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Back Matter 回到问题
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/703999
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引用次数: 0
Encounter: Louis Grodecki 遇见:路易斯·格罗德基
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698838
M. Caviness
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引用次数: 0
A Reconsideration of the Madaba Map 重新考虑马达巴地图
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698839
B. Leal
The mosaic map of Madaba, Jordan, has been attracting visitors and puzzling art historians since it was uncovered in the 1890s. The largest extant fragment of the map encompasses modern Jordan, Israel, the Palestinian territories, Lebanon, and parts of Egypt. It depicts rivers, mountains and deserts, villages and cities, and has more than 150 inscriptions that describe them. Previous analyses of the mosaic have been based on two assumptions: that it was designed for an early Byzantine church and that this supposed church was roughly similar in form to the nineteenth-century church that now houses the mosaic. On the basis of this presumed ecclesiastical context, the map has been interpreted either as a pilgrimage guide or as a unique expression of a Christian worldview, displaying all the sacred sites of the Holy Land with Jerusalem at the center. The mosaic does not fit well into a church setting, however, either physically or in terms of its content. It contains little overtly Christian imagery, and it does not resemble other Jordanian church floors in its composition, layout, choice of motifs, or use of inscriptions. In addition, it appears to have been designed for a hall with a north–south axis, not an east–west one. After laying out the case against an original church context, I argue that the map was instead designed for a secular hall, most likely one used for legal hearings, and then discuss some new ways of interpreting the architectural motifs on the map in light of this reading.
这幅约旦马达巴的马赛克地图自19世纪90年代被发现以来,一直吸引着游客,也让艺术史学家们感到困惑。现存最大的地图碎片包括现代约旦、以色列、巴勒斯坦领土、黎巴嫩和埃及的部分地区。它描绘了河流、山脉和沙漠、村庄和城市,并有150多个描述它们的铭文。之前对这幅马赛克的分析基于两个假设:一是它是为早期的拜占庭教堂设计的,二是这个被认为是为19世纪的教堂设计的,与现在收藏这幅马赛克的教堂在形式上大致相似。根据这种假定的教会背景,该地图被解释为朝圣指南或基督教世界观的独特表达,显示了以耶路撒冷为中心的圣地的所有神圣地点。然而,无论是从外观上还是从内容上看,马赛克都不太适合教堂的环境。它几乎没有明显的基督教图像,在构图、布局、主题选择或铭文的使用上,它与其他约旦教堂的地板不同。此外,它似乎被设计成一个南北轴线的大厅,而不是东西轴线。在对原始教堂背景进行了陈述之后,我认为地图是为世俗大厅设计的,很可能是用于法律听证会的大厅,然后根据这一阅读讨论了一些解释地图上建筑主题的新方法。
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引用次数: 9
The Enkolpion: Object, Agency, Self 《客体,代理,自我》
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698842
I. Drpić
The term enkolpion encompasses a broad category of objects—crosses, medallions adorned with Christian imagery, and miniature reliquaries, among others—worn around the neck. Protecting the wearer and providing a constant focus for prayer, enkolpia were arguably the most personal and intimate of all devotional artifacts in Byzantium. They were embraced at confession and appealed to in circumstances of danger and anxiety, intensely scrutinized, caressed, and kissed. Yet the agency of these diminutive objects was not limited to their basic religious function. Enkolpia actively participated in various forms of social interaction. They could serve as gifts, collaterals, and safe-conducts and, most important, operate as physical extensions of their owners. This article explores how the Byzantines used and related to devotional pectorals. It has two objectives: first, to recover the significance of enkolpia as a distinct category of objects; and second, to shed new light on the material culture of personal piety as a critical setting for the formation of subjectivity in Byzantium.
