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Killing a Cabby 杀死一个Cabby
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.127
B. Smith
This article looks at civil society in 1950s Mexico. To do so, it examines the popular responses to the murder of a local taxi driver, Juan Cereceres. It argues that both newspapers and civil-society organizations took the murder seriously, interrogated government findings, attempted to discover the real culprits, and sought a degree of justice. In all, the story asks historians to reassess both the extent and the force of civil society under the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI).
这篇文章着眼于20世纪50年代墨西哥的公民社会。为了做到这一点,它调查了当地出租车司机Juan Cereceres被谋杀后的大众反应。它认为,报纸和民间社会组织都认真对待了这起谋杀案,询问了政府的调查结果,试图找出真正的罪犯,并寻求一定程度的正义。总而言之,这个故事要求历史学家重新评估革命制度党(PRI)领导下的公民社会的范围和力量。
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引用次数: 0
Thoughts on Citizenship in Latin America, with Particular Reference to Mexico 关于拉丁美洲公民身份的思考——以墨西哥为例
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.10
P. Gillingham
Abstract:This essay analyzes citizenship in Latin America, providing both comparative context and a schema for the phenomenon in Mexico. It identifies a region-wide “century of citizenship” that ran from the rise of liberal regimes in the 1850s to the eclipse of populist government in the 1960s, using concepts from historical sociology to discuss the common outlines of citizenship and the extent to which they apply or fail to apply to Mexican history. Key among those outlines are the prevalence of the ideas and practices of citizenship, both inside and outside of the state’s formal structures, and the spaces and places where those ideas and practices are developed and perpetuated. It concludes with the exploratory typology of the “four Bs,” the processes through which historical actors build, form boundaries, bicker over, and break citizenship.Abstract:Este artículo analiza la ciudadanía en América Latina, proporcionando un contexto comparativo y esquemático para este fenómeno en México. Identifica un “siglo de ciudadanía” que empieza con el surgimiento de los regímenes liberales de los años 1850 y termina con el eclipse de los gobiernos populistas en los años 1960, utilizando algunos conceptos de la sociología histórica al analizar los rasgos comunes de la ciudadanía para comprender en qué medida la historia mexicana sigue o desafía estos rasgos. Destaca en estos rasgos la prevalencia de las ideas y las prácticas sobre ciudadanía, dentro y afuera de las estructuras formales del Estado, y los espacios y lugares en donde esas ideas y prácticas son desarrolladas y perpetuadas. Concluye con una tipología exploratoria sobre los procesos a través de los cuales los actores históricos construyen, forman límites, confrontan, y rompen la ciudadanía.
摘要:这篇文章分析了拉丁美洲的公民身份,为墨西哥的这一现象提供了比较背景和模式。它确定了一个广泛的“公民世纪”,从19世纪50年代自由政权的崛起到20世纪60年代民粹主义政府的衰落,利用历史社会学的概念讨论了公民身份的共同概念以及它们在多大程度上适用或不适用于墨西哥历史。这些大纲的关键是公民思想和做法在国家正式结构内外的普遍性,以及这些思想和做法发展和延续的空间和地方。它以“四个BS”的探索性类型结束,即历史行为者建立、形成边界、超越和打破公民身份的过程。摘要:本文分析了拉丁美洲的公民身份,为墨西哥的这一现象提供了一个比较和示意性的背景。它确定了一个“公民世纪”,从19世纪50年代自由政权的出现开始,到20世纪60年代民粹主义政府的衰落结束,在分析公民身份的共同特征时使用历史社会学的一些概念,以了解墨西哥历史在多大程度上遵循或挑战这些特征。在这些特点中,他强调了公民身份思想和做法在国家正式结构内外的普遍性,以及这些思想和做法发展和延续的空间和地方。最后,他对历史行为者建立、形成边界、对抗和打破公民身份的过程进行了探索性类型学。
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引用次数: 1
Editor’s Comment 36, nos. 1–2 – Nota del Editor 36, nos. 1–2 编辑评论36,第1-2号-编辑说明36,第1-2号
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.iv
Christian Zlolniski
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引用次数: 0
Rojos y maricones 红色和同性恋
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.298
Luis de Pablo Hammeken
Este ensayo analiza las experiencias de exilio de Adolfo Salazar y Miguel de Molina, dos hombres homosexuales que se vieron forzados a abandonar España para escapar de la violencia de la Guerra Civil (1936–39) y de la intolerancia del franquismo y buscar refugio en la ciudad de México con el fin de rehacer sus vidas y carreras profesionales, cada uno tomando caminos diferentes. El objetivo de este artículo es brindar un primer acercamiento a una dimensión de la vida de algunos refugiados españoles que hasta ahora ha sido escasamente estudiada, a saber: su identidad sexual. El artículo muestra que, como exiliados, la identidad sexual fue un elemento central a la hora de construir o reconstruir redes de sociabilidad en la sociedad receptora, un factor determinante para el éxito o fracaso de sus experiencias profesionales individuales.
