Background: Arteriovenous fistula-related self-care behaviors, self-care agency and health literacy are important for vascular access patency, which is vital in the continuation of hemodialysis treatment. The purpose of this study was to determine the arteriovenous fistula-related self-care behaviors of patients receiving chronic hemodialysis treatment and the relationship between these behaviors and their health literacy and self-care agency levels.
Methods: In this descriptive correlational study, the data were collected from 216 chronic hemodialysis patients.
Results: The rate of the patients who had good self-care behaviors levels was 83.96%. The sociodemographic variables that were significantly related to AVF-related self-care behaviors were education, employment status and age. It was found that the patients who had had AVF for a longer time had better self-care behaviors regarding their management of symptoms and findings (p < 0.05). As the self-care agency of the patients (r = 0.612, p < 0.001) and their health literacy (r = 0.421, p < 0.001) increased, their AVF-related self-care behaviors also increased.
Conclusion: Age, education status, health literacy and self-care agency were identified to affect AVF-related self-care behaviors.
背景：动静脉内瘘相关的自我护理行为、自我护理机构和健康素养对血管通路的通畅非常重要，而血管通路的通畅对血液透析治疗的持续至关重要。本研究旨在确定接受慢性血液透析治疗的患者与动静脉内瘘相关的自我护理行为，以及这些行为与他们的健康素养和自我护理代理水平之间的关系：在这项描述性相关研究中，收集了216名慢性血液透析患者的数据：结果：具有良好自我护理行为水平的患者比例为 83.96%。与 AVF 相关自我护理行为显著相关的社会人口学变量是教育程度、就业状况和年龄。研究发现，房室颤动病程较长的患者在处理症状和检查结果方面有较好的自我护理行为（p r = 0.612，p r = 0.421，p 结论：年龄、教育状况、健康素养、健康教育和自我护理行为与房室颤动相关的自我护理行为有明显的相关性：研究发现，年龄、教育状况、健康知识和自我护理机构会影响与 AVF 相关的自我护理行为。
{"title":"Arteriovenous fistula self-care behaviors in patients receiving hemodialysis treatment: Association with health literacy and self-care agency.","authors":"Elif Bulbul, Meryem Yildiz Ayvaz, Tugba Yeni, Sevda Turen, Sevda Efil","doi":"10.1177/11297298221086180","DOIUrl":"10.1177/11297298221086180","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Arteriovenous fistula-related self-care behaviors, self-care agency and health literacy are important for vascular access patency, which is vital in the continuation of hemodialysis treatment. The purpose of this study was to determine the arteriovenous fistula-related self-care behaviors of patients receiving chronic hemodialysis treatment and the relationship between these behaviors and their health literacy and self-care agency levels.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>In this descriptive correlational study, the data were collected from 216 chronic hemodialysis patients.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>The rate of the patients who had good self-care behaviors levels was 83.96%. The sociodemographic variables that were significantly related to AVF-related self-care behaviors were education, employment status and age. It was found that the patients who had had AVF for a longer time had better self-care behaviors regarding their management of symptoms and findings (<i>p</i> < 0.05). As the self-care agency of the patients (<i>r</i> = 0.612, <i>p</i> < 0.001) and their health literacy (<i>r</i> = 0.421, <i>p</i> < 0.001) increased, their AVF-related self-care behaviors also increased.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Age, education status, health literacy and self-care agency were identified to affect AVF-related self-care behaviors.</p>","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"41 1","pages":"1358-1364"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83090769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The cult of Mary Magdalene came relatively late to northwestern Iberia, after having been dispersed through the rest of continental Europe in the early Middle Ages. The earliest evidence for the cult comes from the kingdoms of León, Castile, and Galicia in the second half of the eleventh century, during the reign of Alfonso VI (r. 1065/72–1109). His promotion of the Gregorian reform opened up Iberia to the rest of the Continent. The arrival of a more complex liturgical sensibility led to the restructuring of pre-Romanesque architectural spaces through the use of iconography and powerful visual dialectics unprecedented in local culture. This article considers the staging of the figure of Mary Magdalene in León-Castile-Galicia in some of the most important architectural landmarks that have survived to this day, from Santiago de Compostela to Silos.