佩戴在脖子上的物品包括十字架、装饰有基督教图像的大奖章、微型圣物箱等。保护佩戴者并为祈祷提供持续的焦点,enkolia可以说是拜占庭所有虔诚文物中最私人和最亲密的。他们忏悔时被拥抱,在危险和焦虑的情况下被恳求,被仔细地审视,被爱抚,被亲吻。然而,这些小物件的作用并不局限于它们的基本宗教功能。斯洛文尼亚积极参加各种形式的社会交往。它们可以作为礼物、抵押品和安全行为,最重要的是,它们可以作为所有者的实体延伸。这篇文章探讨了拜占庭人如何使用和与虔诚的胸肌有关。它有两个目标:第一,恢复enkolpia作为一个独特的对象类别的意义;第二,重新阐释个人虔诚的物质文化作为拜占庭主体性形成的关键背景。
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引用次数: 2
The Rhetoric and Revelations of Scale at Lucera’s Fortress (1269–84): State Building in the Angevin Kingdom of Naples 卢塞拉要塞的修辞和规模揭示(1269-84):那不勒斯安茹王国的国家建筑
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698841
Alexander S. Harper
This article examines the fortress of Lucera in northern Apulia (1269–84) as a sign of state building in late medieval southern Italy. First, I assess the completed complex as a physical marker of Angevin territorial consolidation in the newly conquered Kingdom of Naples. Encompassing an area of approximately 49,000 square meters (about 12 acres) with two palaces, housing for Provençal settlers and their families, and facilities for soldiers, workers, royal administrators, and equipment, Lucera’s fortress is paradigmatic of Angevin construction, resettlement, and urban development patterns that connected territory in the kingdom politically, economically, and socially. Second, I consider how the process of construction employed at the fortress relied on the increasingly unified kingdom and the Angevin king Charles I’s firm control over integration. By examining the surviving documents related to the fortress’s construction as well as the physical remains, especially a 600-meter-long portion of the perimeter walls mentioned in the texts as the murus ex parte Florentini (i.e., facing toward the city of Fiorentino), I analyze the costs of construction and the sources of funds, the workers and materials needed and their origins, and the bureaucracy that the crown established for procuring funds, workers, and materials. I argue that Lucera’s fortress and Angevin architecture in general are embodiments of the Angevin state and demonstrate how examining Angevin history by means of its building fabric contributes to studies concerning the processes of medieval building construction, the role of architecture in late medieval political consolidation, and the examination of castle architecture beyond its military value.
本文考察了位于阿普利亚北部的Lucera堡垒(1269-84),它是中世纪晚期意大利南部国家建筑的标志。首先,我将完工的建筑群评估为新征服的那不勒斯王国安杰文领土巩固的物理标志。Lucera的堡垒占地约49000平方米(约12英亩),有两座宫殿,为普罗旺斯定居者及其家人提供住房,并为士兵、工人、皇家行政人员和设备提供设施,是Angevin建设、重新安置和城市发展模式的典范,这些模式在政治、经济、,以及社交。其次,我考虑了堡垒的建设过程是如何依赖于日益统一的王国和安杰文国王查理一世对一体化的坚定控制的。通过检查与堡垒建造有关的幸存文件以及实物遗迹,特别是文本中提到的600米长的围墙部分,即面朝佛罗伦萨市的弗洛伦蒂尼,我分析了建造成本和资金来源、所需的工人和材料及其来源,以及王室为获取资金、工人和材料而建立的官僚机构。我认为,卢切拉的堡垒和安杰文建筑总体上是安杰文国家的体现,并证明了通过其建筑结构来审视安杰文历史是如何有助于研究中世纪建筑建造过程、建筑在中世纪晚期政治巩固中的作用、,以及对城堡建筑超越其军事价值的审视。
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引用次数: 0
Front Cover 前盖
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/701038
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter Back Matter
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/701052
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引用次数: 0
Vision and Christomimesis in the Ruler Portrait of the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram 圣埃默拉姆金色手抄本的统治者肖像中的视觉和圣诞节
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698840
Riccardo Pizzinato
The Gospel book known to scholars as the Codex Aureus of St. Emmeram (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14000) is a lavishly decorated manuscript produced in 870 for the Carolingian king and subsequent emperor Charles the Bald (823–877). Although the manuscript has been much admired and its art frequently reproduced, many questions remain concerning the Codex Aureus and its miniatures, both individually and as parts of a program. This article examines the relationship between text and image in the two full-page miniatures, which represent the enthroned Charles the Bald facing an image of the twenty-four elders adoring the Lamb. It reads the illuminations as a diptych by looking at the writings of John Scotus, known as Eriugena (ca. 810–ca. 877), the poet, philosopher, and master of the school to whom the Codex Aureus’s captions have been attributed. By assimilating the king to Christ, the Word made flesh, the two-page opening captures the king’s imperial aspiration and related expectations for salvation. The miniatures not only compose a statement of ruler theology but also introduce Charles the Bald, who was the principal viewer of the manuscript, to a process of spiritual ascension through intellectual contemplation. This process was designed to elevate the king’s mind above the temporal world in order to accomplish a mystical union with God, a theosis.