本文分析经验流亡Adolfo Salazar和Miguel Molina两个同性恋男人被迫离开西班牙,为了躲避暴力内战(1936年—39)和不容忍佛朗哥在墨西哥城避难以重建他们的生活和职业,每个人都有选择了不同的道路。这篇文章的目的是提供一个初步的方法,一些西班牙难民的生活维度,到目前为止很少被研究,即:他们的性别身份。本文分析了被流放者在接受社会中建立或重建社交网络时的性别认同,这是他们个人职业经历成功或失败的决定因素。
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引用次数: 0
A Sentimental and Sexual Education 情感与性教育
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.216
Anne Rubenstein
Alongside all the other functions of movie theaters over the past century, in Mexico City men have used them as sexual spaces. A few cinemas like the Cine Teresa became notorious as sites in which men could find male sex partners. Yet even there, behaviors of and narratives by men who had sex with men mirrored those by men who had sex with women. This article focuses on the history of masculine sexuality in Mexico City movie houses from 1920 to 2010. The presence of women in these houses, either as workers, on the screen, or in men’s memories, along with the presence of men who went there to watch heterosexual sex on the movie screen, suggests that moviegoing in Mexico City can be analyzed through the lens of gender history as much as through that of the history of sexuality. Despite major social, cultural and technological changes over the twentieth century, examining movie audiences in terms of the histories of sexuality and gender reveals a startling amount of continuity in movie theaters as spaces of male sexuality.
在过去的一个世纪里,除了电影院的所有其他功能外,墨西哥城的男性还将其用作性空间。像特蕾莎电影院这样的几家影院因男性可以在其中寻找男性性伴侣而臭名昭著。然而,即使在那里,与男性发生性关系的男性的行为和叙述也反映了与女性发生性关系男性的行为。本文聚焦于1920年至2010年墨西哥城电影院男性性行为的历史。女性在这些房子里的存在,无论是作为工人,在屏幕上,还是在男性的记忆中,以及去那里看电影屏幕上异性恋性爱的男性,都表明墨西哥城的电影观影可以通过性别历史的镜头和性史的镜头来分析。尽管20世纪发生了重大的社会、文化和技术变化,但从性和性别的历史角度审视电影观众,发现电影院作为男性性行为的空间有着惊人的连续性。
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引用次数: 0
Ambientes bohemios 波希米亚环境
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.167
G. Cano
El artículo caracteriza las balmoreadas –fiestas efectuadas en domicilios privados de la ciudad de México entre 1925 y 1931– como espacios de sociabilidad bohemia. Estas fiestas tenían un fin moralizante: exhibir los efectos nocivos de la ambición económica que movía a muchas personas en la sociedad urbana posrevolucionaria. Al mismo tiempo, sin embargo, las veladas servían como espacios privados de diversión, esparcimiento y aceptación de la diversidad sexual, que desafiaban las convenciones del género y la sexualidad en espacios públicos. El artículo se centra en los significados de expresión de esta diversidad sexual que han sido escasamente analizados en la literatura historiográfica anterior.