{"title":"Touching the Magdalene: The Cult of Mary Magdalene in Iberia in the Central Middle Ages","authors":"José Luis Senra","doi":"10.1086/726039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/726039","url":null,"abstract":"The cult of Mary Magdalene came relatively late to northwestern Iberia, after having been dispersed through the rest of continental Europe in the early Middle Ages. The earliest evidence for the cult comes from the kingdoms of León, Castile, and Galicia in the second half of the eleventh century, during the reign of Alfonso VI (r. 1065/72–1109). His promotion of the Gregorian reform opened up Iberia to the rest of the Continent. The arrival of a more complex liturgical sensibility led to the restructuring of pre-Romanesque architectural spaces through the use of iconography and powerful visual dialectics unprecedented in local culture. This article considers the staging of the figure of Mary Magdalene in León-Castile-Galicia in some of the most important architectural landmarks that have survived to this day, from Santiago de Compostela to Silos.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135735944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sometime around the mid-twelfth century, two antique structures in Tǝgray, Ethiopia’s northernmost province, appear to have been converted into churches or otherwise reconsecrated. One was a temple dedicated to the south Arabian sun god Almaqah in Yǝḥa from 800 BCE, while the other was an anonymous palace plinth from the sixth century near the contemporary village of ‘Addi Awona. The churches that took over these structures went on to serve important functions in this burgeoning kingdom. The palace plinth became the seat of the Ethiopian metropolitan installed from Egypt, while the Yǝḥa temple later became a church associated with the legendary sixth-century Byzantine missionary Afṣe.The decision to appropriate these monumental structures for use as churches in the twelfth century is anomalous but, as I argue here, constitutes material evidence of a general political centralization, re-Christianization, and reintegration into world trade that characterized the period we now call Zagwe (eleventh to thirteenth centuries). Because all these phenomena had been in flux, the change in the Zagwe period was seen by ecclesiastics in Ethiopia as well as Coptic Christians in Egypt as a restoration of past glories akin to those of Constantine in Rome, especially the apocryphal Constantine found in Coptic martyr literature. The construction of five-aisled basilicas specifically in sites understood as ancient therefore yielded platforms with which to parallel this Christian transformation.
{"title":"An African “Constantine” in the Twelfth Century: The Architecture of the Early Zagwe Dynasty and Egyptian Episcopal Authority","authors":"Mikael Muehlbauer","doi":"10.1086/725791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725791","url":null,"abstract":"Sometime around the mid-twelfth century, two antique structures in Tǝgray, Ethiopia’s northernmost province, appear to have been converted into churches or otherwise reconsecrated. One was a temple dedicated to the south Arabian sun god Almaqah in Yǝḥa from 800 BCE, while the other was an anonymous palace plinth from the sixth century near the contemporary village of ‘Addi Awona. The churches that took over these structures went on to serve important functions in this burgeoning kingdom. The palace plinth became the seat of the Ethiopian metropolitan installed from Egypt, while the Yǝḥa temple later became a church associated with the legendary sixth-century Byzantine missionary Afṣe.The decision to appropriate these monumental structures for use as churches in the twelfth century is anomalous but, as I argue here, constitutes material evidence of a general political centralization, re-Christianization, and reintegration into world trade that characterized the period we now call Zagwe (eleventh to thirteenth centuries). Because all these phenomena had been in flux, the change in the Zagwe period was seen by ecclesiastics in Ethiopia as well as Coptic Christians in Egypt as a restoration of past glories akin to those of Constantine in Rome, especially the apocryphal Constantine found in Coptic martyr literature. The construction of five-aisled basilicas specifically in sites understood as ancient therefore yielded platforms with which to parallel this Christian transformation.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135735942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The capital known as La Dispute in the Musée Sainte-Croix, Poitiers, is one of the earliest and most celebrated single works of Romanesque sculpture. It depicts a pair of men with women restraining them on either side, wielding billhooks, butting heads, and pulling each other’s beards. Efforts to clarify its meaning frequently cite the inscription beneath a second image of beard-pulling in the famed Beatus of Saint-Sever: Frontibus attritis barbas conscindere fas est, a text long regarded as mocking nonsense intended to gloss a ludicrous, profane subject. I argue that modern readers have simply failed to recognize the metaphoric significance of the expression “frontibus attritis,” identical in meaning to the modern English expression “bald-faced,” signifying “shameless.” The text and its visualizations preserve a proverb on false witness that held legal-sacramental significance in relation to aspects of legal feud and dispute: “The bald-faced may pluck beards,” meaning that the shameless might act in ways that honor forbids. This proverb clarifies depictions of bald-faced beard-pullers associated with other eleventh-century monuments of canonical importance, including in the basilica of Saint-Sernin in Toulouse and the pictorial vita of Saint Albinus from Saint-Aubin d’Angers. Together, these are archetypes of what I call “witness images,” a species of pictorial oath-helper that has yet to be described. In short, the images are ornaments of legal-sacramental speech and ritual as well as attributes of monuments that were conceived as sites of testimony and oath-taking and useful to the credibility of such oaths and witness.
