community is manifested. Using the Family Stress Model (FSM) as a lens to evaluate external and internal family impact on a child can be a useful tool in supporting children from different social and economic backgrounds. There has been a growing body of work demonstrating the impact of home stress on youth, specifically via the FSM and children from different cultural groups, but there has not been such a review for Asian communities. This paper is a scoping review following PRISMA standards that describes all current research that has been conducted on Asian communities in relation to the FSM.
{"title":"Looking at the Family Stress Model in the Asian Context: A Scoping Review","authors":"Jacob B. Petersen, L. Matsunaga","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n2p31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n2p31","url":null,"abstract":"Family background or home environment can be an indicator of how people’s engagement with the community is manifested. Using the Family Stress Model (FSM) as a lens to evaluate external and internal family impact on a child can be a useful tool in supporting children from different social and economic backgrounds. There has been a growing body of work demonstrating the impact of home stress on youth, specifically via the FSM and children from different cultural groups, but there has not been such a review for Asian communities. This paper is a scoping review following PRISMA standards that describes all current research that has been conducted on Asian communities in relation to the FSM.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79322150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19472498.2023.2228084
Supurna Banerjee
connection to other institutions and Tibetan holidays. It also reveals how the monastery accrued various rites from ritual masters over the centuries and in response to important events. Chapter 5 delves into the structure and history of Nechung Monastery. The architecture of the site is examined, highlighting the symbolic significance of different areas, such as the courtyard murals, assembly hall, and central chapel. Despite a lack of clear historical records, the monastery is known for its prophetic pronouncements. The chapter concludes by discussing the split liturgical activities of Nechung, with both the historic Lhasa site and the new site in India representing this division. Chapter 6 explores the monasteries and chapels associated with Nechung, which create a larger ritual network reinforcing the dominance of the Dalai Lamas’ state cult. These institutions, including Meru Nyingpa, Gadong Monastery, Tsel Yangön, and Karmasha Chapel, have varying degrees of connection to Nechung, but all display an increase in ritual ties to the Five King Spirits and the cult of Nechung. This connection began in the seventeenth century and grew under the administration of later Dalai Lamas. The last chapter of the book examines the history of the Nechung Oracle, a clairvoyant advisor who has been a significant part of the Dalai Lama’s government since the seventeenth century. Although the oracle’s origins are uncertain, he has consistently been involved with the Dalai Lamas since the second incarnation. The Fifth Dalai Lama elevated the Nechung Oracle’s status in his writings, and he continues to be revered by Tibetans worldwide. Despite his crucial role, the Nechung Oracle remains subordinate to the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle share similar responsibilities towards Tibet, but they differ in their approaches. The Dalai Lama’s task is peaceful, while the Nechung Oracle’s is wrathful. The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle have a close relationship, but the Nechung Oracle always shows respect for the Dalai Lama. The sentiment of shared responsibility between the two figures was expressed by the Nechung Oracle in the sixteenth century and echoed by the current Dalai Lama in his writings.
{"title":"South Asian migrations in global history: labour, laws and wayward lives","authors":"Supurna Banerjee","doi":"10.1080/19472498.2023.2228084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2023.2228084","url":null,"abstract":"connection to other institutions and Tibetan holidays. It also reveals how the monastery accrued various rites from ritual masters over the centuries and in response to important events. Chapter 5 delves into the structure and history of Nechung Monastery. The architecture of the site is examined, highlighting the symbolic significance of different areas, such as the courtyard murals, assembly hall, and central chapel. Despite a lack of clear historical records, the monastery is known for its prophetic pronouncements. The chapter concludes by discussing the split liturgical activities of Nechung, with both the historic Lhasa site and the new site in India representing this division. Chapter 6 explores the monasteries and chapels associated with Nechung, which create a larger ritual network reinforcing the dominance of the Dalai Lamas’ state cult. These institutions, including Meru Nyingpa, Gadong Monastery, Tsel Yangön, and Karmasha Chapel, have varying degrees of connection to Nechung, but all display an increase in ritual ties to the Five King Spirits and the cult of Nechung. This connection began in the seventeenth century and grew under the administration of later Dalai Lamas. The last chapter of the book examines the history of the Nechung Oracle, a clairvoyant advisor who has been a significant part of the Dalai Lama’s government since the seventeenth century. Although the oracle’s origins are uncertain, he has consistently been involved with the Dalai Lamas since the second incarnation. The Fifth Dalai Lama elevated the Nechung Oracle’s status in his writings, and he continues to be revered by Tibetans worldwide. Despite his crucial role, the Nechung Oracle remains subordinate to the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle share similar responsibilities towards Tibet, but they differ in their approaches. The Dalai Lama’s task is peaceful, while the Nechung Oracle’s is wrathful. The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle have a close relationship, but the Nechung Oracle always shows respect for the Dalai Lama. The sentiment of shared responsibility between the two figures was expressed by the Nechung Oracle in the sixteenth century and echoed by the current Dalai Lama in his writings.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"14 1","pages":"388 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42575993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-28DOI: 10.1080/19472498.2023.2228083