学者们称之为圣埃默拉姆奥勒斯抄本(慕尼黑,Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 14000欧元)的福音书是870年为加洛林王朝国王和后来的皇帝秃头查理(823-877)制作的装饰华丽的手稿。尽管手稿备受推崇,其艺术作品也经常被复制,但关于《金色抄本》及其微缩模型,无论是单独的还是作为一个项目的一部分,仍然存在许多问题。这篇文章探讨了文本和图像之间的关系,在两个全页的微缩,这代表了加冕的秃头查理面对的形象,24个长老崇拜羔羊。它通过查看约翰·司各脱,即著名的埃留赫那(约810-ca。公元877年),诗人、哲学家和学派的大师,《奥勒斯抄本》的标题就是他写的。通过将国王与基督同化,上帝的话语成为肉身,这本两页的书的开头抓住了国王对帝国的渴望和对救赎的相关期望。这些微缩图不仅构成了统治者神学的陈述,而且还介绍了秃头查理,他是手稿的主要观众,通过智力思考的精神提升过程。这个过程是为了将国王的思想提升到世俗世界之上,以实现与上帝的神秘结合,即神化。
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引用次数: 3
Sta. Maria Maggiore and the Depiction of Holy Ground Plans in Late Medieval Italy Sta。玛利亚·马焦雷与中世纪晚期意大利圣地计划的描绘
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/698843
Lucy E G Donkin
Several medieval building miracles feature plans marked on the ground in dew or snow, which can be understood as acheiropoieta, works not made by human hands. Despite a textual tradition dating back to the ninth century, the earliest depiction of such a plan may be that in the late medieval facade mosaics of Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome. Three catalysts for this innovation are identified here: the legend, which combined a plan in snow and foundations that opened by themselves; institutional rivalry, as expressed in representations of church foundation and possession of miraculously created images; and increased ecclesiastical involvement in the initial stages of church construction, including delineating the foundations. In turn, the mosaics inspired further depictions of the miraculous plan and set a precedent for visualizing ground plans more widely in late medieval and early modern Italy, since illustrations of foundation rituals in pontificals arguably draw on images of the miracle of the snow. Examining this legendary and liturgical material together indicates that the plan and foundations of a church formed a key point of encounter between its construction and its spiritual significance. It also reveals a type of ground plan—an image of a plan marked on the ground—that can be distinguished in form and associations from other small-scale plans. Simple, schematic, and often cruciform, it was redolent of miraculous and sacred foundations. More broadly, the article demonstrates the potential of ephemeral marks on the ground to inform lasting visual and verbal representations in more conventional media.
一些中世纪建筑奇迹的特点是在地面上用露水或雪标记平面图,这可以理解为acheiropoieta,不是人手制作的作品。尽管文本传统可以追溯到九世纪,但对这种计划的最早描述可能是中世纪晚期斯塔的立面马赛克。玛丽亚·马焦雷在罗马。这里确定了这一创新的三个催化剂:传说,它结合了雪中的计划和自己打开的基金会;制度竞争,表现为对教会基础的表征和对奇迹般创造的图像的占有;以及在教堂建设的最初阶段,包括划定地基,增加了教会的参与。反过来,马赛克激发了对奇迹计划的进一步描绘,并开创了在中世纪晚期和现代早期更广泛地可视化平面图的先例,因为教皇的奠基仪式插图可以说是借鉴了雪的奇迹图像。将这些传奇和礼拜材料放在一起研究表明,教堂的计划和基础构成了其建筑与其精神意义之间的一个关键点。它还揭示了一种平面图——一种在地面上标记的平面图的图像——可以在形式和关联上与其他小规模平面图区分开来。它简单、示意,通常是十字形的,散发着神奇和神圣的基础的气息。更广泛地说,这篇文章展示了地面上短暂的标记在更传统的媒体中为持久的视觉和语言表达提供信息的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Art at the Millennium 千年艺术
IF 0.4 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-05-04 DOI: 10.4324/9780429495038-7
M. Stokstad
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引用次数: 0
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GESTA-INTERNATIONAL CENTER OF MEDIEVAL ART
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