{"title":"Witness Images and Oath-Stones: On Law and Pictorial Culture in the Eleventh Century","authors":"Peter Scott Brown","doi":"10.1086/725872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725872","url":null,"abstract":"The capital known as La Dispute in the Musée Sainte-Croix, Poitiers, is one of the earliest and most celebrated single works of Romanesque sculpture. It depicts a pair of men with women restraining them on either side, wielding billhooks, butting heads, and pulling each other’s beards. Efforts to clarify its meaning frequently cite the inscription beneath a second image of beard-pulling in the famed Beatus of Saint-Sever: Frontibus attritis barbas conscindere fas est, a text long regarded as mocking nonsense intended to gloss a ludicrous, profane subject. I argue that modern readers have simply failed to recognize the metaphoric significance of the expression “frontibus attritis,” identical in meaning to the modern English expression “bald-faced,” signifying “shameless.” The text and its visualizations preserve a proverb on false witness that held legal-sacramental significance in relation to aspects of legal feud and dispute: “The bald-faced may pluck beards,” meaning that the shameless might act in ways that honor forbids. This proverb clarifies depictions of bald-faced beard-pullers associated with other eleventh-century monuments of canonical importance, including in the basilica of Saint-Sernin in Toulouse and the pictorial vita of Saint Albinus from Saint-Aubin d’Angers. Together, these are archetypes of what I call “witness images,” a species of pictorial oath-helper that has yet to be described. In short, the images are ornaments of legal-sacramental speech and ritual as well as attributes of monuments that were conceived as sites of testimony and oath-taking and useful to the credibility of such oaths and witness.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135736159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An examination of the art and the textual evidence surrounding the cult of Saint Demetrios in Thessaloniki reveals that early Byzantine veneration of Demetrios prioritized the sense of vision as a means of engaging with the saint and emphasized the human ability to perceive the divine with the spiritual senses. Thessalonian clerical and administrative elites, needing to articulate alternative ways to attain closeness with their saint when his bodily relics could not be accessed, promoted views of matter and the senses exemplified in the mosaics of Hagios Demetrios. With the appearance of myron (a combination of perfumed oil and blood) at Demetrios’s shrine in the middle Byzantine era, possibly prompted by competition from rival saints, the cult rapidly refocused veneration toward this bodily relic and desire for physical contact with it. The dramatic change of emphasis from the visual and immaterial to the tactile and material as the basis for communicating with the saint is expressed in the design of reliquaries made to house this myron, which assert that vision is no longer sufficient to gain communion with the saint. The two groups of artworks—the early mosaics and the later reliquaries—provide differing sensory paradigms that guide their beholders and users toward the correct way to experience the divine. Through an analysis of the cult of Demetrios, this article seeks to nuance our understanding of the role of art, relics, and the senses in medieval saints’ cults.