Sudhir Maheshwari
A decade back, as I recall, I had befriended a Lama in Sikkim who like many of his countrymen from Tibet, had chosen to escape from the Chinese oppression to take refuge in India and be free to breathe Buddha dharma. My Lama friend only knew the Tibetan language and was immersed in his own culture, myth, mythology, and rituals. Even though he lived in this foreign land (India) and was used to meeting and greeting European visitors, he was in every sense from another world and era. Moreover this was a strange friendship as I did not know any other Tibetan and yet we could converse banal things and when we were quieter it was possible (infrequently) to have intimate spiritual discussion without any external aid. As I got to know him more I was left with no choice but to christen him as ‘Magic Lama’. Even today I vividly remember him mentioning that we usually start our spiritual journey with meditation systems that are rooted in compassion, but as one matures in faith and understanding, the inner demons opposed to spiritual attainment also become more powerful. To come out victorious and transcend all barriers one may be called to explore and practice wrathful Sadhana for the attainment of lasting peace and complete deliverance of mind. One of his parting gifts to me was an amulet to hang in my car and I could not instantaneously relate to the image of the deity on it – who looked more like a demon and I struggled to pronounce his name right. To simplify things the complicated God ‘Pehar’ was referred to me as a Tibetan deity for protection and I do believe ‘Pehar’ had come to me at a time when I needed him the most. As I started to read The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle, to my surprise, the first chapter turned out to be all about Pehar, his genesis, transformation, relationship with other Gods, wrathful nature, and occult powers. Tibetan myths and practices tend to challenge all pre conceived notions and the author Christopher Bell, has made no attempt to present any concept in a palatable manner for more refined sensibilities. Bell has presented after considerable research, divergent and also conflicting perspectives on the origin of complicated God (Pehar) and the role he plays as a protective spirit in Tibet, anointed and appointed by the Tantric Guru Padmasambhava.
{"title":"The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle","authors":"Sudhir Maheshwari","doi":"10.1080/19472498.2023.2228083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2023.2228083","url":null,"abstract":"A decade back, as I recall, I had befriended a Lama in Sikkim who like many of his countrymen from Tibet, had chosen to escape from the Chinese oppression to take refuge in India and be free to breathe Buddha dharma. My Lama friend only knew the Tibetan language and was immersed in his own culture, myth, mythology, and rituals. Even though he lived in this foreign land (India) and was used to meeting and greeting European visitors, he was in every sense from another world and era. Moreover this was a strange friendship as I did not know any other Tibetan and yet we could converse banal things and when we were quieter it was possible (infrequently) to have intimate spiritual discussion without any external aid. As I got to know him more I was left with no choice but to christen him as ‘Magic Lama’. Even today I vividly remember him mentioning that we usually start our spiritual journey with meditation systems that are rooted in compassion, but as one matures in faith and understanding, the inner demons opposed to spiritual attainment also become more powerful. To come out victorious and transcend all barriers one may be called to explore and practice wrathful Sadhana for the attainment of lasting peace and complete deliverance of mind. One of his parting gifts to me was an amulet to hang in my car and I could not instantaneously relate to the image of the deity on it – who looked more like a demon and I struggled to pronounce his name right. To simplify things the complicated God ‘Pehar’ was referred to me as a Tibetan deity for protection and I do believe ‘Pehar’ had come to me at a time when I needed him the most. As I started to read The Dalai Lama and the Nechung Oracle, to my surprise, the first chapter turned out to be all about Pehar, his genesis, transformation, relationship with other Gods, wrathful nature, and occult powers. Tibetan myths and practices tend to challenge all pre conceived notions and the author Christopher Bell, has made no attempt to present any concept in a palatable manner for more refined sensibilities. Bell has presented after considerable research, divergent and also conflicting perspectives on the origin of complicated God (Pehar) and the role he plays as a protective spirit in Tibet, anointed and appointed by the Tantric Guru Padmasambhava.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"14 1","pages":"386 - 388"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43255054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the rising global popularity of Hallyu or the Korean wave, various K-cultures, one of them being K-Fashion, are fascinating the world. This research aimed to examine what are some perceptions that form and complete the idea of K-Fashion. By analyzing the open-coded data from the in-depth group interviews based on the grounded theory with 46 participants from 16 countries excluding Korea, by breaking down the raw data of the interview transcripts, 10 superordinate themes and 38 subordinate themes were found under the 2 categories. The first category consisting of 3 superordinate themes was named ‘dynamic and diverse’, reflecting the dynamically evolving and diverse nature of K-Fashion, and the second category with 7 superordinate themes was identified as ‘double-sided and ambiguous’. The study outlines the thematic components that forms the idea of K-Fashion, which has been a neglected research subject despite its importance in the fast-evolving and growing world of Hallyu.