这篇文章描述了1925年至1931年间在墨西哥城私人家中举行的balmoreadas聚会,作为波西米亚社交空间。这些节日有一个道德目的:展示经济野心的有害影响,在革命后的城市社会中,经济野心驱使许多人。然而,与此同时,晚会作为娱乐、娱乐和接受性别多样性的私人空间,挑战了公共场所的性别和性习俗。在这篇文章中,我们讨论了性别多样性的表达意义,这在以前的历史文献中很少被分析。
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引用次数: 1
Limits on the Press and Civil Society during the Maximato: The Closing of the Diario de Yucatán, 1931–1933 极盛时期对新闻和公民社会的限制:《日报》Yucatán的停刊,1931-1933
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.43
Ben Fallaw
Abstract:In October 1931, Governor Bartolomé García Correa and Socialist Party activists violently closed Carlos R. Menéndez’s Diario de Yucatán for being reactionary. Defenders of the Diario denounced the governor for illegally silencing the voice of what today we would understand to be civil society. After a seventeen-month struggle in the courts, the national press, and in Mexico City’s bureaucracy, Menéndez prevailed. This article closely examines the conflict, using regional and national archives and abundant contemporary press coverage, paying careful attention to discursive expression of socioethnic inequalities. It reveals significant limits on the regional independent press and the concept of civil society during the formative period in postrevolutionary Mexico known as the Maximato (the 1928–35 era dominated by Plutarco Elías Calles as hyperexecutive or Jefe Máximo). During the Maximato, the postrevolutionary state employed authoritarian measures to centralize power. The Maximato state, however, could not govern without acknowledging both the Constitution of 1917’s classical liberal civil rights, such as freedom of the press and guarantees of associational life, and the revolutionary political legacy of popular action against “reaction.” In the Yucatecan case, the muzzling of the regional independent press was not simply top-down illiberalism. Yucatecan socialists believed it would help create a more egalitarian and inclusive socio-political order to supplant civil society. The Diario’s exclusivist definition of civil society and the national press’s personal attacks on García Correa reflected widespread beliefs that people of indigenous and African descent were incapable of taking part in civic life. While Menéndez eventually prevailed in the courts, it was due more to his economic and cultural capital and prominent Mexico City allies than to legal protections for press freedom or civil-society resistance. The case helps us to understand how the latter two varied so significantly over place and time in postrevolutionary Mexico, and why Tocquevillian notions of civil society require careful qualification when applied to poor, overwhelmingly indigenous regions of Mexico.Abstract:En octubre de 1931, el gobernador Bartolomé García Correa y activistas del partido socialista de Yucatán cerraron violentamente el Diario de Yucatán, perteneciente a Carlos R. Menéndez, por ser reaccionario. Los defensores del Diario denunciaron el acto como un intento ilegal