{"title":"Art, Relics, and the Senses in the Cult of Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki","authors":"Katherine Taronas","doi":"10.1086/725871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725871","url":null,"abstract":"An examination of the art and the textual evidence surrounding the cult of Saint Demetrios in Thessaloniki reveals that early Byzantine veneration of Demetrios prioritized the sense of vision as a means of engaging with the saint and emphasized the human ability to perceive the divine with the spiritual senses. Thessalonian clerical and administrative elites, needing to articulate alternative ways to attain closeness with their saint when his bodily relics could not be accessed, promoted views of matter and the senses exemplified in the mosaics of Hagios Demetrios. With the appearance of myron (a combination of perfumed oil and blood) at Demetrios’s shrine in the middle Byzantine era, possibly prompted by competition from rival saints, the cult rapidly refocused veneration toward this bodily relic and desire for physical contact with it. The dramatic change of emphasis from the visual and immaterial to the tactile and material as the basis for communicating with the saint is expressed in the design of reliquaries made to house this myron, which assert that vision is no longer sufficient to gain communion with the saint. The two groups of artworks—the early mosaics and the later reliquaries—provide differing sensory paradigms that guide their beholders and users toward the correct way to experience the divine. Through an analysis of the cult of Demetrios, this article seeks to nuance our understanding of the role of art, relics, and the senses in medieval saints’ cults.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135736150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The fourteenth-century English Psalter known as the Macclesfield Psalter (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 1–2005) features numerous love scenes in the bas-de-page. Most appear at standard psalm openings below elaborate historiated initials, which usually frame scenes from the life of King David. This essay argues that these amatory motifs work in tandem with the adjacent biblical iconography to make pointed statements about the dangers of unsanctioned sex and lustful behavior. They achieve this through the choice of biblical event, new iconographic interpretations—of both the biblical and secular material—and various pictorial strategies. A comparison between the manuscript’s innovative love designs and stock motifs, such as on Gothic ivories and in manuscript illumination, reveals not only the inventiveness of the book’s designer but also an intention to manipulate this visual tradition for a specific purpose. Neither the book’s commissioner nor intended audience is known. This essay argues that an as-yet-unidentified woman in the orbit of the earls of Arundel and Surrey might have requested the book for a young man and that she worked with a Dominican advisor to create the book’s lavish visual cycle.
{"title":"Making and Unmaking Love in the Macclesfield Psalter","authors":"P. Carns","doi":"10.1086/723204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/723204","url":null,"abstract":"The fourteenth-century English Psalter known as the Macclesfield Psalter (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 1–2005) features numerous love scenes in the bas-de-page. Most appear at standard psalm openings below elaborate historiated initials, which usually frame scenes from the life of King David. This essay argues that these amatory motifs work in tandem with the adjacent biblical iconography to make pointed statements about the dangers of unsanctioned sex and lustful behavior. They achieve this through the choice of biblical event, new iconographic interpretations—of both the biblical and secular material—and various pictorial strategies. A comparison between the manuscript’s innovative love designs and stock motifs, such as on Gothic ivories and in manuscript illumination, reveals not only the inventiveness of the book’s designer but also an intention to manipulate this visual tradition for a specific purpose. Neither the book’s commissioner nor intended audience is known. This essay argues that an as-yet-unidentified woman in the orbit of the earls of Arundel and Surrey might have requested the book for a young man and that she worked with a Dominican advisor to create the book’s lavish visual cycle.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"62 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46052962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the development of the Rule-giving image of the Augustinian friars through its most sophisticated surviving example, the initial of a finely illuminated late-duecento gradual (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS Charles Fairfax Murray 5). In addition to revealing the Augustinian patronage behind the creation of the manuscript, I analyze the iconographical, liturgical, and political context of the Rule-giving scene. The unique features of the illumination shed new light on the early cult of saints of the Augustinian friars, their special devotion to Saint Augustine, and the unconventional use of apocalyptic imagery. I argue that the manuscript was created in an Augustinian convent in the 1280s–90s, when the order was threatened with suppression due to its lack of antiquity. To refute this accusation, the order claimed Saint Augustine as its founding father. This study suggests this assertion was first made significantly earlier than has been assumed and that the Rule-giving image promoted a direct connection between Saint Augustine and the Augustinian friars. The illumination in the Fitzwilliam gradual bears witness to the development of the order’s self-confidence and shows how commissioning artworks could serve as a powerful tool for dealing with political tribulations. Ultimately, my study contributes to a better understanding of the collaboration of text, liturgy, and image in the Augustinian gradual and illuminates the role of artistic patronage in promoting origin stories for new religious institutions.