{"title":"What is K-Fashion? Understanding Thematic Components of the Idea of K-Fashion","authors":"Han Bin Yoo, Jisoo Ha","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n2p21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n2p21","url":null,"abstract":"With the rising global popularity of Hallyu or the Korean wave, various K-cultures, one of them being K-Fashion, are fascinating the world. This research aimed to examine what are some perceptions that form and complete the idea of K-Fashion. By analyzing the open-coded data from the in-depth group interviews based on the grounded theory with 46 participants from 16 countries excluding Korea, by breaking down the raw data of the interview transcripts, 10 superordinate themes and 38 subordinate themes were found under the 2 categories. The first category consisting of 3 superordinate themes was named ‘dynamic and diverse’, reflecting the dynamically evolving and diverse nature of K-Fashion, and the second category with 7 superordinate themes was identified as ‘double-sided and ambiguous’. The study outlines the thematic components that forms the idea of K-Fashion, which has been a neglected research subject despite its importance in the fast-evolving and growing world of Hallyu.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85652148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study examines the structure of Srōš Bāǰ Avesta, which forms the first part of the Zoroastrian prayer, in order to determine its different parts and how to construct it. The Zoroastrian prayer was created by Zoroastrian religious leaders, and over time Zoroastrian religious leaders added things to it or subtracted things from it. In this research, it will be determined from which part of the Avesta each part of Srōš bāǰ was taken and which parts were made by Zoroastrian religious leaders and included in this Avesta. In this article, both Iranian Srōš Bāǰ and Indian Srōš Bāǰ will be examined and analyzed in order to determine the structure of each one from which part of the Avesta it is taken from. Based on the findings of this research, Indian Srōš Bāǰ has parts of Avesta that Iranian Srōš Bāǰ does not have. Also, Indian Srōš Bāǰ has two parts in Pārsī Gujarātī language and Iranian Srōš Bāǰ has a part in Persian language. The results obtained from this research show that Pārsīs of India read Srōš Bāǰ in a different way at the beginning of their prayers, and Pārsī religious leaders have added parts to it to complete Srōš Bāǰ.The author of this article is one of the Iranian Zoroastrians and is fully acquainted with the prayers of the Pārsīs of India and the Pārsī Gujarātī language.
{"title":"Construction Analysis of “Srōš Bāǰ”: The Opening Part of the Zoroastrian Prayer","authors":"Poorchista Goshtasbi Ardakany","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n1p111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p111","url":null,"abstract":"The present study examines the structure of Srōš Bāǰ Avesta, which forms the first part of the Zoroastrian prayer, in order to determine its different parts and how to construct it. The Zoroastrian prayer was created by Zoroastrian religious leaders, and over time Zoroastrian religious leaders added things to it or subtracted things from it. In this research, it will be determined from which part of the Avesta each part of Srōš bāǰ was taken and which parts were made by Zoroastrian religious leaders and included in this Avesta. In this article, both Iranian Srōš Bāǰ and Indian Srōš Bāǰ will be examined and analyzed in order to determine the structure of each one from which part of the Avesta it is taken from. Based on the findings of this research, Indian Srōš Bāǰ has parts of Avesta that Iranian Srōš Bāǰ does not have. Also, Indian Srōš Bāǰ has two parts in Pārsī Gujarātī language and Iranian Srōš Bāǰ has a part in Persian language. The results obtained from this research show that Pārsīs of India read Srōš Bāǰ in a different way at the beginning of their prayers, and Pārsī religious leaders have added parts to it to complete Srōš Bāǰ.The author of this article is one of the Iranian Zoroastrians and is fully acquainted with the prayers of the Pārsīs of India and the Pārsī Gujarātī language.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84890160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E. Yulianto, P. Putra, S. H. Nugroho, Y. Sudrajat, A. Riyanto, Yuka N. Cahyaningtyas, Januar Ridwan, Amar
The Batu Kalde Site is a ruin of Hindu Temple in Pangandaran, West Java, Indonesia. Despite it has been reported since 1915 and subsequently studied by several archaeological teams, a lot of aspects including geoarchaeology of this temple are still unrevealed. This preliminary study was an overview of general aspects of geoarchaeology of the temple. The result shows that the temple was constructed before the 14th century by a population of farmers and fishermen lived on the fertile coastal plain of Pangandaran in south coast of Java Island. The temple was constructed in a narrow coastal plain of a small island on a Quaternary marine sediment offshore of the present Pangandaran coast. The existing tombolo morphology of Penanjung has not been completely formed when the temple was being constructed. The temple was constructed using bedded sandstone of the Pamutuan Formation quarried from outcrops in the vicinity of the temple. This study shows that utilization of materials from local available resource might have been a model of temple construction within the classical period in the period of between the 7-14th century in West Java, Indonesia.