para callar la voz de lo que actualmente consideramos la sociedad civil. Después de una lucha de diecisiete meses en los tribunales, la prensa nacional y la burocracia federal en México, Menéndez prevaleció. Este artículo examina de cerca el conflicto, utilizando archivos regionales y nacionales y la abundante cobertura de la prensa de aquellos años, poniendo especial atención a la expresión discursiva de las desigualdades socioétnicas. Este artículo revela los límites significativos de la p
摘要:1931年10月,州长巴托洛缪·加西亚·科雷亚和社会党活动家暴力关闭了卡洛斯·R。梅嫩德斯的尤卡坦日报,以进行重新激活。该报的捍卫者谴责州长非法压制了我们今天理解为民间社会的声音。经过在法院、国家媒体和墨西哥城官僚机构长达17个月的斗争,梅嫩德斯获胜。这篇文章利用区域和国家档案馆以及丰富的当代新闻报道,密切关注冲突,注意社会经济不平等的话语表达。它揭示了在墨西哥后进化时期被称为马克西马托(1928-35年由普鲁塔克·埃利亚斯·卡列斯担任超级行政长官或首席执行官)的形成时期,对区域独立新闻和民间社会概念的重大限制。在最大限度内,后演变的国家采取了权威措施来集中权力。然而,如果不承认1917年《古典自由民权宪法》,如新闻自由和保障结社生活,以及反对“反应”的民众行动的革命政治遗产,最高国家就无法执政。在尤卡坦的情况下,地区独立新闻界的喧嚣不仅仅是自上而下的伊利贝拉主义。尤卡坦社会主义者认为,这将有助于为民间社会建立一个更加平等和包容的社会政治秩序。该报对民间社会的排他性定义和国家媒体对加西亚·科雷亚的人身攻击反映了人们普遍认为,土著和非洲裔人民无法参与公民生活。虽然梅嫩德斯最终在法院占主导地位,但与其说是对新闻自由或民间社会抵抗的法律保护,不如说是由于他的经济和文化首都和墨西哥著名的城市盟友。该案有助于我们了解后两者在墨西哥演变后的时间和地点上是如何发生如此大的变化的,以及为什么托克维利安的民间社会概念在适用于墨西哥贫困地区,特别是土著地区时需要仔细的资格。摘要:1931年10月,巴托洛梅·加西亚·科雷亚州长和尤卡坦社会党活动家暴力关闭了卡洛斯·R的《尤卡坦日报》。门德斯,因为他是反动派。该报的捍卫者谴责这一行为是非法企图压制我们目前认为的民间社会的声音。在墨西哥的法院、国家媒体和联邦官僚机构进行了17个月的斗争后,梅嫩德斯获胜。本文利用地区和国家档案馆以及当时媒体的大量报道,密切审查了这场冲突,特别注意社会种族不平等的话语表达。这篇文章揭示了革命后墨西哥被称为马克西马托的形成时期(1928-35年由普鲁塔克·埃利亚斯·卡列斯担任首席执行官或马克西莫)独立地区新闻界和民间社会概念的重大局限性。在极盛时期,国家使用专制的方法集中权力。然而,如果不考虑1917年《宪法》对公民权利的古典自由保障,如新闻自由、保障结社自由或反对“反应”的人民行动的革命政治遗产,马克西马托就无法执政。在尤卡特科的情况下,压制独立的地区媒体并不是自上而下的非自由主义。尤卡泰克社会主义者认为,对该报的袭击将是建立更平等和更具包容性的社会政治秩序以取代民间社会的一种方式。该报对民间社会的排他性定义和国家媒体对加西亚·科雷亚的人身攻击反映了人们普遍认为,土著和非洲血统的人无法参与公民生活。虽然梅嫩德斯在法庭上获胜,但他的胜利更多地是由于他的经济和文化首都,更多地是由于他在墨西哥的杰出盟友,而不是由于对新闻自由的法律保护或民间社会的抵抗。这种情况有助于理解后两种情况是如何因墨西哥革命后时代的地点和时间而异的,因为民间社会的托克维尔概念在适用于墨西哥以压倒性多数土著的贫困地区时需要仔细分类。
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引用次数: 0
La conquista de la Glorieta de Insurgentes de la Ciudad de México 墨西哥城的叛乱分子征服了格洛丽塔
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.192
J. I. García
La Glorieta de Insurgentes –una importante plaza y estación de metro de la ciudad de México– es punto de sociabilidad para diferentes sujetos marginados, entre ellos grupos de personas LGBT+. En este ensayo analizo la relación entre la producción social de este lugar, las sociabilidades que ahí surgieron y el proceso de gentrificación actual en la zona que buscan expulsar a estas poblaciones. La discusión se centra en las formas en que la aparición pública –quién puede y quién no puede ser visto en el espacio público– se conducen como un proceso de place making, entendido como un proceso abierto, participativo y de disputa en la producción y mantenimiento de espacios públicos. El artículo analiza algunas de las disputas alrededor de esta glorieta, mostrando cómo las trasgresiones al orden de género, clase e identidad sexual pueden ser marginadas, negociadas o segregadas a ciertos espacios donde se toleran o incluso se aprovechan comercialmente.