{"title":"Forging the Augustinian Past: The Rule-Giving of Saint Augustine in a Duecento Gradual","authors":"Krisztina Ilko","doi":"10.1086/723217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/723217","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the development of the Rule-giving image of the Augustinian friars through its most sophisticated surviving example, the initial of a finely illuminated late-duecento gradual (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS Charles Fairfax Murray 5). In addition to revealing the Augustinian patronage behind the creation of the manuscript, I analyze the iconographical, liturgical, and political context of the Rule-giving scene. The unique features of the illumination shed new light on the early cult of saints of the Augustinian friars, their special devotion to Saint Augustine, and the unconventional use of apocalyptic imagery. I argue that the manuscript was created in an Augustinian convent in the 1280s–90s, when the order was threatened with suppression due to its lack of antiquity. To refute this accusation, the order claimed Saint Augustine as its founding father. This study suggests this assertion was first made significantly earlier than has been assumed and that the Rule-giving image promoted a direct connection between Saint Augustine and the Augustinian friars. The illumination in the Fitzwilliam gradual bears witness to the development of the order’s self-confidence and shows how commissioning artworks could serve as a powerful tool for dealing with political tribulations. Ultimately, my study contributes to a better understanding of the collaboration of text, liturgy, and image in the Augustinian gradual and illuminates the role of artistic patronage in promoting origin stories for new religious institutions.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"62 1","pages":"95 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45315290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The region of Palencia in northern Spain straddled an unstable border between medieval kingdoms. Within this territory of shifting allegiances, a group of churches features a curious variant of a common motif, traditionally identified as Samson fighting the lion. Carved capitals inside each church depict the familiar scene of a man wrestling a lion. However, in this Palencian group, additional assailants aggressively besiege the beast from both sides. The demise of the lion—its fearsome jaws wrenched open and rendered useless, claws immobilized, and tail severed by a sharp blade—overshadows the triumph of the hero. The iconographic variant, which proliferated across northern Palencia around the year 1200, seems to communicate a partisan message promulgated in the local community. The lion, representing the kingdom of León, is one of the earliest examples of heraldry, with the beast’s body serving as a proxy for the king’s body in visual culture. In this border zone between the warring kingdoms of León and Castile, the iconographical departure offers a political commentary, denouncing León as an enemy of the Church.
{"title":"Between Biblical and Political: The Subversion of Samson in Twelfth-Century León-Castile","authors":"Elizabeth Lastra","doi":"10.1086/723228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/723228","url":null,"abstract":"The region of Palencia in northern Spain straddled an unstable border between medieval kingdoms. Within this territory of shifting allegiances, a group of churches features a curious variant of a common motif, traditionally identified as Samson fighting the lion. Carved capitals inside each church depict the familiar scene of a man wrestling a lion. However, in this Palencian group, additional assailants aggressively besiege the beast from both sides. The demise of the lion—its fearsome jaws wrenched open and rendered useless, claws immobilized, and tail severed by a sharp blade—overshadows the triumph of the hero. The iconographic variant, which proliferated across northern Palencia around the year 1200, seems to communicate a partisan message promulgated in the local community. The lion, representing the kingdom of León, is one of the earliest examples of heraldry, with the beast’s body serving as a proxy for the king’s body in visual culture. In this border zone between the warring kingdoms of León and Castile, the iconographical departure offers a political commentary, denouncing León as an enemy of the Church.","PeriodicalId":43922,"journal":{"name":"GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART","volume":"62 1","pages":"63 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43338844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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