Batu Kalde遗址是印度尼西亚西爪哇邦干达兰的印度教寺庙遗址。尽管自1915年以来就有报道，随后又有几个考古小组对其进行了研究，但这座寺庙的许多方面，包括地质考古学，仍然没有揭示出来。这项初步研究是对寺庙地质考古的一般方面的概述。结果表明，这座寺庙是在14世纪之前由居住在爪哇岛南部海岸肥沃的Pangandaran沿海平原上的农民和渔民建造的。这座寺庙建在一个小岛的一个狭窄的沿海平原上，位于现在的庞干达兰海岸的第四纪海洋沉积物上。在建寺的时候，毗南中现存的碑文形态还没有完全形成。这座寺庙是用从寺庙附近的露头开采的帕木团组的层状砂岩建造的。这项研究表明，在印度尼西亚西爪哇7-14世纪的古典时期，利用当地可用资源的材料可能是寺庙建设的一种模式。
{"title":"Preliminary Study on Geoarchaeology of the Batu Kalde Temple, Pangandaran, West Java, Indonesia","authors":"E. Yulianto, P. Putra, S. H. Nugroho, Y. Sudrajat, A. Riyanto, Yuka N. Cahyaningtyas, Januar Ridwan, Amar","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n1p99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p99","url":null,"abstract":"The Batu Kalde Site is a ruin of Hindu Temple in Pangandaran, West Java, Indonesia. Despite it has been reported since 1915 and subsequently studied by several archaeological teams, a lot of aspects including geoarchaeology of this temple are still unrevealed. This preliminary study was an overview of general aspects of geoarchaeology of the temple. The result shows that the temple was constructed before the 14th century by a population of farmers and fishermen lived on the fertile coastal plain of Pangandaran in south coast of Java Island. The temple was constructed in a narrow coastal plain of a small island on a Quaternary marine sediment offshore of the present Pangandaran coast. The existing tombolo morphology of Penanjung has not been completely formed when the temple was being constructed. The temple was constructed using bedded sandstone of the Pamutuan Formation quarried from outcrops in the vicinity of the temple. This study shows that utilization of materials from local available resource might have been a model of temple construction within the classical period in the period of between the 7-14th century in West Java, Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"169 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82437996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Baduy Tribe in Kanekes Village, Banten Province, Indonesia, is one of the ethnic communities that still actively follow the customary law. Baduy Tribe consists of two groups, namely Inner Baduy and Outer Baduy, with Inner Baduy people often said to be the more earnest practitioner. Their customary law is called pikukuh, which is the set of rules and guidelines derived from the animism belief of Sunda Wiwitan. In general, the core of pikukuh is to control the relationship between human and nature through strictly forbidding the Baduy to change the environment. The pikukuh is also used as the base of hierarchy between each zone within the village. It shows that there are three zones exist in Kanekes Village, which influence the hierarchy between the Inner Baduy and Outer Baduy hamlets. However, the two groups of hamlets are not separate entities. The relationship between Inner and Outer Baduy hamlets is connected through marriage, making the community sustained for a hundred years. Therefore, to preserve the vernacular architecture of Baduy Tribe, it is also necessary to understand the system within the community.