叛乱分子广场是墨西哥城的一个重要广场和地铁站,是不同边缘化群体的社交点,包括LGBT+人群。在这篇文章中,我分析了这个地方的社会生产、那里出现的社交能力和该地区目前寻求驱逐这些人口的士绅化进程之间的关系。讨论的重点是公共外观——谁能在公共空间中看到谁不能看到——是如何作为一个地方创造过程进行的,被理解为公共空间生产和维护中的一个开放、参与和争议的过程。这篇文章分析了围绕这个环岛的一些争议,展示了对性别秩序、阶级和性身份的侵犯是如何被边缘化、协商或隔离到某些空间的,在那里它们被容忍甚至被商业利用。
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引用次数: 1
Bodies and Souls 肉体与灵魂
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.243
S. Reyes, Pamela J. Fuentes
This article examines debates about the bodies and souls of women prostitutes in Mexico City that confronted the revolutionary Mexican government with the Catholic Church in the 1920s. We analyze the philanthropic activities of women’s organizations such as the Damas Católicas through the Ejército de Defensa de la Mujer and the ways in which they engaged in political roles at a time of fierce political struggle between the Catholic Church and the Mexican government. For both the government and Catholic women, it was deemed necessary to isolate and seclude the prostitutes’ bodies to cure them of venereal diseases and rehabilite them morally. While the government interned them at Hospital Morelos, Catholic women established a private assistance network, as well as so-called casas de regeneración, where former prostitutes had to work to sustain themselves while repenting for their sins and receiving the sacraments. By exploring the tension-filled interaction about women prostitutes between the Mexican government and the Catholic Church, we seek to contribute to the understanding of sexuality and prostitution in Mexico City in the 1920s.
本文考察了20世纪20年代墨西哥革命政府与天主教会之间关于墨西哥城妓女身体和灵魂的争论。我们通过ejacricito de Defensa de la Mujer分析了Damas Católicas等妇女组织的慈善活动,以及她们在天主教会和墨西哥政府之间激烈的政治斗争中参与政治角色的方式。政府和天主教妇女都认为有必要隔离和隔离妓女的身体,以治疗她们的性病并使她们在道德上康复。政府将她们关押在莫雷洛斯州医院(Hospital Morelos)期间,天主教妇女建立了一个私人援助网络,以及所谓的casas de regeneración,在那里,曾经的妓女必须工作维持自己的生活,同时为自己的罪行忏悔并接受圣礼。通过探索墨西哥政府和天主教会之间关于妓女的紧张互动,我们试图对20世纪20年代墨西哥城的性和卖淫的理解做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Participación y movilizaciones ciudadanas como mecanismos de cohesión social en la frontera norte: Tijuana, 1942–1956 公民参与和动员作为北部边界社会凝聚力的机制:蒂华纳,1942-1956年
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-08-12 DOI: 10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.97
J. Pérez
Abstract:Los esfuerzos bélicos en Norteamérica en la costa del Pacífico durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial reavivaron el flujo turístico hacia la ciudad de Tijuana. Pero el protagonismo que habían mantenido los negocios turísticos, desde la llamada “era de las prohibiciones”, respecto a la organización del espacio se vio mermado ante las demandas de la creciente población mexicana entre las décadas de 1940 y 1950. El propósito de este artículo es describir cómo en esta nueva concentración urbana las facultades ciudadanas empezaron a manifestarse mediante la participación colectiva en acciones y discursos que pugnaron siempre por mantener la cohesión social a través del mejoramiento social, material y moral de la ciudad.Abstract:The war efforts in North America on the Pacific coast during World War II rekindled the tourist flow to the city of Tijuana. However, the prominence that tourism businesses had maintained, since the so-called era of Prohibition, regarding the organization of space was diminished due to of the demands of the growing Mexican population between the decades of the 1940s and 1950s. The purpose of this article is to describe how, in this new urban concentration, citizen groups began to manifest themselves through collective participation in actions and discourses that always struggled to maintain social cohesion through the social, material and moral improvement of the city.
摘要:第二次世界大战期间,北美在太平洋沿岸的战争努力重新点燃了前往蒂华纳市的游客潮。但自所谓的“禁令时代”以来,旅游企业在空间组织方面的主导地位在1940年代至1950年代期间因墨西哥人口增加的要求而削弱。本文的目的是描述在这一新的城市集中地,公民权力是如何通过集体参与行动和言论开始表现出来的,这些行动和言论总是试图通过改善城市的社会、物质和道德来维护社会凝聚力。摘要:第二次世界大战期间北美在太平洋沿岸的战争努力使游客重新流向蒂华纳市。然而,自所谓的禁止时代以来,旅游企业在空间组织方面的突出地位因20世纪40年代至50年代墨西哥人口增长的需求而减弱。这篇文章的目的是描述在这一新的城市集中地,公民群体如何开始通过集体参与始终努力通过城市的社会、物质和道德改善来维护社会凝聚力的行动和言论来表达自己。
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