{"title":"Hierarchy and Relationship of Hamlets: The Case of Baduy Tribe, Indonesia","authors":"Fairuz Alfira, Y. Uekita","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n1p91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p91","url":null,"abstract":"Baduy Tribe in Kanekes Village, Banten Province, Indonesia, is one of the ethnic communities that still actively follow the customary law. Baduy Tribe consists of two groups, namely Inner Baduy and Outer Baduy, with Inner Baduy people often said to be the more earnest practitioner. Their customary law is called pikukuh, which is the set of rules and guidelines derived from the animism belief of Sunda Wiwitan. In general, the core of pikukuh is to control the relationship between human and nature through strictly forbidding the Baduy to change the environment. The pikukuh is also used as the base of hierarchy between each zone within the village. It shows that there are three zones exist in Kanekes Village, which influence the hierarchy between the Inner Baduy and Outer Baduy hamlets. However, the two groups of hamlets are not separate entities. The relationship between Inner and Outer Baduy hamlets is connected through marriage, making the community sustained for a hundred years. Therefore, to preserve the vernacular architecture of Baduy Tribe, it is also necessary to understand the system within the community.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"33 6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78549145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Papermaking is one of the four great inventions of ancient China and embodies centuries of wisdom. In the Zeya highlands, northwest of Wenzhou, handmade paper production became the pillar of the local economy during the last century. However, due to industrialization, the demand for traditional handmade paper has significantly decreased, and many papermaking workshops have had to shut down. Today, villagers mainly use Zeya bamboo paper for less noble purposes, such as draft paper. New applications for such culturally-rich material have to be envisioned. This manuscript discusses the Zeya Paper Reborn project, which is committed to showing the appeal of Zeya traditional paper through the design of modern Chinese lamps. The bamboo paper is combined with various materials, taking advantage of past and present aesthetics in an attempt to revitalize the local industry. A series of five lamps and an exhibition resulted from one year of study and practice. These design products are meaningful because they respect the regional tradition while adding a touch of modernity. The authors also discuss the project’s meaning, results, challenges, and limits. This essay will be of interest to design researchers and practitioners looking for novel approaches to preserve and promulgate Chinese intangible cultural heritage.
{"title":"Zeya Paper Reborn: Designing Modern Chinese Lamps Using Traditional Bamboo Paper in Wenzhou, China","authors":"Maurizio Vrenna, Mengxi Cui","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n1p76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p76","url":null,"abstract":"Papermaking is one of the four great inventions of ancient China and embodies centuries of wisdom. In the Zeya highlands, northwest of Wenzhou, handmade paper production became the pillar of the local economy during the last century. However, due to industrialization, the demand for traditional handmade paper has significantly decreased, and many papermaking workshops have had to shut down. Today, villagers mainly use Zeya bamboo paper for less noble purposes, such as draft paper. New applications for such culturally-rich material have to be envisioned. This manuscript discusses the Zeya Paper Reborn project, which is committed to showing the appeal of Zeya traditional paper through the design of modern Chinese lamps. The bamboo paper is combined with various materials, taking advantage of past and present aesthetics in an attempt to revitalize the local industry. A series of five lamps and an exhibition resulted from one year of study and practice. These design products are meaningful because they respect the regional tradition while adding a touch of modernity. The authors also discuss the project’s meaning, results, challenges, and limits. This essay will be of interest to design researchers and practitioners looking for novel approaches to preserve and promulgate Chinese intangible cultural heritage.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78664604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this research, the journey of mowbed Kird-īr to heaven will be investigated. Kird-īr was a great Sassanid priest who has mentioned the description of his ascension in two of his inscriptions. These two inscriptions are Naqsh-i Rostam (KNRm) and Sar Mashhad (KSM). According to the findings of this research, after examining all the events that happened in the ascension of Kird-īr, it was determined that this ascension was based on Mani’s religion. As it can be seen from the existing Manichaean texts, this ascension describes the events that happen to the soul of a righteous person after death in the Manichaean religion. According to the available documents, Kird-īr was the leader of Mazda-worshipper religion. He was from the royal family and from the Greater Khorasan, Wakhan region.
{"title":"Solving the Mystery of Mowbed Kird-īr’s Journey to Heaven","authors":"Poorchista Goshtasbi Ardakany","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n2p1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n2p1","url":null,"abstract":"In this research, the journey of mowbed Kird-īr to heaven will be investigated. Kird-īr was a great Sassanid priest who has mentioned the description of his ascension in two of his inscriptions. These two inscriptions are Naqsh-i Rostam (KNRm) and Sar Mashhad (KSM). According to the findings of this research, after examining all the events that happened in the ascension of Kird-īr, it was determined that this ascension was based on Mani’s religion. As it can be seen from the existing Manichaean texts, this ascension describes the events that happen to the soul of a righteous person after death in the Manichaean religion. According to the available documents, Kird-īr was the leader of Mazda-worshipper religion. He was from the royal family and from the Greater Khorasan, Wakhan region.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81678081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bawömataluo village, which is located in Nias Island, Indonesia, is among the most important National Cultural Properties. The village has the highest number of surviving traditional houses in one village in Indonesia (53% left – Fanitra Pedi A., 2017, p. 64). The architecture is considered to be the finest artistic masterpiece in Indonesia. The change of agriculture type in the 20th century and vast improvement of infrastructure in the 21st century cause poverty and bring difficulties in sustaining the cultural property. Villagers modify their houses by replacing some of the building materials with the ones that are more economical in price, but this contributes to the destruction of the original structure. Most Nias villagers still want to stay in their traditional houses. But, due to the maintenance funding problem and introduction to healthy houses in the 20th century, some materials were changed into industrial materials and some parts were damaged. There is an initiative to use traditional house/omo hada as a homestay program which allows villagers to have a close contact with local and international tourists and earn more income. This research observed 30 omo hada and took two samples for a deeper space understanding. This paper tries to investigate activities in the two samples of omo hada with and without homestay activities. The investigation finds out that tawolo (communal space that is located at the front of the house) is a frequently used space which occupies 40% area of the second floor and föröma (private space that is located at the back of the house) is the least used space with 60% area of the second floor which is suitable for adaptive reuse in omo hada.
Bawömataluo村位于印度尼西亚尼亚斯岛，是最重要的国家文化遗产之一。该村是印度尼西亚一个村庄中幸存的传统房屋数量最多的村庄(53%)- Fanitra Pedi A.， 2017, p. 64)。该建筑被认为是印尼最好的艺术杰作。20世纪农业类型的变化和21世纪基础设施的巨大改善造成了贫困，给文化财产的延续带来了困难。村民们通过更换一些价格更经济的建筑材料来改造他们的房子，但这导致了原有结构的破坏。大多数尼亚斯村民仍然希望留在他们的传统房子里。但是，由于20世纪的维修资金问题和健康房屋的引入，一些材料变成了工业材料，一些部件被损坏。有一项倡议是利用传统的房屋/omo hada作为民宿项目，使村民能够与当地和国际游客密切接触，并获得更多收入。本次研究观测了30颗哈达，并采集了两个样本，以加深对空间的了解。本文试图对有寄宿家庭活动和没有寄宿家庭活动的两个样本进行调查。调查发现tawolo(位于房子前面的公共空间)是一个经常使用的空间，占据了二层40%的面积，föröma(位于房子后面的私人空间)是最少使用的空间，占二层60%的面积，适合在omo hada进行适应性再利用。
{"title":"Adaptive Reuse of Vernacular Architecture for Conservation in Indonesia: Case Study of South Nias Village, Bawömataluo Conservation Project","authors":"Fanitra Pedi Atmanti, Y. Uekita","doi":"10.5539/ach.v15n1p64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v15n1p64","url":null,"abstract":"Bawömataluo village, which is located in Nias Island, Indonesia, is among the most important National Cultural Properties. The village has the highest number of surviving traditional houses in one village in Indonesia (53% left – Fanitra Pedi A., 2017, p. 64). The architecture is considered to be the finest artistic masterpiece in Indonesia. The change of agriculture type in the 20th century and vast improvement of infrastructure in the 21st century cause poverty and bring difficulties in sustaining the cultural property. Villagers modify their houses by replacing some of the building materials with the ones that are more economical in price, but this contributes to the destruction of the original structure. Most Nias villagers still want to stay in their traditional houses. But, due to the maintenance funding problem and introduction to healthy houses in the 20th century, some materials were changed into industrial materials and some parts were damaged. There is an initiative to use traditional house/omo hada as a homestay program which allows villagers to have a close contact with local and international tourists and earn more income. This research observed 30 omo hada and took two samples for a deeper space understanding. This paper tries to investigate activities in the two samples of omo hada with and without homestay activities. The investigation finds out that tawolo (communal space that is located at the front of the house) is a frequently used space which occupies 40% area of the second floor and föröma (private space that is located at the back of the house) is the least used space with 60% area of the second floor which is suitable for adaptive reuse in omo hada.","PeriodicalId":43902,"journal":{"name":"South Asian History and Culture","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89389972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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